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Published  by  (looriie  Dearborn  &■(’(). 


LIFE 


OF 

JOSEPH  BRANT-THAYENMNEGEA: 

INCLUDING 

THE  BORDER  WARS 


OF  THE 


AMERICAN  REVOLUTION, 


AND 


SKETCHES  OF  THE  INDIAN  CAMPAIGNS  OF  GENERALS 
HARMAR,  ST.  CLAIR,  AND  WAYNE. 


AND  OTHER  MATTERS 


CONNECTED  WITH  THE  INDIAN  RELATIONS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 
AND  GREAT  BRITAIN,  FROM  THE  PEACE  OF  1783  TO 
THE  INDIAN  PEACE  OF  1795. 


BY  WILLIAM  L.  STONE. 

IN  TWO  VOLUMES. 

VOL.  I. 


NEW-YORK: 

ALEXANDER  V.  BLAKE,  38  GOLD  STREET. 

1838. 


£ 

■H<g 


[Entered  according  to  the  Act  of  Congress  of  the  United  States  of  America,  in  the 
year  1838,  by  Geohge  Dearborn  &Co.,  in  the  Clerk’s  Office  of  the  District  Court 
for  the  Southern  District  of  New-York. 


N  k  w  -  Y  o  r  k  : 

Printed  by  Scatcherd  &  Adams 
No.  38  Gold  Street. 


TO  THE  HONORABLE 


STEPHEN  VAN  RENSSELAER, 

OF  ALBANY, 

These  volumes  are  most  respectfully  inscribed.  If 
the  efforts  of  the  writer  to  illustrate  more  fully  and 
minutely  than  lias  hitherto  been  done,  the  most  inte¬ 
resting  portion  of  American  history,  in  its  immediate 
connection  with  the  large  and  populous  State  of  which 
The  Patroon  has  so  long  been  one  of  the  most  distin¬ 
guished  citizens,  shall  be  so  fortunate  as  to  merit  the 
regard,  and  receive  the  approbation,  of  one  so  excel¬ 
lently  qualified  to  judge  of  its  interest  and  value,  there 
will  be  nothing  left  unsatisfied  to  the  ambition  and 
the  hopes  of 

His  friend  and  servant, 

THE  AUTHOR. 


I 


* 


i. 


.  .f 

. 

, 

- 

•  I 

•  I 


CONTENTS 


« 


CHAPTER  I. 

Birth  and  parentage — Discussion  of  the  doubts  cast  upon  his  origin — Visit  of  Mo* 
hawk  chiefs  to  Glueen  Anne — Evidence  of  Brant’s  descent  from  one  of  those — 
Digression  from  the  main  subject,  and  Extracts  from  the  private  and  official  jour¬ 
nals  of  Sir  William  Johnson — Connexion  between  Sir  William  and  the  family  of 
Brant — Incidental  references  to  the  old  French  war — Illustrations  of  Indian  pro¬ 
ceedings,  speeches,  &c. — Brant’s  parentage  satisfactorily  established — Takes 
the  field  in  the  Campaign  of  Lake  George  ( 1755.) — Is  engaged  at  the  conquest 
of  Niagara  (1759.) — Efforts  of  Sir  William  Johnson  to  civilize  the  Indians — Brant 
is  sent,  with  other  Indian  youths,  to  the  Moor  Charity  School,  at  Lebanon — Leaves 
school — Anecdote — Is  engaged  on  public  business  by  Sir  William — As  an  Inter- 

Freter  for  the  Missionaries — Again  takes  the  field,  in  the  wars  against  Pontiac — 
ntended  massacre  at  Detroit— Ultimate  overthrow  of  Pontiac — First  marriage  of 
Brant — Entertains  the  Missionaries — Again  employed  on  public  business — Death 
of  his  wife — Engages  with  Mr.  Stewart  in  translating  the  Scriptures — Marries 
again — Has  serious  religious  impressions — Selects  a  bosom  friend  and  confidant, 
after  the  Indian  custom — Death  of  his  friend — His  grief,  and  refusal  to  choose 
another  friend.  -  --  --  --  --  -  Page  1 

CHAPTER  II. 

Early  symptoms  of  disaffection  at  Boston — Origin  of  the  Revolutionary  War — First 
blood  shed  in  1770 — Stirring  eloquence  of  Joseph  Warren — Feelings  of  Sir  Wil¬ 
liam  Johnson — His  influence  with  the  Indians  and  Germans,  and  his  unpleasant 
position — Last  visit  of  Sir  William  to  England — His  death — Mysterious  circum¬ 
stances  attending  it — Suspicions  of  suicide  unjust — His  son,  Sir  John  Johnson, 
succeeds  to  his  title  and  estates — His  son-in-law,  Col.  Guy  Johnson,  to  his  office 
as  Superintendant  General  of  the  Indians — Early  life  of  Sir  John — Joseph  Brant 
appointed  Secretary  to  Guy  Johnson — Influence  of  the  Johnson  family — Revolu¬ 
tionary  symptoms  in  Tryon  County,  fomented  by  the  proceedings  in  New  Eng¬ 
land — First  meeting  of  Tryon  County  Whigs — Declaration  of  Rights— First  meet¬ 
ing  of  Congress — Effect  of  its  proceedings — in  England — Tardiness  of  Provincial 
legislature  ofNew-York — Spiritof  the  people — Notes  of  preparation  in  Massachu¬ 
setts,  &c. — Overt  acts  of  rebellion  in  several  States — Indians  exasperated  by  the 
Virginia  borderers  in  1774 — Melancholy  story  of  Logan — Campaign  of  Lord  Dun- 
more  and  Colonel  Lewis — Battle  of  theKanhawa — Speech  of  Logan — Its  authen¬ 
ticity  questioned — Peace  of  Chilicothe— Unhappy  feeling  of  the  Indians.  -  29 

CHAPTER  III. 

Unyielding  course  of  the  parent  Government — Efforts  of  the  Earl  of  Chathamuna- 
vailing — Address  to  the  Crown  from  New- York —Leslie’s  Expedition  to  Salem — 
Affair  of  Lexington — 'Unwise  movements  of  Tryon  County  loyalists — Reaction 
— Public  meetings — The  Sammons  family — Interference  of  the  Johnsons — 
Guarrel  at  Caughnawaga — Spirited  indications  at  Cherry  Valley — Counteracting- 
efforts  of  the  Johnsons  among  their  retainers — Intrigues  with  the  Indians — 
Massachusetts  attempts  the  same — Correspondence  with  the  Stockbridge  Indians 
— Letter  to  Mr.  Kirkland— His  removal  by  Guy  Johnson — Neutrality  of  the 
Oneidas — Intercepted  despatch  from  Brant  to  the  Oneidas — Apprehensions  of 
Guy  Johnson— Correspondence — Farther  precautions  of  the  Committees — Re¬ 
verence  for  the  Laws — Letter  of  Guy  Johnson  to  the  Committees  of  Albany  and 
Schenectady — Substance  of  the  reply. . 49 


via 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Council  of  the  Mohawk  chiefs  at  Guy  Park — A  second  council  called  by  Johnson 
at  Cosby’s  Manor — Proceeds  thither  with  his  retinue — First  full  meeting  of  Tryon 
County  Committee — Correspondence  with  Guy  Johnson — No  council  held — 
Johnson  proceeds  farther  West,  accompanied  by  his  family  and  most  of  the  In¬ 
dians — Consequent  apprehensions  of  the  people — Communication  from  Massa¬ 
chusetts  Congress — Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point  taken  by  Ethan  Allen — Skenes- 
borough  and  St.  Johns  surprised — Farther  proceedings  in  Massachusetts — Battle 
of  Bunker  Hill — Death  of  Warren — Council  with  the  Oneidas  and  Tusearoras  at 
German  Flatts — Speech  to  the  Indians — Subsequent  council  with  the  Oneidas — 
Conduct  of  the  people  toward  Guy  Johnson — Speech  to,  and  reply  of  Oneidas — 
Guy  Johnson  moves  westwardly  to  Ontario — His  letter  to  the  Provincial  Congress 
of  New- York — Holds  a  great  Indian  council  at  the  West — Unfavourable  influence 
upon  the  dispositions  of  the  Indians — Causes  of  their  partiality  for  the  English — 
Great,  but  groundless  alarm  of  the  people — Guy  Johnson,  with  Brant  and  the 
Indian  warriors,  descends  the  St.  Lawrence  to  Montreal — Council  there — Sir  Guy 
Carleton  and  Gen.  Haldimand  complete  the  work  of  winning  the  Indians  over  to 
the  cause  of  the  Crown.  --------  -  Page  71 

CHAPTER  V. 

Meeting  of  the  second  Continental  Congress — Measures  of  defence — Declaration — 
National  fast — Organization  of  an  Indian  department — Address  to  the  Six  Na¬ 
tions — Council  called  at  Albany — Preliminary  consultation  at  German  Flatts — 
Speeches  of  the  Oneidas  and  others — Adjourn  to  Albany — Brief  interview  with 
the  commissioners — Conference  and  interchange  of  speeches  with  the  Albanians — 
Proceedings  of  the  grand  council — Speeches  of  the  commissioners — Replies  of  the 
Indians — Conclusion  of  the  grand  council — Resumption  of  the  conference  with 
the  Albanians — Speech  of  the  Albany  Committee — Reply  of  the  Indians — Dis¬ 
closures  of  Guy  Johnson’s  proceedings  at  Osw'ego — Close  of  the  proceedings — 
Epidemic  among  the  Indians — .Small  benefit  resulting  from  the  council — Proceed¬ 
ings  in  Tryon  County  resumed — Doubtful  position  of  New-York — Symptoms  ot 
disaffection  to  the  cause  of  the  people — Sir  John  Johnson — Sheriff  White  deposed 
by  the  people — The  royal  authorities  superseded  by  appointments  from  the  peo¬ 
ple — Affray  at  Johnstown — First  gun  fired  at  Sampson  Sammons — White  recom¬ 
missioned  by  Tryon — His  flight — Labors  of  the  Committee — Opposition  of  the 
Tories — Designs  of  Sir  John  Johnson  and  Sir  Guy  Carleton — Letter  and  depu¬ 
tation  to  Sir  John — Prisoners  for  political  offences  sent  to  gaol — Letter  from  Pro¬ 
vincial  Congress — Mohawks  commence  fighting  at  St.  Johns — Speech  of  the  Ca- 
najoharies  in  explanation —Indians  apply  for  release  of  prisoners — Review  of  the 
progress  of  the  Revolution  in  other  parts  of  the  Colonies — Proceedings  of  Parlia¬ 
ment — Burning  of  Falmouth — Descent  upon  Canada — Ethan  Allen  taken — Ar¬ 
nold’s  expedition — Siege  of  Quebec — Fall  of  Montgomery — Caughnawaga  and 
Delaware  Indians.  -  --  --  .-  -..91 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Lord  Dunmore — Glance  at  the  South — Suspicious  conduct  of  Sir  John  Johnson — 
Conduct  of  the  Tories  in  Tryon  County — Gen.  Schuyler  directed  by  Congress 
to  march  into  that  County  and  disarm  the  Tories — Preliminary  mission  to  the 
Lower  Mohawks — Message  to  them — Their  displeasure  and  reply — March  of 
Schuyler — Meets  the  Indians  at  Schenectady — Interview  and  speeches — Advance 
of  Schuyler — Letter  to  Sir  John  Johnson — Interview — Negotiations  of  capitula¬ 
tion — Terms  proposed — Schuyler  advances  to  Caughnawaga — Joined  by  Tryon 
County  Militia — Farther  correspondence  with  Sir  John — Interview  with  the  In¬ 
dian  mediators — Terms  of  surrender  adjusted — Schuyler  marches  to  Johns¬ 
town — Sir  John,  his  household,  and  the  Highlanders,  disarmed — Troops  scour 
the  country  to  bring  in  the  loyalists — Disappointment  as  to  the  supposed  Tory 
Depot  of  warlike  munitions — Return  of  Schuyler  to  Albany — Resolution  of  Con¬ 
gress — Additional  trouble  with  Sir  John — Preparations  for  his  seizure — Expedi¬ 
tion  of  Col.  Dayton — Flight  of  the  Baronet  and  his  partisans  to  Canada — Their 
sufferings — And  subsequent  conduct — How  the  violation  of  his  parole  was  con¬ 
sidered.  .  119 


CONTENTS. 


IX 


CHAPTER  VII. 

History  of  Brant  resumed — Advanced  to  the  chieftaincy  of  the  Confederacy — Mode 
of  appointing  chiefs  and  sachems — Embarks  for  England — Arrives  in  London — • 
Received  with  marked  consideration — Becomes  acquainted  with  James  Boswell 
and  others — Agrees  to  espouse  the  Royal  cause,  and  returns  to  America — Steals 
through  the  country  to  Canada — Curious  supposed  letter  to  President  Wheelock 
— Battle  of  the  Cedars — Cowardice  of  Major  Butterfield — Outrages  of  the  In¬ 
dians — Story  of  Capt.  M‘Kinstry,  who  was  saved  from  the  stake  by  Brant — In¬ 
dignation  of  Washington,  the  people,  and  Congress — Resolutions  of  retaliation 
—Mutual  complaints  of  treatment  of  prisoners — Murder  of  Gen.  Gordon — In¬ 
dignation  at  the  outrage — Indian  deputation  at  Philadelphia — Speech  to  them — 
Congress  resolves  upon  the  employment  of  an  Indian  force — Schuyler  opposed — 
Review  of  the  incidents  of  the  war  elsewhere — Destitution  of  the  Army — Eva¬ 
cuation  of  Boston  by  the  English — Disastrous  termination  of  the  Canadian  cam¬ 
paign— Deplorable  condition  of  the  army — Humanity  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton— 
—Glance  at  the  South — Declaration  of  Independence— Spirit  of  Tryon  County 
— Cherry  Valley — Fortifications  at  Fort  Stanwix — American  army  moves  to 
New-York — Arrival  of  the  British  fleet  and  army — Battle  of  Long-Island — 
Washington  evacuates  New-York — Battle  of  White  Plains — Retreats  across 
New-Jersey — Followed  by  Cornwallis — Defeat  of  Arnold  on  Lake  Champlain 
— Fall  of  Rhode  Island — Battle  of  Trenton.  -----  Page  147 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Continuation  of  movements  in  New  Jersey — Extinguishment  of  the  council-fire  at 
Onondaga — Tryon  County — Colonel  Harper’s  mission  to  Oghkwaga — The  Har¬ 
per  family — Adventure  at  the  Johnstone  settlement — Capture  of  Good  Peter  and 
his  party — Thayendanegea  crosses  from  Canada  to  Oghkwaga — Interview  with 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Johnstone — Doubtful  course  of  Brant — Feverish  situation  of  the 
people — Expedition  of  General  Herkimer  to  Unadilla — Remarkable  meeting  be¬ 
tween  Herkimer  and  Brant — Meditated  act  of  treachery — Wariness  of  the 
chief — Meeting  abruptly  terminated — Ended  in  a  storm— Brant  draws  off  to  Os¬ 
wego — Grand  council  there — The  Indians  generally  join  the  Royal  standard — 
Approach  of  Brant  upon  Cherry  Valley — How  defeated — Death  of  Lieutenant 
Wormwood.  -  --  --  --  --  --  175 

CHAPTER  IX. 

British  preparations  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war — Indications  at  the  North — Doubt¬ 
ful  position  and  conduct  of  General  Howe — Embarrassing  to  the  Americans — In¬ 
tercepted  correspondence — General  Howe  sails  to  the  Chesapeake — Enters  Phila¬ 
delphia  in  triumph — Burgoyne  approaches  from  the  North — Indian  policy — Sir 
Guy  Carleton — False  estimates  of  the  strength  of  Ticonderoga — Burgoyne  arrives 
at  Crown  Point — Feasts  the  Indians — Invests  Ticonderoga — Carries  the  out¬ 
works — Fortifies  Sugar  Hill — The  fortress  evacuated  by  St.  Clair— Retreat  of  the 
Americans — Battles  near  Skenesborough  and  at  Fort  Ann — Burgoyne  enters  the 
valley  of  the  Hudson — Schuyler,  without  means,  retreats  from  Fort  Edward — 
Terror  of  the  people — Cruelties  of  the  Indians — Story  of  Miss  M'Crea — General 
flight  of  the  population — Mrs.  Ann  Eliza  Bleecker — Heroism  of  Mrs.  Schuyler — 
Attempted  assassination  of  General  Schuyler.  -  -  -  -  -  195 

CHAPTER  X. 

Expedition  against  the  Mohawk  Valley  from  Oswego — Despondency  of  the  people 
in  Tryon  County — Letter  of  John  Jay — Arrest  of  several  of  the  disaffected — 
Flight  of  others  to  Canada — Schuyler’s  complaints  of  the  cowardice  of  the  people 
— Great  discouragements — Proclamation  of  General  Herkimer— Letter  from 
Thomas  Spencer — St.  Leger’s  approach — Caution  and  plan  of  his  march — Diary 
of  Lieut.  Bird-Fort  Stanwix  invested— Colonel  Gansevoort  takes  command — Its 
deplorable  condition — Gansevoort  joined  by  Willett — Story  of  Captain  Gregg — - 
Situation  of  the  garrison — Arrival  of  St.  Leger — His  proclamation — Burgoyrre’s 
affairs  becoming  critical — Affair  of  Bennington — General  Herkimer,  with  the 
Tryon  County  militia,  advances  to  the  relief  of  Gansevoort — Battle  of  Oriskany— 
Bloody  upon  both  sides — Unexampled  bravery  of  Captain  Gardenier — Major 
Watts — Dissatisfaction  of  the  Indians — Sortie  and  success  of  Colonel  Willett — 1 
Death  and  character  of  General  Herkimer.  ------  200 

2 


X 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Siege  of  Fort  Schuyler  continued — Forced  letter  from  prisoners  to  Col.  Gansevoort 
— St.  Leger  summons  the  garrison  to  surrender — Refusal  of  Gansevoort — Appeal 
of  Sir  John  Johnson  to  the  people  of  Tryon  County — Secret  expedition  of  Colonel 
Willett  and  Major  Stockwell — Schuyler  orders  Arnold  to  the  relief  of  Gansevoort 
— Willett  proceeds  to  Albany — Arrest  of  Walter  Butler,  and  others,  at  German 
Flatts — Tried  and  convicted  as  a  spy — Reprieved — Sent  to  Albany — Escapes — 
Arnold’s  proclamation — Advance  of  the  besiegers — Uneasiness  of  the  garrison — 
Sudden  flight  of  St.  Leger  and  his  forces — Stratagem  of  Arnold — Story  of  Hon- 
Yost  Schuyler — Merriment  and  mischief  of  the  Indians — Arrival  of  Arnold  at.  the 
Fort — The  spoils  of  victory — Public  estimation  of  Gansevoort’s  services — Ad¬ 
dress  to  his  soldiers — His  promotion — Address  of  his  officers.  -  Page  249 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Recurrence  to  the  invasion  of  Burgoyne — General  Schuyler  again  superseded  by 
Gates — Causes  of  this  injustice — Battle  of  Stillwater — Both  armies  entrench — 
Battle  and  victory  of  Behmus’s  Heights — Funeral  of  General  Frazer— Retreat  of 
Burgoyne — Difficulties  increasing  upon  him — His  capitulation — Meeting  of  Bur¬ 
goyne  and  Gates — Deportment  of  Gates  toward  Gen.  Washington — Noble  con¬ 
duct  of  Gen.  Schuyler.  -  265 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton’s  attempt  to  co-operate  with  Burgoyne — Storming  of  Forts  Clin¬ 
ton  and  Montgomery — Burning  of  iEsopus — Review  of  military  operations  else¬ 
where — Expedition  to  Peekskill — Of  Gov.  Tryon  to  Danbury — Progress  of  Sir 
William  Howe  in  Pennsylvania — Battle  of  Brandywine — Massacre  of  the  Paoli — • 
Battle  of  Germantown — Death  of  Count  Donop — Murder  of  Captain  Deitz  and 
family  at  Berne — John  Taylor — Lady  Johnson  ordered  to  leave  Albany — Exas¬ 
peration  of  Sir  John — Attempts  to  abductMr.  Taylor — An  Indian  and  whiteman 
bribed  to  assassinate  General  Schuyler — Fresh  alarms  in  Tryon  County — Ad¬ 
dress  of  Congress  to  the  Six  Nations — The  appeal  produces  no  effect — Articles 
of  confederation — Close  of  the  year.  -------  280 

CHAPTER  XIY. 

Treaty  of  alliance  with  France — Policy  of  France — Incidents  of  the  Winter — Pro¬ 
jected  expedition  against  St.  Johns — Lafayette  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
North — Failure  of  the  enterprise  for  lack  of  means — Disappointment  and  chagrin 
of  Lafayette — Unpleasant  indications  respecting  the  Western  Indians — Indian 
council  at  Johnstown — Attended  by  Lafayette — Its  proceedings — And  result — 
Reward  offered  for  Major  Carleton — Letter  of  Lafayette— He  retires  from  the 
Northern  Department — Return  of  the,  loyalists  for  their  families — Unopposed — 
Their  aggressions — Prisoners  carried  into  Canada — Their  fate — Re-appearance 
of  Brant  at  Oghkwaga  and  Unadilla — Anecdote  of  Brant — Comparative  cruelty  of 
the  Tories  and  Indians — Murder  of  a  family — Exposed  situation  of  the  people — 
Captain  McKean — Sends  a  challenge  to  Brant — Burning  of  Springfield — First 
battle  in  Schoharie.  -  -  -  -  -  --  --  298 

CHAPTER  XY. 

The  story  of  Wyoming — Glance  at  its  history — Bloody  battle  between  the  Shawa- 
nese  and  Delawares — Count  Zinzendorf— Conflicting  Indian  claims  and  titles — 
Rival  land  companies  of  Connecticut  and  Pennsylvania — Murder  of  Tadeusund 
— The  first  Connecticut  Colony  destroyed  by  the  Indians — Controversy  respecting 
their  titles — Rival  Colonies  planted  in  Wyoming — The  civil  wars  of  Wyoming — 
Bold  adventure  of  Captain  Ogden — Fierce  passions  of  the  people — The  Connecti¬ 
cut  settlers  prevail — Growth  of  the  settlements— Annexed  to  Connecticut — Break¬ 
ing  out  of  the  Revolution — The  inhabitants, stimulated  by  previous  hatred, take  sides 
— Arrest  of  suspected  persons  in  January — Sent  to  Hartford — Evil  consequences 
— The  enemy  appear  upon  the  outskirts  of  the  settlements  in  the  Spring — Inva¬ 
sion  by  Colonel  John  Butler  and  the  Indians — Colonel  Zebulon  Butler  prepares 
to  oppose  them — Two  of  the  forts  taken — Colonel  Z.  Butler  marches  to  encounter 
the  enemy — Battle  of  Wyoming — The  Americans  defeated — The  flight  and  mas¬ 
sacre — Fort  Wyoming  besieged — Timidity  of  the  garrison — Zebulon  Butler’s 
authority  not  sustained — He  escapes  from  the  fort — Colonel  Denniston  forced  to 


CONTENTS. 


XI 


capitulate — Destruction  of  the  Valley — Barbarities  of  the  Tories — Brant  not  in  the 
expedition — Catharine  Montour — Flight  of  the  fugitives — Expedition  of  Colonel 
Hartley  up  the  Susquehanna — Colonel  Zebulon  Butler  repossesses  himself  ofWyo- 
ming,  "and  rebuilds  the  fort — Indian  skirmishes — Close  of  the  history  of  Wyo¬ 
ming.  --------  -  Page  318 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Evacuation  of  Philadelphia  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton — Followed  through  New  Jersey 
by  Washington — Battle  of  Monmouth — Conduct  and  arrest  of  General  Lee — 
Retreat  of  the  enemy — Arrival  of  the  French  fleet — Combined  attack  of  the  Ame¬ 
ricans  and  French  upon  the  British  army  of  Rhode  Island — British  fleet  escapes 
from  Count  D’Estaing — Battle  of  Rhode  Island — Failure  of  the  expedition — 
Projected  campaigns  against  the  Indians — Captains  Pipe  and  White-Eyes — 
M’Kee  and  Girty — General  M’lnt.osh  ordered  against  the  Sandusky  towns — 
Irruption  of  Brant  into  Cobleskill — Of  M’Dorrald  into  the  Schoharie  settlements 
— Pusillanimity  of  Colonel  Vrooman — Bravery  of  Colonel  Harper— His  expedi¬ 
tion  to  Albany — Captivity  of  Mr.  Sawyer — Slays  six  Indians  and  escapes — Colo¬ 
nel  William  Butler  sent  to  Schoharie — Morgan’s  rifle  corps — Daring  adventures 
of  Murphy  and  Elerson — Death  of  Service,  a  noted  Tory — Murphy’s  subsequent 
adventures — Affairs  at  Fort  Schuyler — Alarming  number  of  desertions — Destruc¬ 
tion  of  Andros-tovvn  by  the  Indians — Conflagration  of  the  German  Flatts — Ex¬ 
pedition  of  Colonel  William  Butler  from  Schoharie  to  Unadilla  and  Oghk- 
waga.  -  -  -  --  --  --  --  -  343 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

Walter  N.  Butler — His  flight  from  Albany,  bent  on  revenge — The  Great  Tree — 
Hostile  indications  among  the  Senecas  and  Cayugas — Premonitions  of  an  attack 
by  Butler  and  Brant  upon  Cherry  Valley — Discredited  by  Colonel  Alden — Scouts 
sent  out  and  captured — Surprise  of  the  town — Massacre  and  burning — Death  of 
Colonel  Alden — Families  of  Mr.  Wells,  Mr.  Dunlop,  and  others — Brutality  of  the 
Tories — Family  of  Mr.  Mitchell — The  monster  Newberry — Departure  of  the 
enemy  with  their  captives — A  night  of  gloom — Women  and  children  sent  back — ■ 
Letter  of  Butler  to  Gen.  Schuyler — Murder  of  Mrs.  Campbell’s  mother — Vindi¬ 
cation  of  Brant — Interesting  incident — Brant’ s  opinion  of  Capt.  M’Kean — Colo¬ 
nel  John  Butler  laments  the  conduct  of  his  son — Letter  of  General  James  Clinton 
to  Walter  Butler — Letter  of  Butler  in  reply — Molly  Brant — Particulars  of  Mrs. 
Campbell’s  captivity — Feast  of  thanksgiving  for  their  victory — The  great  feast  of 
the  White  Dogs — Return  of  Walter  Butler  from  Gluebec — Col.  Butler  negotiates 
with  the  Indians  for  Mrs.  Campbell — She  goes  to  Niagara — Catharine  Montour 
and  her  sons — Mrs.  Campbell  finds  her  children — Descends  the  St.  Lawrence  to 
Montreal — Meets  Mrs.  Butler — Arrives  at  Albany,  and  is  joined  by  her  husband 
— Grand  campaign  projected — Jacob  Helmer  and  others  sent  privately  to  Johns¬ 
town  for  the  iron  chest  of  Sir  John — Execution  of  Helmer — Arrival  of  British 
Commissioners— Not  received — Exchange  of  Ministers  with  France — Incidents 
of  the  war  elsewhere  for  the  year.  -------  369 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Indian  siege  of  Fort  Laurens — Successful  stratagems — Flight  of  the  pack-horses — 
The  fort  abandoned — Projected  enterprise  from  Detroit — Gov.  Hamilton  captured 
at  St.  Vincent  by  Col.  Clarke — Projects  of  Brant — Uneasiness  in  the  West  of 
New-York — Deliberations  of  the  Oneidas  and  Onondagas — Brant’s  projects  de¬ 
feated — Treachery  of  the  Onondagas — Colonel  Van  Schaick  marches  to  lay  waste 
their  towns— Instructions  of  General  Clinton — Passage  of  Wood  Creek  and 
Oneida  Lake — Advance  upon  the  Indian  towns — Their  destruction — Return  of 
the  expedition  to  Fort  Schuyler — Mission  of  the  Oneidas  to  Fort  Schuyler  in  be¬ 
half  of  the  Onondagas — Speech  ofGood  Peter — Reply  of  Colonel  Van  Schaick — 
Irruption  of  Tories  and  Indians  into  the  lower  Mohawk  country — Stone  Arabia — 
Defence  of  his  house  by  Captain  Richer — The  Indians  in  Schoharie — General 
Clinton  traverses  the  Mohawk  valley — M’Clellan’s  expedition  to  Oswegatchie — 
Unsuccessful — Irruption  of  the  Onondagas  into  Cobleskill — Defeat  of  the  Ame¬ 
ricans —  The  settlement  destroyed — Murders  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Pitt — 
Irruptions  of  Tories  into  Warwasing — Invasion  of  Minisink — Battlencar  the  Dela 
ware — Massacre  of  the  Orange  County  militia — Battle  with  the  Shawanese.  396 


INTRODUCTION. 


It  is  related  by  .Esop,  that  a  forester  once  meeting  with  a  lion, 
they  travelled  together  for  a  time,  and  conversed  amicably  without 
much  differing  in  opinion.  At  length  a  dispute  happening  to  arise 
upon  the  question  of  superiority  between  their  respective  races,  the 
former,  in  the  absence  of  a  better  argument,  pointed  to  a  monument, 
on  which  was  sculptured,  in  marble,  the  statue  of  a  man  striding 
over  the  body  of  a  vanquished  lion.  “  If  this,”  said  the  lion,  “  is 
all  you  have  to  say,  let  us  be  the  sculptors,  and  you  will  see  the 
lion  striding  over  the  vanquished  man.” 

The  moral  of  this  fable  should  ever  be  borne  in  mind  when  con- 
templating  the  character  of  that  brave  and  ill-used  race  of  men,  now 
melting  away  before  the  Anglo-Saxons  like  the  snow  beneath  a  ver¬ 
tical  sun — the  aboriginals  of  America.  The  Indians  are  no  sculp¬ 
tors.  No  monuments  of  their  own  art  commend  to  future  ages 
the  events  of  the  past.  No  Indian  pen  traces  the  history  df  their 
tribes  and  nations,  or  records  the  deeds  of  their  warriors  and 
chiefs — their  prowess  and  their  wrongs.  Their  spoilers  have  been 
their  historians ;  and  although  a  reluctant  assent  has  been  awarded 
to  some  of  the  nobler  traits  of  their  nature,  yet,  without  yielding  a 
due  allowance  for  the  peculiarities  of  their  situation,  the  Indian 
character  has  been  presented  with  singular  uniformity  as  being  cold, 
cruel,  morose,  and  revengeful ;  unrelieved  by  any  of  those  varying 
traits  and  characteristics,  those  lights  and  shadows,  which  are 
admitted  in  respect  to  other  people  no  less  wild  and  uncivilized 
than  they. 

Without  pausing  to  reflect  that,  even  when  most  cruel,  they  have 
been  practising  the  trade  of  war — always  dreadful — as  much  in 
conformity  to  their  own  usages  and  laws,  as  have  their  more  civi¬ 
lized  antagonists,  the  white  historian  has  drawn  them  with  the 
characteristics  of  demons.  Forgetting  that  the  second  of  the  He¬ 
brew  monarchs  did  not  scruple  to  saw  his  prisoners  with  saws,  and 
harrow  them  with  harrows  of  iron  ;  forgetful,  likewise,  of  the  scenes 
at  Smithfield,  under  the  direction  of  our  own  British  ancestors ;  the 


xiv 


INTRODUCTION. 


historians  of  the  poor  untutored  Indians,  almost  with  one  accord, 
have  denounced  them  as  monsters  sui  generis — of  unparalleled  and 
unapproachable  barbarity  ;  as  though  the  summary  tomahawk  were 
worse  than  the  iron  tortures  of  the  harrow,  and  the  torch  of  the 
Mohawk  hotter  than  the  faggots  of  Queen  Mary. 

Nor  does  it  seem  to  have  occurred  to  the  “  pale-faced  ”  writers, 
that  the  identical  cruelties,  the  records  and  descriptions  of  which 
enter  so  largely  into  the  composition  of  the  earlier  volumes  of  Ame¬ 
rican  history,  were  not  barbarities  in  the  estimation  of  those  who 
practised  them.  The  scalp-lock  was  an  emblem  of  chivalry.  Every 
warrior,  in  shaving  his  head  for  battle,  was  careful  to  leave  the 
lock  of  defiance  upon  his  crown,  as  for  the  bravado,  “  Take  it  if  you 
can.”  The  stake  and  the  torture  were  identified  with  their  rude 
notions  of  the  power  of  endurance.  They  were  inflicted  upon  cap¬ 
tives  of  their  own  race,  as  well  as  upon  the  whites  ;  and  with 
their  own  braves  these  trials  were  courted,  to  enable  the  sufferer 
to  exhibit  the  courage  and  fortitude  with  which  they  could  be 
borne — the  proud  scorn  with  which  all  the  pain  that  a  foe  might 
inflict,  could  be  endured. 

But  they  fell  upon  slumbering  hamlets  in  the  night,  and  massacred 
defenceless  women  and  children  !  This,  again,  was  their  own  mode 
of  warfare,  as  honourable  in  their  estimation  as  the  more  courteous 
methods  of  committing  wholesale  murder,  laid  down  in  the  books. 

But  of  one  enormity  they  were  ever  innocent.  Whatever  degree 
of  personal  hardship  and  suffering  their  female  captives  were  com¬ 
pelled  to  endure,  their  persons  were  never  dishonoured  by  violence  ; 
a  fact  which  can  be  predicated,  we  apprehend,  of  no  other  victo¬ 
rious  soldiery  that  ever  lived. 

In  regard,  moreover,  to  the  countless  acts  of  cruelty  alleged  to  have 
been  perpetrated  by  the  savages,  it  must  still  be  borne  in  mind  that 
the  Indians  have  not  been  the  sculptors — the  Indians  have  had  no 
writer  to  relate  their  own  side  of  the  story.  There  has  been  none 
“  to  weep  for  Logan  !”  while  his  wrongs  have  been  unrecorded. 
The  annals  of  man,  probably,  do  not  attest  a  more  kindly  reception 
of  intruding  foreigners,  than  was  given  to  the  Pilgrims  landing  at 
Plymouth,  by  the  faithful  Massassoit,  and  the  tribes  under  his  juris¬ 
diction.  Nor  did  the  forest  kings  take  up  arms  until  they  but  too 
clearly  saw,  that  either  their  visiters  or  themselves,  must  be  driven 
from  the  soil  which  was  their  own — the  fee  of  which  was  derived 
from  the  Great  Spirit.  And  the  nation  is  yet  to  be  discovered  that 
will  not  fight  for  their  homes,  the  graves  of  their  fathers,  and  their 
family  altars.  Cruel  they  were,  in  the  prosecution  of  their  contests  ; 


INTRODUCTION. 


XV 


but  it  would  require  the  aggregate  of'  a  large  number  of  predatory 
incursions  and  isolated  burnings,  to  balance  the  awful  scene  of  con¬ 
flagration  and  blood,  which  at  once  extinguished  the  power  of  Sas- 
sacus,  and  the  brave  and  indomitable  Narragansets  over  whom  he 
reigned.  No  !  until  it  is  forgotten,  that  by  some  Christians  in  infant 
Massachusetts  it  was  held  to  be  right  to  kill  Indians  as  the  agents 
and  familiars  of  Azazel ;  until  the  early  records  of  even  tolerant  Con¬ 
necticut,  which  disclose  the  fact  that  the  Indians  were  seized  by  the 
Puritans,  transported  to  the  British  West  Indies,  and  sold  as  slaves, 
are  lost ;  until  the  Amazon  and  La  Plata  shall  have  washed  away 
the  bloody  history  of  the  Spanish  American  conquest ;  and  until 
the  fact  that  Cortez  stretched  the  unhappy  Guatimozin  naked  upon 
a  bed  of  burning  coals,  is  proved  to  be  a  fiction,  let  not  the  American 
Indian  be  pronounced  the  most  cruel  of  men  ! 

If,  then,  the  moral  of  the  fable  is  thus  applicable  to  aboriginal 
history  in  general,  it  is  equally  so  in  regard  to  very  many  of  their 
chiefs,  whose  names  have  been  forgotten,  or  only  known  to  be  detested. 
Peculiar  circumstances  have  given  prominence,  and  fame  of  a  cer¬ 
tain  description,  to  some  few  of  the  forest  chieftains,  as  in  the  in¬ 
stances  of  Powhatan  in  the  south,  the  mighty  Philip  in  the  east,  and 
the  great  Pontiac  of  the  north-west.  But  there  have  been  many 
others,  equal,  perhaps,  in  courage,  and  skill,  and  energy,  to  the  dis¬ 
tinguished  chiefs  just  mentioned,  whose  names  have  been  steeped  in 
infamy  in  their  preservation,  because  “the  lions  are  no  sculptors.” 
They  have  been  described  as  ruthless  butchers  of  women  and  children, 
without  one  redeeming  quality  save  those  of  animal  courage  and  in¬ 
difference  to  pain  ;  while  it  is  not  unlikely,  that,  were  the  actual 
truth  known,  their  characters,  for  all  the  high  qualities  of  the  sol¬ 
dier,  might  sustain  an  advantageous  comparison  with  those  of  hah 
the  warriors  of  equal  rank  in  Christendom.  Of  this  class  was  a 
prominent  subject  of  the  present  volume,  whose  name  was  terrible  in 
every  American  ear  during  the  war  of  Independence,  and  was  long 
afterward  associated  with  every  thing  bloody,  ferocious,  and  hateful. 
It  is  even  within  our  own  day,  that  the  name  of  Brant*  would 
chill  the  young  blood  by  its  very  sound,  and  cause  the  lisping 
child  to  cling  closer  to  the  knee  of  its  mother.  As  the  master  spirit 
of  the  Indians  engaged  in  the  British  service  during  the  war  of  the 
Revolution,  not  only  were  all  the  border  massacres  charged  directly 
upon  him,  but  upon  his  head  fell  the  public  maledictions  for  every 

*  Almost  invariably  written  Brandt  in  tlie  books,  even  in  despite  of  nis  own 
orthography,  which  was  uniformly  Brant. 


xvi 


INTRODUCTION. 


individual  act  of  atrocity  which  marked  that  sanguinary  contest, 
whether  committed  by  Indians,  or  tories,  or  by  the  exasperated 
regular  soldiery  of  the  foe.  In  many  instances  great  injustice  was 
done  to  him,  as  in  regard  to  the  affair  of  Wyoming,  in  connexion 
with  which  his  name  has  been  used  by  every  preceding  annalist  who 
has  written  upon  the  subject ;  while  it  has,  moreover,  for  the  same 
cause,  been  consigned  to  infamy,  deep  and  foul,  in  the  deathless  song 
of  Campbell.  In  other  cases  again,  the  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations, 
in  common  with  their  chief,  were  loaded  with  execrations  for  atro¬ 
cities  of  which  all  were  alike  innocent — because  the  deeds  recorded 
were  never  committed — it  having  been  the  policy  of  the  public 
writers,  and  those  in  authority,  not  only  to  magnify  actual  occur¬ 
rences,  but  sometimes,  when  these  were  wanting,  to  draw  upon  their 
imaginations  for  accounts  of  such  deeds  of  ferocity  and  blood,  as 
might  best  serve  to  keep  alive  the  strongest  feelings  of  indigna¬ 
tion  against  the  parent  country,  and  likewise  induce  the  people  to 
take  the  field  for  revenge,  if  not  driven  thither  by  the  nobler  im¬ 
pulse  of  patriotism.* 

Such  deliberate  fictions,  for  political  purposes,  as  that  by  Dr. 
Franklin,  just  referred  to,  were  probably  rare  ;  but  the  investigations 
into  which  the  author  has  been  led,  in  the  preparation  of  the  present 
work,  have  satisfied  him,  that  from  other  causes,  much  of  exaggera¬ 
tion  and  falsehood  has  obtained  a  permanent  footing  in  American 
history.  Most  historians  of  that  period,  English  and  American, 
wrote  too  near  the  time  when  the  events  they  were  describing  oc¬ 
curred,  for  a  dispassionate  investigation  of  truth  ;  and  other  writers 
who  have  succeeded,  have  too  often  been  content  to  follow  in  the 
beaten  track,  without  incurring  the  labour  of  diligent  and  calm  in¬ 
quiry.  Reference  has  been  made  above  to  the  affair  of  Wyoming, 
concerning  which,  to  this  day,  the  world  has  been  abused  with 
monstrous  fictions — with  tales  of  horrors  never  enacted.  The  ori¬ 
ginal  causes  of  this  historical  inaccuracy  are  very  obvious.  As 
already  remarked,  our  histories  were  written  at  too  early  a  day ; 
when  the  authors,  or  those  supplying  the  materials,  had,  as  it  were, 
but  just  emerged  from  the  conflict.  Their  passions  had  not  yet 
become  cooled,  and  they  wrote  under  feelings  and  prejudices  which 
could  not  but  influence  minds  governed  even  by  the  best  intentions. 
The  crude,  verbal  reports  of  the  day — tales  of  hear-say,  coloured  by 
fancy  and  aggravated  by  fear, — not  only  found  their  way  into  the 
newspapers,  but  into  the  journals  of  military  officers.  These,  with 

*  See  Appendix  A — the  well-known  scalp-story  of  Dr.  Franklin — long  believed, 
and  recently  revived  and  included  in  several  works  of  authentic  history. 


INTRODUCTION. 


xvii 


all  the  disadvantages  incident  to  flying  rumors,  increasing  in  size 
and  enormity  with  every  repetition,  were  used  too  often,  it  is  ap¬ 
prehended,  without  farther  examination,  as  authentic  materials  for 
history.  Of  this  class  of  works  was  the  Military  Journal  of  Dr. 
James  Thatcher,  first  published  in  1823,  and  immediately  recog¬ 
nized  as  historical  authority.  Now,  so  far  as  the  author  speaks  of 
events  occurring  within  his  own  knowledge,  and  under  his  own  per. 
sonal  observation,  the  authority  is  good.  None  can  be  better. 
But  the  worthy  army  surgeon  did  not  by  any  means  confine  his 
diary  to  facts  and  occurrences  of  that  description.  On  the  contrary, 
his  journal  is  a  general  record  of  incidents  and  transactions  occur¬ 
ring  in  almost  every  camp,  and  at  every  point  of  hostilities,  as  the 
reports  floated  from  mouth  to  mouth  through  the  division  of  the 
army  where  the  journalist  happened  to  be  engaged,  or  as  they  reached 
him  through  the  newspapers.  Hence  the  present  author  has  found 
the  Doctor’s  journal  a  very  unsafe  authority  in  regard  to  facts, 
of  which  the  Doctor  was  not  a  spectator  or  directly  cognizant. 
Even  the  diligent  care  of  Marshall  did  not  prevent  his  measurably 
falling  into  the  same  errors,  in  the  first  edition  of  his  Life  of  Wash¬ 
ington,  with  regard  to  Wyoming ;  and  it  was  not  until  more  than  a 
quarter  of  a  century  afterward,  when  his  late  revised  edition  of  that 
great  work  was  about  to  appear,  that,  by  the  assistance  of  Mr. 
Charles  Miner,  an  intelligent  resident  of  Wilkesbarre,  the  readers 
of  that  eminent  historian  were  correctly  informed  touching  the  revo¬ 
lutionary  tragedy  in  that  valley.  Nor  even  then  was  the  correction 
entire,  inasmuch  as  the  name  of  Brant  was  still  retained,  as  the 
leader  of  the  Indians  on  that  fearful  occasion.  Nor  were  the  ex¬ 
aggerations  in  regard  to  the  invasion  of  Wyoming  greater  than 
were  those  connected  with  the  irruption  into,  and  destruction  of, 
Cherry  Valley,  as  the  reader  will  discover  in  the  course  of  the  en¬ 
suing  pages.  Indeed,  the  writer,  in  the  preparation  of  materials  for 
this  work,  has  encountered  so  much  that  is  false  recorded  in  history 
as  sober  verity,  that  he  has  at  times  been  disposed  almost  to  univer. 
sal  scepticism  in  regard  to  uninspired  narration. 

In  conclusion  of  this  Introduction,  a  short  history  of  the  origin  of 
the  present  work  may  not  be  impertinent.  It  was  the  fortune  of 
the  author  to  spend  several  of  his  early  years,  and  commence  his 
public  life,  in  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk — than  which  the  country 
scarce  affords  a  more  beautiful  region.  The  lower  section  of  this 
valley  was  entered  by  the  Dutch  traders,  and  settlements  were  com¬ 
menced,  originally  at  Schenectady,  very  soon  after  the  first  fort  was 
built  at  Albany,  then  called  Fort  Orange,  by  Henry  Christiaens  ir. 

3 


xviii 


INTRODUCTION. 


1614.  The  Dutch  gradually  pushed  their  settlements  up  the  Mo¬ 
hawk  on  the  rich  bottom  lands  of  the  river,  as  far  as  Caughnawaga. 
Beyond  that  line,  and  especially  in  the  upper  section  of  the  valley 
west  of  the  Little  Falls,  and  embracing  the  broad  and  beautiful  gar¬ 
den  of  the  whole  district  known  as  the  German  Flatts,  the  first 
white  settlers  introduced  were  Germans — being  a  division  of  the  Pa¬ 
latinates,  who  emigrated  to  America  early  in  the  eighteenth  century, 
under  the  patronage  of  Queen  Anne.  Three  thousand  Germans  ’ 
came  over  at  the  time  referred  to,  about  the  year  1709,  a  portion 
of  whom  settled  in  Pennsylvania.  The  residue  ascended  the  Hud¬ 
son  to  a  place  called  East  Camp,  now  in  the  county  of  Columbia. 
From  thence  they  found  their  way  into  the  rich  valley  of  the  Scho- 
harie-kill,  about  the  year  1713,  and  thence  to  the  German  Flatts,  of 
which  they  weite  in  possession  as  early  as  1720.  The  first  colony, 
planting  themselves  in  Schoharie,  consisted  of  between  forty  and 
fifty  families.  Some  disagreements  soon  after  arising  among 
them,  twelve  of  these  families  separated  from  their  companions  ;  and, 
pushing  farther  westward  beyond  the  Little  Falls,  planted  themselves 
down  upon  the  rich  alluvial  flatts  at  the  confluence  of  the  West  Ca¬ 
nada  Creek  and  the  Mohawk. 

At  the  time  of  its  discovery,  that  valley  was  occupied  by  the  Mo¬ 
hawk  Indians,  the  head  of  the  extended  confederacy  of  the  Five 
Nations — the  Iroquois  of  the  French,  and  the  Romans,  as  Doctor 
Colden  has  denominated  them,  of  the  New  World.  Of  this  confe¬ 
deracy,  the  Mohawks  were  the  head  or  leading  nation,  as  they  were 
also  the  fiercest.*  The  Five  Nations  early  attached  themselves  to 

*  “I  have  been  told  by  old  men  in  New  England,  who  remembered  the  time 
when  the  Mohawks  made  war  on  their  Indians  (the  Mohicans),  that  as  soon  as  a 
single  Mohawk  was  discovered  in  their  country,  their  Indians  raised  a  cry  from 
hill  to  hill,  A  Mohawk !  A  Mohawk !  upon  which  they  all  fled,  like  sheep  before 
wolves,  without  attempting  to  make  the  least  resistance  or  defence  on  their  side  ; 
and  that  the  poor  New  England  Indians  immediately  ran  to  the  Christian 
houses,  and  the  Mohawks  often  pursued  them  so  closely,  that  they  entered  along 
with  them,  and  knocked  their  brains  out  in  the  presence  of  the  people  of  the  house.” 
[Colden's  Six  Nations .]  The  excellent  Heckewelder,  in  his  paramount  affection 
for  the  Lenni  Lenape,  enters  into  a  long  argument  to  disprove  Colden  upon  this 
point;  maintaining  that  the  Mohawks  were  never  of  more  tei rifle  fame  than  the 
Delawares.  The  authorities,  however,  are  against  the  good  Moravian  missionary, 
to  which  the  writer  may  add  the  weight  of  the  following  incident,  of  comparatively 
recent  occurrence : — Some  ten  or  twelve  years  ago,  a  wandering  Mohawk  had 
straggled  away  from  the  ancient  home  of  his  tribe,  as  far  as  the  State  of  Maine,  and 
presented  himself,  one  day,  in  the  streets  of  a  small  town  not  far  from  the  Penobscot 
river.  Indian  forms  and  faces  were  not  stangers  in  this  little  community,  there 
being  a  remnant  of  the  Penobscots  yet  existing  in  the  neighbourhood,  who  were  in 


INTRODUCTION. 


XIX 


the  English,  and  were  consequently  often  engaged  in  hostilities  with 
the  French  of  Canada,  and  especially  with  the  Ilurons  and  Adiron- 
dacks  or  Algonquins — powerful  nations  in  alliance  with  the  Cana¬ 
dians.  Another  consequence  was,  that  the  Mohawk  valley,  and  in¬ 
deed  the  whole  country  inhabited  by  the  Five  Nations,  were  the 
theatre  of  successive  wars,  from  the  discovery  down  to  the  close  of  the 
war  of  the  American  Revolution.  There  is,  therefore,  no  section  of 
the  United  States  so  rich  in  historical  incident,  as  the  valley  of  the 
Mohawk  and  the  contiguous  territory  at  the  west. 

At  the  time  of  the  author’s  residence  in  the  Mohawk  country,  the 
materials  of  that  history,  especially  that  portion  of  them  connected 
with  events  subsequent  to  the  conquest  of  Canada  by  Great  Britain, 
were  for  the  most  part  ungathered.  The  events  of  the  war  of  the 
Revolution,  which  nowhere  else  raged  so  furiously,  and  was  no¬ 
where  else  marked  with  such  bitter  and  entire  desolation,  were  then 
fresh  in  the  recollections  of  the  people  ;  and  many  a  time  and  oft 
were  the  recitals  listened  to  with  thrilling  interest,  and  laid  up  in 
the  store-house  of  memory,  as  among  the  richest  of  its  traditionary 
treasures.  Nor  was  the  interest  of  these  verbal  narratives  diminished 
by  visiting  the  sites  of  the  old  fortifications,  strolling  over  the  bat¬ 
tle-fields,  and  noting  the  shot-holes  in  the  walls  of  such  houses  as  had 
stood  out  the  contest,  and  the  marks  of  cannon  balls  upon  the  trunks 
of  trees  yet  remaining  on  fields  which  had  been  scenes  of  bloody 
strife. 

Several  years  afterward  it  occurred  to  the  author  to  undertake 
a  task  which  he  ought  to  have  commenced  years  before,  viz.  the 
composition  of  a  historical  memoir  of  the  Mohawk  Valley,  which 
would  embody  those  written  aftd  unwritten  materials  of  history,  now 
fast  disappearing  by  the  death  of  the  actors  in  the  scenes  to  be  de¬ 
scribed,  and  the  loss  of  papers  and  manuscripts,  of  which  such 
reckless  destruction  is  allowed  in  this  country.  In  the  progress  of 

the  habit  of  visiting  the  place,  four  or  five  times  a  year,  for  the  purchase  of  such 
necessaries  as  their  means  could  command.  It  happened  that  a  party  of  them  had 
come  in  on  the  very  day  of  the  Mohawk’s  arrival ;  and  as  he  was  lounging  through 
the  street,  he  came  suddenly  upon  them  in  turning  a  corner.  The  recognition,  on 
their  part,  was  instantaneous,  and  was  evidently  accompanied  by  emotions  of  alarm 
and  distrust  “  Mohawk,  Mohawk,”  was  muttered  by  one  and  another,  and  so 
long  as  he  remained  in  sight,  their  eyes  were  fixed  upon  him  with  an  evident  expres¬ 
sion  of  uneasiness.  As  for  the  Mohawk,  he  condescended  only  to  give  them  a  pass¬ 
ing  glance,  and  went  on  his  way  with  the  same  lounging,  indifferent  step  that  he  had 
exhibited  from  the  first.  He  was  a  superb-looking  fellow,  of  about  25,  full  six  feet 
in  height,  and  could  easily  have  demolished  three  or  four  of  the  dwarfish  and  effemi¬ 
nate  Penobscots. 


XX 


INTRODUCTION. 


thought  and  investigation  upon  the  subject,  it  was  soon  determined 
to  embrace  in  the  proposed  memoir  some  biographical  account  of  the 
Great  Chief  of  the  Six  Nations,  Joseph  Brant — Thayendanegea  ; 
but  there  was  yet  another  distinguished  name,  whose  history  and 
fame  were  intimately  connected  with  the  Mohawks,  and  whose 
character  has  neither  been  justly  described  nor  well  understood. 
The  reader  will  probably  anticipate  the  name,  Sir  William  John¬ 
son.  By  this  time  it  was  apparent  that  the  work,  if  executed, 
must  be  more  extended  than  had  originally  been  contemplated  ;  and  a 
few  slight  preparations  were  made  for  its  commencement  ten  years 
ago. 

It  was  some  time  in  the  year  1829  that  the  design  was  abandoned. 
Calling  upon  his  venerable  friend  Chancellor  Kent,  one  morning,  for 
the  purpose  of  borrowing  a  rare  volume  of  a  still  rarer  history  ot 
the  old  French  war  of  1755-’63,  the  author  was  informed  that  his  de¬ 
sign  had  been  anticipated  by  William  W.  Campbell,  Esq.,  a  young 
gentleman  of  promise  who  was  just  coming  to  the  bar — a  native  of 
the  country  to  be  occupied  as  historic  ground — and  whose  work  was 
then  nearly  ready  for  the  press.  Under  these  circumstances,  the 
project  of  the  author  was  at  once  relinquished. 

Mr.  Campbell’s  book — “  Annals  of  Tryon  County,” — made  its 
appearance  in  1831  ;  and  was  at  once  found  valuable  for  its  facts, 
and  creditable  alike  to  the  industry  and  talents  of  an  author,  who, 
although  then  so  young,  possessed  the  enterprise  to  undertake  the  ne. 
cessary  labour,  and  the  ambition  to  inscribe  his  name  upon  the  roll 
of  American  historians.  Still,  the  work  was  not  a  substitute  for  that 
which  the  author  had  proposed  ;  its  object  was  a  more  limited  his. 
tory,  both  of  time  and  territory,  than*had  been  entertained  in  respect 
of  the  present  work.  Mr.  Campbell’s  Annals,  with  the  exception  of 
a  very  few  brief  and  partial  sketches,  embraced  the  history  only  of 
the  war  of  the  Revolution  in  that  particular  section  of  country,  and 
had  little  to  do  with  biography.  The  design  of  the  author,  enlarged 
by  reflection  and  research,  now  began  to  comprehend  a  history  ot 
the  Six  Nations,  and  their  wars  with  the  French,  Hurons,  er  Wyan- 
dots,  and  Adirondacks  ;  the  settlement  of  the  country  by  the  pale 
faces;  a  history  of  the  French  War,  so  far  as  that  memorable  con¬ 
test  was  connected  with  the  Indians  and  colony  of  New-York  ;  to¬ 
gether,  or  rather  blended,  with  the  Lives  of  Sir  William  Johnson 
and  Joseph  Brant.  A  work  of  this  description  seemed  to  be  a  desi¬ 
deratum  in  American  history  ;  and  in  the  autumn  of  1832,  prepa¬ 
rations  for  the  undertaking  were  resumed,  with  what  success  will  in 
part  be  seen  in  the  sequel. 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXI 


In  the  prosecution  of  the  preliminary  labour,  efforts  were  made  to 
procure  materials  from  the  survivors  of  the  family  of  Sir  William 
Johnson,  residing  in  the  Canadas.  These  efforts  have  thus  far  been 
attended  with  but  partial  success.  From  one  of  the  grandsons, 
however,  Mr.  Archibald  Johnson,  a  valuable  manuscript  volume  has 
been  procured,  containing  the  private  diary  of  Sir  William  during 
the  Niagara  campaign  of  1759,  in  which  General  Prideaux  fell, 
leaving  the  command  of  the  army  to  the  baronet,  whose  efforts  were 
crowned  with  brilliant  success.  From  among  the  papers  of  the  late 
Lieut.  Governor  of  New-York,  John  Taylor,  in  possession  of  his 
daughter,  Mrs.  Cooper,  the  author  has  fortunately  obtained  the 
manuscript  of  Sir  William’s  official  diary  for  the  years  1757,  175S, 
and  a  part  of  the  year  1759,  together  with  a  small  parcel  of  other 
papers  and  letters.  A  few  of  the  baronet’s  letters  and  papers  are 
also  yet  extant,  in  the  archives  of  the  state  at  Albany.  All  these 
will  afford  materials  for  his  proposed  biography,  and  for  other 
historical  illustrations,  of  high  value.  Many  of  the  baronet’s  pa¬ 
pers  were  destroyed  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution  ;  and  many  others, 
it  is  ascertained,  are  only  to  be  found  in  England — to  which 
country  a  special  visit  will  probably  be  necessary  for  their  consulta 
tion. 

It  will  readily  be  perceived,  that  the  proposed  work  embraces 
two  epochs,  between  which  there  is  a  very  natural,  and  even  neces¬ 
sary,  division.  •  The  first  embraces  the  early  history  referred  to,  with 
a  history  of  the  French  war,  and  the  country,  to  the  death  of  Sir 
William  Johnson.  The  second  division  embraces  the  life  of  Jo¬ 
seph  Brant,  and  the  revolutionary,  Indian,  and  Tory  wars  of  the 
northern  and  western  part  of  the  State  of  New-York  ;  and  although 
anticipated,  to  a  considerable  extent,  by  Mr.  Campbell,  still  the  au¬ 
thor  entered  the  field  of  investigation  with  as  much  spirit  as  though 
it  had  not  been  historically  traversed  before.  In  the  course  of  his 
labours  he  has  visited  the  Mohawk  Valley  three  several  times  with 
no  other  object.  Ascertaining,  moreover,  that  the  venerable  Major 
Thomas  Sammons,  of  Johnstown,  himself,  with  his  father  and  two 
brothers,  an  efficient  actor  in  the  scenes  of  the  Revolution,  had  for 
many  years  been  collecting  historical  materials  in  that  region,  the 
author  applied  to  him  ;  and  was  so  fortunate  as  not  only  to  procure 
his  collections,  but  to  induce  the  old  gentleman  to  re-enter  the  field 
of  inquiry.  By  his  assistance  a  large  body  of  facts  and  state- 
ments,  taken  down  in  writing  during  the  last  thirty  years,  from  the 
lips  of  surviving  officers  and  soldiers,  has  been  obtained,  for  the 
present  work.  These  documents  have  added  largely  to  the  most 


XXII 


INTRODUCTION. 


authentic  materials  of  history,  enabling  the  author  to  bring  out 
many  new  and  interesting  facts,  and  to  correct  divers  errors  in  the 
works  of  preceding  writers,  who  have  superficially  occupied  the 
same  ground.  In  addition  to  these,  the  few  remaining  papers  of 
the  brave  old  General  Herkimer,  who  fell  at  Oriskany  in  1777,  have 
been  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  author,  by  his  nephew,  John 
Herkimer,  Esq.  Still  the  work  of  Mr.  Campbell  has  been  found  of 
great  use,  and  by  consent  has  been  liberally  drawn  upon.  In  re¬ 
gard  to  some  transactions,  it  was,  indeed,  almost  the  only  authority  ; 
as  in  the  cases  of  Cherry  Valley,  some  of  the  transactions  in  the 
Schoharie  Valley,  and  the  exploits  of  Colonel  Harper. 

But  this  is  not  all.  The  author  has  visited  Upper  Canada,  and 
Montreal  and  Quebec,  in  search  of  materials.  Most  luckily  for  the 
cause  of  historic  truth,  and  the  reputation  of  Joseph  Brant,  during  his 
Canadian  researches  he  became  apprised  of  the  fact,  that  the  old 
Mohawk  chief,  himself  a  man  of  a  pretty  good  English  education, 
had  left  a  large  mass  of  manuscripts,  consisting  of  his  own  speeches, 
delivered  on  many  and  various  occasions,  and  a  great  number  of 
letters  addressed  to  him  ;  together  with  copies  of  his  own  letters  in 
reply,  which  he  had  preserved  with  equal  industry  and  care.  These 
papers  were  in  the  keeping  of  his  youngest  daughter,  a  lady  of  high 
respectability,  aboriginal  though  she  be,  and  eligibly  married  to 
William  Johnson  Kerr,  Esq.  of  Wellington  Square,  Upper  Ca- 
nada.  It  was  obvious  that  those  papers  must  prove  a  rich  mine  for 
exploration ;  and  an  application  from  the  author,  through  his  friend 
the  Hon.  Marshall  S.  Bidwell,  of  Toronto,  was  most  readily 
responded  to  by  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Kerr.  The  papers,  it  is  true,  were 
less  connected  than  had  been  hoped  ;  and  by  hundreds  of  references 
and  allusions  contained  therein,  it  is  obvious  that  large  numbers  of 
letters,  journals,  and  speeches  have  been  lost — past  recovery.  Still, 
those  which  remain  have  proved  of  great  assistance  and  rare  value. 

To  the  kindness  of  Charles  A.  Clinton,  Esq.  the  author  has 
been  indebted  for  access  to  the  private  papers  of  General  James 
Clinton,  his  grandfather.  In  the  composition  of  one  portion  of  the 
present  volume,  these  papers  have  been  found  of  vast  importance. 
General  James  Clinton  was  the  father  of  the  late  illustrious  DeWitt 
Clinton,  and  the  brother  of  Governor  George  Clinton.  He  was 
much  in  command  in  the  northern  department,  and  it  was  under  his 
conduct  that  the  celebrated  descent  of  the  Susquehanna  was  per¬ 
formed  in  1779.  His  own  letters,  and  those  of  his  correspondents, 
have  been  of  material  assistance,  not  only  in  relation  to  that  cam¬ 
paign,  but  upon  various  other  points  of  history.  It  was  among  these 


INTRODUCTION. 


XX  111 


papers  that  the  letters  of  Walter  N.  Butler,  respecting  the  affairs  of 
Cherry  Valley  and  Wyoming,  were  discovered. 

In  connexion  with  the  history  of  the  expedition  of  Sullivan  and 
Clinton,  just  referred  to,  the  author  has  likewise  been  favoured  with 
the  manuscript  diary  of  the  venerable  Captain  Theodosius  Fowler 
of  this  city,  who  was  an  active  officer  during  the  whole  campaign. 
In  addition  to  the  valuable  memoranda  contained  in  this  diary,  Capt. 
Fowler  has  preserved  a  drawing  of  the  order  of  march  adopted  in 
ascending  the  Chemung,  after  the  junction  of  the  two  armies,  and 
also  a  plan  of  the  great  battle  fought  at  Newtown  by  Sullivan,  against 
the  Indians  and  Tories  commanded  by  Brant  and  Sir  John  Johnson  ; 
both  of  which  drawings  have  been  engraved,  and  will  be  found  in  the 
Appendix. 

In  the  winter  of  1775 — ’76,  an  expedition  was  conducted  from 
Albany  into  Tryon  County,  for  the  purpose  of  disarming  the  Tories 
and  arresting  Sir  John  Johnson,  of  the  particulars  of  which  very 
little  has  hitherto  been  known.  On  application  to  the  family  of 
General  Schuyler,  it  was  ascertained  that  his  letter  books  for  that 
period  were  lost.  After  much  inquiry,  the  necessary  documents  were 
obtained  from  Peter  Force,  Esq.  at  Washington. 

The  author  has  likewise  been  indebted  to  General  Peter  B.  Por¬ 
ter,  of  Black  Rock,  for  some  valuable  information  respecting  the 
character  and  some  of  the  actions  of  Brant.  General  Porter  was 
an  early  emigrant  into  the  western  part  of  the  State,  as  an  agent  for 
the  great  landholder,  Oliver  Phelps;  and  the  execution  of  his  duties 
brought  him  into  frequent  intercourse  with  many  of  the  chiefs  and 
sachems  of  the  Indians.  Among  these  he  became  intimately  ac¬ 
quainted  with  the  Mohawk  chief,  between  whom  and  himself  a  written 
correspondence  was  occasionally  maintained  for  several  years. 
Unfortunately,  however,  that  correspondence,  with  other  communi¬ 
cations  in  his  hand-writing,  which  Gen.  Porter  had  taken  some 
pains  to  preserve,  was  destroyed  by  one  of  the  incursions  of  the 
enemy  across  the  Niagara  during  the  last  war.  Still,  the  General 
has  supplied  the  author  with  several  important  reminiscences  re¬ 
specting  the  old  chief,  and  one  transaction  of  thrilling  interest,  here¬ 
tofore  entirely  unknown. 

A  friend  of  the  author,  a  highly  respectable  and  intelligent  octo¬ 
genarian,  Samuel  Woodruff,  Esq.,  of  Windsor,  Connecticut,  made 
a  visit  to  Brant  at  the  Grand  River  Settlement,  in  the  summer  of 
1797,  and  remained  with  him  several  days,  in  the  enjoyment  of 
frequent  and  full  conversations  upon  many  subjects.  Mr.  Woodruff 
has  obligingly  furnished  a  dozen  pages  or  more  of  instructive  notes 


XXIV 


INTRODUCTION. 


and  memoranda  of  those  conversations,  which  have  been  freely  used. 
The  author  is  likewise  under  obligations  to  Professor  Marsh  of  Bur 
lington  College,  (Vt.)  a  connexion,  by  marriage,  of  the  Wheelock 
family,  for  several  of  Brant’s  original  letters  ;  and  also  to  Tho¬ 
mas  Morris,  Esq.,  of  New-York,  who  knew  the  chief  well,  and  was 
several  years  in  correspondence  with  him,  for  the  same  favour.  Mr. 
Campbell  has,  moreover,  supplied  several  documents  of  value,  ob¬ 
tained  by  him  after  the  publication  of  his  own  book. 

Having,  by  the  acquisition  of  these  and  other  papers,  procured  all 
the  materials  that  appeared  to  remain,  or,  at  least,  all  that  were  ac¬ 
cessible,  while  the  documentary  papers  for  the  first  division  of  the 
work  were  yet  very  incomplete,  the  author,  like  Botta,  in  his  pro¬ 
mised  complete  history  of  Italy,  has  been  compelled  to  write  the  lat¬ 
ter  portion  of  the  work  first.  In  the  execution  of  this  task,  he  had 
supposed  that  the  bulk  of  his  labour  would  cease  with  the  close 
of  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  or  at  most,  that  some  fifteen  or 
twenty  pages,  sketching  rapidly  the  latter  years  of  the  life  of 
Thayendanegea,  would  be  all  that  was  necessary.  Far  otherwise 
was  the  fact.  When  the  author  came  to  examine  the  papers  of 
Brant,  nearly  all  of  which  were  connected  with  his  career  subse¬ 
quent  to  that  contest,  it  was  found  that  his  life  and  actions  had  been 
intimately  associated  with  the  Indian  and  Canadian  politics  of 
more  than  twenty  years  after  the  treaty  of  peace  ;  that  a  succession 
of  Indian  Congresses  were  held  by  the  nations  of  the  great  lakes,  in 
all  which  he  was  one  of  the  master  spirits  ;  that  he  was  directly  or 
indirectly  engaged  in  the  wars  between  the  United  States  and  In¬ 
dians  from  1789  to  1795,  during  which  the  bloody  campaigns  of 
Harmar,  St.  Clair,  and  Wayne,  took  place;  and  that  he  acted  an 
important  part  in  the  affair  of  the  North-Western  posts,  so  long  re¬ 
tained  by  Great  Britain  after  the  treaty  of  peace.  This  discovery 
compelled  the  writer  to  enter  upon  a  new  and  altogether  unexpected 
field  of  research.  Many  difficulties  were  encountered  in  the  compo¬ 
sition  of  this  branch  of  the  work,  arising  from  various  causes  and 
circumstances.  The  conflicting  relations  of  the  United  States,  the 
Indians,  and  the  Canadians,  together  with  the  peculiar  and  sometimes 
apparently  equivocal  position  in  which  the  Mohawk  chief — the  subject 
of  the  biography — stood  in  regard  to  them  all  ;  the  more  than  di¬ 
plomatic  caution  with  which  the  British  officers  managed  the  double 
game  which  it  suited  their  policy  to  play  so  long  ;  the  broken  cha¬ 
racter  of  the  written  materials  obtained  by  the  author ;  and  the  ne¬ 
cessity  of  supplying  many  links  in  the  chain  of  events  from  circum¬ 
stantial  evidence  and  the  unwritten  records  of  Indian  diplomacy  ; 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXV 


all  combined  to  render  the  matters  to  be  elucidated,  exceedingly 
complicated,  intricate,  and  difficult  of  clear  explanation.  But  tan¬ 
gled  as  was  the  web,  the  author  has  endeavoured  to  unravel  the 
materials,  and  weave  them  into  a  narrative  of  consistency  and  truth. 
The  result  of  these  labours  is  embodied  in  the  second  part  of  the 
present  work  ;  and  unless  the  author  has  over-estimated  both  the  in¬ 
terest  and  the  importance  of  this  portion  of  American  history,  the 
contribution  now  made  will  be  most  acceptable  to  the  reader. 

In  addition  to  the  matters  here  indicated,  a  pretty  full  account  of 
the  life  of  Brant,  after  the  close  of  the  Indian  wars,  is  given,  by  no 
means  barren  either  of  incident  or  anecdote ;  and  the  whole  is  con¬ 
cluded  by  some  interesting  particulars  respecting  the  family  of  the 
chief,  giving  their  personal  history  down  to  the  present  day. 

It  may  possibly  be  objected  by  some — those  especially  who  are  apt 
to  form  opinions  without  much  reflection — that  the  author  has  in¬ 
dulged  rather  liberally,  not  only  in  the  use  of  public  speeches  and 
documents,  but  also  in  the  tianscription  of  private  letters.  To  this 
he  would  reply,  that  in  his  view,  his  course  in  that  respect  adds  es¬ 
sentially  to  the  value  of  the  work ;  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  un¬ 
expected  size  to  which  the  volumes haveattained,  those  quotations 
would  have  been  made  with  still  greater  freedom.  For  instance,  in 
regard  to  the  interesting  proceedings  at  the  last  Grand  Council  of 
the  Six  Nations  held  in  Albany,  it  was  the  original  intention  of  the 
author,  long  as  they  are,  to  insert  them  in  the  text ;  and  so  the  mat¬ 
ter  was  at  first  arranged.  The  ancient  Council  Fire  of  the  Six  Na¬ 
tions  was  always  kept  burning  at  Onondaga,  the  central  nation  of 
the  confederacy.  But  from  the  time  of  the  alliance  between  the  Six 
Nations  and  the  English,  the  fires  of  the  united  councils  of  the  two 
powers  were  kindled  at  Albany.  There,  according  to  the  Indian 
figure  of  speech,  the  big  tree  was  planted,  to  which  the  chain  of 
friendship  was  made  fast.  But  with  the  close  of  the  Great  Council 
held  there  in  the  summer  of  1775,  that  fire,  which  had  so  long  been 
burning,  was  extinguished.  It  was  the  last  Indian  congress  ever 
held  at  the  ancient  Dutch  capital.  It  took  place  at  a  most  import¬ 
ant  crisis,  and  its  proceedings  were  both  of  an  important  and  an 
interesting  character.  Nor,  until  now,  have  those  proceedings  ever 
been  published  entire.  Indeed,  it  is  believed  that  no  part  of  them 
was  ever  in  print,  until  very  recently  a  portion  of  the  manuscript 
was  discovered,  and  inserted  in  that  invaluable  collection,  the  papers 
of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society.  That  manuscript,  however, 
was  very  defective  and  incomplete,  and  chance  alone  has  enabled 
the  author  to  supply  the  deficiency.  It  happened,  during  one  of  his 

4 


XXVI 


INTRODUCTION. 


visits  to  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State  last  year,  in  search  of 
documents,  that  he  discovered,  among  some  ancient,  loose,  and  ne¬ 
glected  papers,  several  sheets  of  Indian  treaty  proceedings,  which 
were  of  themselves  very  imperfect.  Supposing,  however,  that  they 
might  possibly  be  of  use  at  some  time,  he  caused  them  to  be  tran¬ 
scribed.  Most  luckily,  on  examining  them  in  connexion  with  the 
publication  of  the  Massachusetts  collection,  they  were  found  exactly 
to  supply  the  deficiencies  of  the  latter.  The  result  is,  that  the  pa¬ 
pers  appear  now  for  the  first  time  entire  ;  a  portion  of  them,  how¬ 
ever,  from  their  great  length,  having  been  transferred  to  the  Appen¬ 
dix. 

In  regard  to  the  use  of  speeches  and  letters,  moreover,  the  author, 
after  much  consideration,  has  adopted  the  plan,  as  far  as  possible,  of 
allowing  the  actors  in  the  scenes  described  to  tell  their  own  stories. 
This  is  a  method  of  historical,  and  especially  of  biographical,  writing, 
which  is  coming  more  into  favour  than  formerly.  Marshall  adopts  it 
to  a  considerable  extent,  and  very  effectively,  in  the  Life  of  Washing¬ 
ton.  The  instructive  and  admirable  life  of  that  noblest  of  England’s 
naval  warriors,  Lord  Collingwood,  was  constructed  upon  this  plan. 
So,  also,  with  Moore’s  Life  of  Byron.  Taylor’s  Life  of  Cowper,  one  of 
the  most  useful  as  well  as  interesting  lives  that  have  been  written  of 
that  most  melancholy  and  yet  most  delightful  of  English  bards,  is  com¬ 
posed  almost  entirely  from  the  poet’s  own  correspondence.  Lock¬ 
hart’s  captivating  Memoirs  of  the  peerless  Scott,  now  in  course  of 
publication,  have  been  constructed  upon  the  basis  of  the  mighty 
minstrel’s  own  letters.  And  it  is  upon  the  same  principle  that  the 
author  has  quoted  so  largely  from  the  letters  and  speeches  of  Joseph 
Brant,  and  several  of  his  distinguished  correspondents  ;  among  whom, 
the  reader  who  has  only  heard  of  “  the  monster  Brant”  as  a  savage 
once  leading  the  Mohawks  abroad  upon  scalping  parties,  will  proba¬ 
bly  be  surprised  to  learn,  were  numbered  many  gentlemen  of  rank 
and  standing  in  Church  and  State,  both  in  England  and  America. 

An  able  English  writer  *  has  recently  opened  a  very  interesting 
discussion,  upon  the  great  advantages  of  thus  using  letters  and  ma¬ 
nuscripts  in  the  composition  of  history.  Speaking  of  the  maxim  that 
“  history  is  philosophy  teaching  by  example,”  he  remarks  : — “  In 
morals,  all  depends  upon  circumstances.  An  example,  whether  real 
or  fictitious,  can  teach  us  nothing,  if  it  contains  only  dry  facts. 
The  mischief  of  a  great  many  histories,  and  those  of  no  mean  ac¬ 
count,  is,  that  they  are  quite  contented  with  giving  an  agreeable 

*  London  Quarterly  Review,  No.  cxvi. — Art.  on  Upcott’s  Collection  of  Original 
Letters,  Manuscripts,  and  State  Papers. 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXV11 


narration  of  naked  facts,  from  which  we  can  gather  nothing  beyond 
the  facts  themselves.  To  the  chronicler,  the  murder  of  Thomas  A’ 
Becket  is  the  murder  of  Becket,  and  it  is  nothing  more.  To  what 
quarter,  then,  are  we  to  look  for  the  magic  by  which  we  may  make 
the  dry  bones  live  again  ?  We  answer,  unhesitatingly,  to  the  letters 
of  the  day,  if  there  be  any.  We  say  so,  not  because  they  will  con¬ 
tain  any  elaborate  description  of  the  feelings,  or  expose  of  the  views, 
of  the  age  to  which  they  belong,  but  because  they  must  be  written, 
to  a  great  extent,  in  the  spirit  of  the  age  in  which  their  writers  lived. 
The  events  of  the  day — the  writers’  feelings  toward  their  neighbours, 
and  their  neighbours’  feelings  toward  them — their  comments  on  the 
ordinary  course  of  things  around  them  ;  these  are  precious  records 
for  all  who  wish  to  study  mankind  and  morals  in  history  ;  for  these 
things,  and  these  alone,  can  enable  us  fully  to  appreciate  the  tem¬ 
per  and  spirit  in  which  the  acts  commemorated  in  history  were  done. 
*  *  *  *  It  is  very  true  that  some  historians  profess  to  use  letters, 
and  that  some  have  actually  used  them  in  a  small  degree ;  but,  con¬ 
sidering  their  great  value,  they  have  never  been  used  as  they  de¬ 
served  ;  and,  in  very  many  cases,  their  existence  seems  to  be  hardly 
known  to  historians  themselves.”  It  is  in  accordance  with  these 
views,  that  letters  and  speeches  have  been  so  copiously  used  in  the 
present  work ;  although  it  is  not  supposed  that  the  correspondence 
of  a  burly  chieftain  of  the  forest,  or  the  bluff  partisan  officers  of  a 
wilderness  border,  can  in  any  respect  be  compared  with  Cowper’s 
polished  models  of  epistolary  writing,  or  with  those  of  Scott  or 
Byron,  or  those  of  Lady  Mary  Wortley  Montague,  of  Peter  of  Blois 
or  John  of  Salisbury.  They  are  nevertheless  valuable  in  themselves, 
both  as  historical  records  and  as  illustrations  of  character.  Of 
the  speeches,  and  sketches  of  speeches,  embodied  in  this  work,  to¬ 
gether  with  the  narratives  given  of  the  occasions  which  called  them 
forth,  it  may  be  added  that  they  are  all  memorials  of  a  people, — once 
a  noble  race — numerous  and  powerful — now  fast  disappearing  from 
the  face  of  the  earth— a  beautiful  portion  of  the  earth — once  their 
own  !  These  memorials  it  was  one  of  the  chief  purposes  of  the  au¬ 
thor  to  gather  up  and  preserve. 

The  plan  of  the  work,  especially  of  the  first  and  larger  portion  of 
it,  may  perhaps  in  some  respects  disappoint  the  reader,  though,  it  is 
hoped,  not  unfavourably.  It  has  been  the  object  of  the  author  to  ren¬ 
der  it  not  only  a  local,  but,  to  a  certain  extent,  a  brief  general  his¬ 
tory  of  the  War  of  the  Revolution.  Thus,  while  it  is  a  particular 
history,  ample  in  its  details,  of  the  belligerent  events  occurring  at 
the  west  of  Albany,  the  author  has  from  time  to  time  introduced 


xxvm 


INTRODUCTION. 


brief  sketches  of  contemporaneous  events  occurring  in  other  parts  of 
the  country.  By  this  means,  bird’s-eye  glimpses  have  been  present¬ 
ed,  for  the  most  part  in  the  proper  order  of  time,  of  all  the  principal 
military  operations  of  the  whole  contest.  In  order,  moreover,  to 
the  better  understanding  of  the  incipient  revolutionary  movements 
in  the  Mohawk  country,  (then  Tryon  County,)  a  rapid  view  is  given 
of  the  same  description  of  movements  elsewhere.  The  proceedings 
of  that  county  were,  of  course,  connected  with,  and  dependent  upon, 
those  of  New  England,  especially  ofBoston — the  head,  and  heart,  and 
soul  of  the  rebellion,  in  its  origin  and  its  earlier  stages.  Hence  a 
summary  review  of  the  measures  directly,  though  by  degrees,  lead¬ 
ing  to  the  revolt  of  the  Colonies,  has  not  been  deemed  out  of  place, 
in  its  proper  chronological  position.  And  as  all  the  Indian  history 
of  the  Revolutionary  war  at  the  north,  the  west,  and  the  south,  has 
been  written  out  in  full,  by  the  incidental  sketches  of  other  events 
and  campaigns  marking  the  contest,  the  work  may  be  considered  in 
the  three-fold  view  of  local,  general,  and  biographical ;  the  whole 
somewhat  relieved,  from  time  to  time,  if  not  enlivened,  by  individual 
narratives — tales  of  captivity  and  suffering — of  daring  adventures 
and  bold  exploits. 

Several  weeks  after  the  preceding  pages  had  been  stereotyped, 
but  before  any  considerable  progress  had  been  made  in  printing  the 
body  of  the  work,  the  author  was  so  fortunate  as  to  obtain  a  large 
accession  of  valuable  materials  from  General  Peter  Gansevoort, 
of  Albany,  embracing  the  extensive  correspondence  of  his  father, 
the  late  General  Gansevoort,  better  known  in  history  as  “  the  hero 
of  Fort  Stanwix.”  These  papers,  embracing  those  captured  by  him 
from  the  British  General  St.  Leger,  have  been  found  of  great  im¬ 
portance  in  the  progress  of  the  work,  and  will  add  materially  to  its 
completeness  and  its  value. 

A  few  words  respecting  the  embellishments  of  these  volumes.  The 
frontispiece  of  each  volume  presents  an  elegantly  engraved  portrait 
of  the  brave  and  wary  Mohawk,  who  forms  the  principal  biographi¬ 
cal  figure  of  the  work,  taken  at  different  periods  of  his  life.  The 
Chief  sat  for  his  picture  several  times  in  England ;  once,  at  the  re¬ 
quest  of  Boswell,  in  1776,  but  to  what  artist  is  not  mentioned. 
He  likewise  sat,  during  the  same  visit,  to  the  celebrated  portrait  and 
historical  painter,  George  Romney,  for  the  Earl  of  Warwick.  He 
was  again  painted  in  England,  in  1786,  for  the  Duke  of  Northumber¬ 
land  ;  and'a  fourth  time,  during  the  same  visit,  in  order  to  present 
his  likeness  in  miniature  to  his  eldest  daughter.  His  last  sitting 
was  to  the  late  Mr.  Ezra  Ames  of  Albany,  at  the  request  of  the 


INTRODUCTION. 


xxix 


late  John  Caldwell,  Esq.  of  that  city.  This  was  about  the  year 
1805,  and  the  likeness  is  pronounced  the  best  ever  taken  of  Captain 
Brant.  The  author’s  valued  friend  Catlin  has  made  a  very  faith¬ 
ful  copy  of  this  portrait,  which  has  been  beautifully  engraved  by 
Mr.  A.  Dick,  a  well-known  and  skilful  artist  of  New-York. 
This  picture,  as  latest  in  the  order  of  time,  will  be  found  at  the  head 
of  the  second  volume.  The  inscription  of  this  plate  is  a  fac 
simile  of  the  old  chief’s  signature,  from  a  letter  written  by  him  to 
the  Duke  of  Northumberland  not  long  before  his  death.  The  au 
thor  has  another  picture  of  the  elder  Brant,  of  which  he  may  be 
pardoned  for  giving  some  account.  Being  at  Catskill,  in  the  Sum¬ 
mer  of  1833,  the  author  discovered,  in  the  possession  of  his  friend, 
Mr.  Van  Bergen,  some  odd  volumes  of  the  London  Magazine  of 
1776,  in  one  of  which  he  accidentally  found  an  engraving  of  Brant, 
from  the  portrait  taken  for  Boswell,  in  the  gala  costume  of  the 
Chief  as  he  appeared  at  Court.  The  countenance  of  this  picture, 
however,  was  dull,  and  comparatively  unmeaning.  On  his  visit  to 
Upper  Canada,  in  September,  1836,  the  chieftain’s  daughter,  Mrs. 
Kerr,  showed  him  a  head  of  her  father  in  a  gold  locket,  which  was 
full  of  character  and  energy — with  an  eye  like  the  eagle’s.  Having 
procured  this  locket,  and  placed  it,  together  with  the  engraving  referred 
to,  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  N.  Rogers,  that  eminent  artist  has  produced 
a  very  spirited  and  beautiful  picture,  which  was  painted  expressly 
to  be  engraved  for  this  work.  Before  it  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  the 
artist,  however,  Mr.  Chapman,  an  artist  of  New-York,  returning 
from  a  visit  to  England,  brought  with  him  a  superb  print  of  Brant, 
taken  from  the  Earl  of  Warwick’s  picture  by  Romney.  As  this  print 
not  only  presents  more  of  the  figure  of  the  chief  than  either  of  the 
others,  and  possesses  withal  more  character  and  spirit,  it  has  been 
adopted  for  the  work  in  lieu  of  that  painted  by  Mr.  Rogers.  The 
engraving  has  also  been  well  executed  by  Dick,  and  stands  in 
front  of  the  first  volume.  The  picture  by  C’atlin  is  the  war-chief  of 
the  forest  in  the  full  maturity  of  years.  The  other  is  the  Indian  cour¬ 
tier  in  London.  This  first  volume  also  contains  a  finely  engraved 
portrait  of  General  Gansevoort,  by  Prudhomme,  from  a  portrait  by 
Stuart.  It  is  a  fine  specimen  of  the  gentleman  of  the  Revolutiona¬ 
ry  era. 

But  these  are  not  all  the  pictorial  illustrations.  In  the  completion 
of  the  life  of  Brant,  it  has  been  deemed  proper  to  add  some  account 
of  his  family  subsequent  to  his  decease.  The  law  of  official  inherit, 
ance  among  the  Six  Nations  will  be  found  peculiar  to  that  people, 
the  descent  being  through  the  female  line.  Joseph  Brant  was  him- 


XXX 


INTRODUCTION. 


self  the  principal  War-chief  of  the  Six  Nations  ;  and  his  third  wife, 
who  at  his  decease  was  left  a  young  widow,  was,  in  her  own  right, 
the  representative  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  Confederacy,  in  whom 
alone  was  vested  the  power  of  naming,  from  among  her  own  children, 
or,  in  default  of  a  child  of  her  own,  from  the  next  of  kin,  a  principal 
civil  and  military  chief.  On  the  death  of  her  husband,  therefore, 
she  selected  as  his  successor  her  youngest  son,  John  Brant,  then  a 
lad  of  seven  years  old.  He  grew  up  a  noble  fellow,  both  in  courage 
and  character,  as  the  reader  will  ascertain  before  he  closes  the  se¬ 
cond  volume.  During  the  author’s  visit  to  the  Brant  House  in 
Upper  Canada,  he  saw  a  portrait  of  the  young  chief,  then  recently 
deceased,  which,  though  painted  by  a  country  artist,  and,  as  a  whole, 
a.  very  bad  picture,  was  nevertheless  pronounced  by  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Kerr  to  be  very  correct,  so  far  as  the  figure  and  likeness  were  con¬ 
cerned.  Obtaining  this  portrait  from  Canada  last  Autumn,  it  was 
placed  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Hoxie,  who  has  produced  the  excellent 
picture  which  has  been  well  engraved  by  Mr.  Parker,  and  will  be 
found  in  the  second  volume.  As  the  young  chief  went  first  upon 
the  war-path  in  the  Niagara  campaigns  of  1812 — 15,  the  idea  of 
embodying  a  section  of  the  great  cataract  in  the  back-ground  of  the 
picture  was  exceedingly  appropriate. 

As  the  name  of  the  celebrated  Red  Jacket  appears  frequently  in 
the  second  volume,  a  likeness  of  him  has  been  added,  from  a  paint¬ 
ing  by  Weir,  beautifully  engraved  by  Hatch.  In  addition  to  all 
which  is  the  finely  engraved  title-page,  designed,  engraved,  and 
presented  to  the  author,  by  his  estimable  friend  Mr.  A.  Rawdon. 

In  addition  to  these  illustrations,  another  has  been  added,  the 
character  of  which  is  striking  and  its  history  curious.  It  is  the 
sketch  of  a  scene  at  a  conference  with  the  Indians  at  Buffalo  Creek, 
in  the  year  1793,  held  by  Beverley  Randolph,  General  Benjamin 
Lincoln,  and  Colonel  Timothy  Pickering,  in  the  presence  of  a  num¬ 
ber  of  the  British  officers  then  stationed  upon  that  frontier.  Messrs. 
Randolph,  Lincoln,  and  Pickering  wrere  on  a  pacific  mission,  ac¬ 
companied,  at  the  request  of  the  Indians,  by  a  number  of  Quakers. 
The  sketch  of  that  conference  was  drawn  by  a  British  officer,  Col. 
Pilkington,  and  taken  to  Europe.  In  1819  it  was  presented  to  an 
American  gentleman  of  the  name  of  Henry,  at  Gibraltar,  and  by 
him  given  to  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society.  The  sketch 
is  drawn  with  the  taste  and  science  of  a  master  of  the  art;  the 
grouping  is  fine,  and  the  likenesses  are  excellent.  As  the  history  of 
the  mission  of  those  gentleman  forms  an  interesting  chapter  in  the 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXXI 


present  work,  this  sketch  has  been  deemed  an  appropriate  accompa 
niment. 

In  addition  to  the  acknowledgments  already  made  in  the  preced¬ 
ing  pages,  the  author  is  under  obligations,  to  a  greater  or  less  ex¬ 
tent,  to  many  other  individuals,  for  hints,  suggestions,  and  the  col¬ 
lection  of  materials.  Among  these  he  takes  pleasure  in  naming  the 
Hon.  Lewis  Cass,  late  Secretary  of  War,  and  now  Envoy  Extraor 
dinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  near  the  Court  of  St.  Cloud  ; 
General  Dix,  Secretary  of  the  State  of  New-York,  and  Mr.  Archi¬ 
bald  Campbell,  his  deputy;  General  Morgan  Lewis;  Major 
J.ames  Cochran,  of  Oswego,  and  also  his  Lady,  who  was  the  young¬ 
est  daughter  of  General  Schuyler;  Major  William  Popiiam,  who 
was  an  aid-de-camp  to  General  James  Clinton  ;  Samuel  S.  Lush, 
Esq.,  and  S.  De  Witt  Bloodgood,  Esq.  of  Albany;  James  D.  Be- 
mis,  Esq.  of  Canandaigua;  Lauren  Eord  and  George  H.  Feeter, 
Esquires,  of  Little  Falls;  Giles  F.  Yates,  Esq.  of  Schenectady; 
William  Forsyth,  Esq.  of  Quebec;  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Lape, 
formerly  of  Johnstown,  and  now  of  Athens,  N.  Y. 

With  these  preliminary  explanations,  the  work  is  committed  to  the 
public,  in  the  belief  that,  although  it  might,  of  course,  have  been 
better  executed  by  an  abler  hand  with  a  mind  less  distracted  by 
other  pressing  and  important  duties,  it  will,  nevertheless,  be  found  a 
substantial  addition  to  the  stock  of  American  history. 

WILLIAM  L.  STONE. 


New-York,  March,  1838. 


. 


- 

' 


1  • 


■ 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


- 


' 


■  i:  ...  ■  :  J 


& 


LIFE 


OF 

JOSEPH  BRANT— THAYENDANEGEA,  &c. 


CHAPTER  I. 


Birth  and  parentage — Discussion  of  the  doubts  cast  upon  his  origin — Visit  of  Mo¬ 
hawk  chiefs  to  Queen  Anne — Evidence  of  Brant’s  descent  from  one  of  those — 
Digression  from  the  main  subject,  and  Extracts  from  the  private  and  official  jour¬ 
nals  of  Sir  William  Johnson — Connexion  between  Sir  William  and  the  family  of 
Brant — Incidental  references  to  the  old  French  war — Illustrations  of  Indian  pro¬ 
ceedings,  speeches,  &c. — Brant’s  parentage  satisfactorily  established — Takes 
the  field  in  the  Campaign  of  Lake  George  (1755.) — Is  engaged  at  the  conquest 
of  Niagara  (1759.) — Efforts  of  Sir  William  Johnson  to  civilize  the  Indians — Brant 
is  sent,  with  other  Indian  youths,  to  the  Moor  Charity  School,  at  Lebanon — Leaves 
school — Anecdote — Is  engaged  on  public  business  by  Sir  William — As  an  Inter¬ 
preter  for  the  Missionaries — Again  takes  the  field,  in  the  wars  against  Pontiac — 
Intended  massacre  at  Detroit — Ultimate  overthrow  of  Pontiac — First  marriage  of 
Brant — Entertains  the  Missionaries — Again  employed  on  public  business — Death 
of  his  wife — Engages  with  Mr.  Stewart  in  translating  the  Scriptures — Marries 
again — Has  serious  religious  impressions — Selects  a  bosom  friend  and  confidant, 
after  the  Indian  custom — Death  of  his  friend — His  grief,  and  refusal  to  choose 
another  friend. 

The  birth  and  parentage  of  Joseph  Brant,  or,  more  cor¬ 
rectly,  of  Thayendanegea — for  such  was  his  real  name — have 
been  involved  in  uncertainty,  by  the  conflicting  accounts  that 
have  been  published  concerning  him.  The  Indians  have  no 
herald’s  college  in  which  the  lineage  of  their  great  men  can  be 
traced,  or  parish  registers  of  marriages  and  births,  by  which  a 
son  can  ascertain  his  paternity.  Ancestral  glory  and  shame 
are  therefore  only  reflected  darkly  through  the  dim  twilight  of 
tradition.  By  some  authors,  Thayendanegea  has  been  called 
a  half-breed.  By  others  he  has  been  pronounced  a  Shawanese 
by  parentage,  and  only  a  Mohawk  by  adoption.  Some  histo¬ 
rians  have  spoken  of  him  as  a  son  of  Sir  William  Johnson  ;  * 

*  Several  authors  have  suggested  that  Brant  was  the  son  of  the  Baronet.  Drake, 
in  his  useful  compilation,  “The  Book  of  the  Indians,”  states  that  he  had  been  so 
informed  by  no  less  an  authority  than  Jared  Sparks.  Drake  himself  calls  him  aq 
Onondaga  of  the  Mohawk  Tribe ! 


2  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1742 

while  others  again  have  allowed  him  the  honour  of  Mohawk 
blood,  but  denied  that  he  was  descended  from  a  chief. 

Nearly  twenty  years  ago,  a  brief  account  of  the  life  and  cha¬ 
racter  of  this  remarkable  man  was  published  in  the  Christian 
Recorder,  at  Kingston,  in  the  province  of  Upper  Canada.  In 
that  memoir  it  was  stated  that  Thayendanegea  was  born  on  the 
banks  of  the  Ohio,  whither  his  parents  had  emigrated  from  the 
valley  of  the  Mohawk,  and  where  they  are  said  to  have 
sojourned  several  years.  “  His  mother  at  length  returned  with 
“  two  children — Mary,  who  lived  with  Sir  William  Johnson,  and 
“  Joseph,  the  subject  of  this  memoir.  Nothing  was  known  of 
“  Brant’s  father  among  the  Mohawks.  Soon  after  the  return  of 
“  this  family  to  Canajoharie,  the  mother  married  a  respectable 
“Indian  called  Carrihogo,  or  News-Carrier,  whose  Christian 
“  name  was  Barnet  or  Bernard  ;  but,  by  way  of  contraction,  he 
“  went  by  the  name  of  Brant.”  Hence  it  is  argued  that  the  lad, 
who  was  in  future  to  become  not  only  a  distinguished  war-chief, 
but  a  statesman,  and  the  associate  of  the  chivalry  and  nobility 
of  England,  having  thus  been  introduced  into  the  family  of  that 
name,  was  first  known  by  the  distinctive  appellation  of 
“  Brants  Joseph ,”  and  in  process  of  time,  by  inversion,  “  Jo¬ 
seph  Brant.”  * 

There  is  an  approximation  to  the  truth  in  this  relation,  and 
it  is  in  part  sustained  by  the  existing  family  tradition.  The 
facts  are  these  :  the  Six  Nations  had  carried  their  arms  far  to 
the  west  and  south,  and  the  whole  country  south  of  the  lakes 
was  claimed  by  them,  to  a  certain  extent  of  supervisory  juris, 
diction,  by  the  right  of  conquest.  To  the  Ohio  and  Sandusky 
country  they  asserted  a  stronger  and  more  peremptory  claim, 
extending  to  the  right  of  soil — at  least  on  the  lake  shore  as  far 
as  Presque  Isle.  From  their  associations  in  that  country,  it 
had  become  usual  among  the  Six  Nations,  especially  the  Mo¬ 
hawks,  to  make  temporary  removals  to  the  west  during  the 
hunting  seasons,  and  one  or  more  of  those  families  would  fre- 

*  Christian  Register,  1819,  Vol.  I.  No.  3,  published  at  Kingston,  (U.  C.)  and 
edited  by  the  Rev.  Doctor,  now  the  Honourable  and  Venerable  Archdeacon  Strachan, 
of  Toronto.  The  sketches  referred  to  were  written  by  Dr.  Strachan,  upon  infor¬ 
mation  received  by  him  many  years  before,  from  the  Rev.  Dr.  Stewart,  formerly  a 
missionary  in  the  Mohawk  Valley,  and  father  of  the  present  Archdeacon  Stewart 
of  Kingston. 


BIRTH  AND  PARENTAGE. 


3 


1742.] 

quently  remain  abroad,  among  the  Miamis,  the  Hurons,  and 
Wyandots,  for  a  longer  or  shorter  period,  as  they  chose.  One 
of  the  consequences  of  this  intercommunication,  was  the  nu¬ 
merous  family  alliances  existing  between  the  Six  Nations  and 
others  at  the  west — the  Wyandots,  in  particular. 

It  was  while  his  parents  were  abroad  upon  one  of  those 
hunting  excursions,  that  Thayendanegea  was  born,  in  the  year 
1742,  on  the  banks  of  the  Ohio.  The  home  of  his  family  was 
at  the  Canajoharie  Castle — the  central  of  the  three  Castles  of 
the  Mohawks,  in  their  native  valley.  His  father’s  name  was 
Tehowaghwengaraghkwin,  a  full-blooded  Mohawk  of  the  Wolf 
Tribe.*  Thayendanegea  was  very  young  when  his  father 
died.  His  mother  married  a  second  time  to  a  Mohawk ;  and 
the  family  tradition  at  present,  is,  that  the  name  of  Brant  was 
acquired  in  the  manner  assumed  by  the  publication  already 
cited.  There  is  reason  to  doubt  the  accuracy  of  this  tradition, 
however,  since  it  is  believed  that  there  was  an  Indian  family, 
of  some  consequence  and  extent,  bearing  the  English  name  of 
Brant.  Indeed,  from  the  extracts  presently  to  be  introduced 
from  the  recently  discovered  manuscripts  of  Sir  William  John¬ 
son.  it  may  be  questioned  whether  Tehowaghwengaraghkwin, 
and  an  old  chief,  called  by  Sir  William  sometimes  Brant,  and 
at  others  Nickus  Brant,  were  not  one  and  the  same  person. 

The  denial  that  he  was  a  born  chief,  is  likewise  believed  to 
be  incorrect.  It  is  very  true,  that  among  the  Six  Nations, 
chieftainship  was  not  necessarily  obtained  by  inheritance.  But 
in  regard  to  Thayendanegea,  there  is  no  doubt  that  he  was  of 
noble  blood.  The  London  Magazine  for  July,  1776,  contains 
a  sketch  of  him,  probably  furnished  by  Boswell,  with  whom  he 
was  intimate  during  his  first  visit  to  England  in  1775 — ’76. 
In  that  account  it  is  affirmed  as  a  fact  without  question,  that 
he  was  the  grandson  of  one  of  the  five  sachems  who  visited 
England,  and  excited  so  much  attention  in  the  British  capital, 
in  1710,  during  the  reign  of  Q,ueen  Anne.  Of  those  chiefs, 
two  were  of  the  Muhhekaneew,  or  River  Indians,  and  three 

+  Each  of  the  original  Five  Nations  was  divided  into  three  tribes — the  Tortoise, 
the  Bear,  and  the  Wolf.  The  subject  of  the  present  memoir  was  of  the  latter.  Ac¬ 
cording  to  David  Cusick,  a  Tuscarora,  who  has  written  a  tract  respecting  the  history 
of  the  ancient  Five  Nations,  the  laws  of  the  confederation  requii-  d  that  the  Ononda- 
gas  should  provide  the  King,  and  the  Mohawks  a  great  War-Chief. 


4 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1742. 

were  Mohawks — one  of  whom  was  chief  of  the  Canajoharie 
clan.*  Thayendanegea  was  of  the  latter  clan  ;  and  as  there  is 
reason  to  believe  that  his  father  was  a  sachem,  there  can  be 
little  doubt  of  the  correctness  of  the  London  publication,  in 
claiming  for  him  direct  descent  from  the  Canajoharie  chief  who 
visited  the  British  court  at  the  time  above  mentioned.  But 
there  is  other  evidence  to  sustain  the  assumption.  In  the  Life 
of  the  first  President  Wheelock,  by  the  Rev.  Messrs.  M'Clure 
and  Parish,  it  is  asserted  that  the  father  of  Joseph  Brant  “  was 
“  sachem  of  the  Mohawks,  after  the  death  of  the  famous  King 
“  Hendrick.”  The  intimacy  for  a  long  time  existing  between 
the  family  of  Brant  and  the  Wheelocks,  father  and  sons,  ren¬ 
ders  this  authority,  in  the  absence  of  unwritten  testimony  still 
more  authentic,  very  good  ;  and  as  Hendrick  fell  in  1755,  when 
Thayendanegea  was  thirteen  years  of  age,  the  tradition  of  the 
earljr  death  of  his  father,  and  his  consequent  assumption  of  a 
new  name,  is  essentially  weakened.  Mrs.  Grant,  of  Laggan, 
who  in  early  life  was  a  resident  of  Albany,  and  intimately  ac¬ 
quainted  with  the  domestic  relations  of  Sir  William  Johnson, 
speaks  of  the  sister  of  young  Thayendanegea,  who  was  inti¬ 
mately  associated  in  the  family  of  the  Baronet,  as  “  the  daugh¬ 
ter  of  a  sachem.”  t 

In  the  manuscript  diary  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  just  referred 
to,  and  of  which  more  particular  mention  has  been  made  in  the 
Introduction,  the  Baronet  often  had  occasion  to  speak  of  Brant, 
of  Canajoharie.  Sometimes  he  was  called  “  Nickus  Brant,” 

*  These  five  sachems,  or  Indian  kings,  as  they  were  called,  were  taken  to  Eng¬ 
land  by  Colonel  Schuyler.  Their  arrival  in  London  created  a  great  sensation,  not 
only  in  the  capital,  but  throughout  the  kingdom.  The  populace  followed  them 
wherever  they  went.  The  Court,  was  at  that  time  in  mourning  for  the  death  of  the 
Prince  of  Denmark,  and  the  chiefs  were  dressed  in  black  under-clothes,  after  the  En¬ 
glish  manner ;  but,  instead  of  a  blanket,  they  had  each  a  scarlet-ingrain  cloth  man¬ 
tle,  edged  with  gold,  thrown  over  all  their  other  clothes.  This  dress  was  directed  by 
the  dressers  of  the  play-house,  and  given  by  the  Clueen.  A  more  than  ordinary  so¬ 
lemnity  attended  the  audience  they  had  of  her  Majesty.  They  were  conducted  to 
St.  James’s  in  two  coaches  by  Sir  Charles  Cotterel,  and  introduced  to  the  royal  pre¬ 
sence  by  the  Duke  of  Shrewsbury,  then  Lord  Chamberlain.  [Smith’s  History.] 
Oldmixon  has  preserved  the  speech  delivered  by  them  on  the  occasion,  and  several 
historians  record  the  visit.  Sir  Richard  Steele  mentions  these  chiefs  in  the  Tatler  of 
May  13,  1710.  They  were  also  made  the  subject  of  a  number  of  the  Spectator,  by 
Addison. 

f  “Memoirs  of  an  American  Lady,”  chap,  xxxix. 


sir  av.  Johnson’s  diary. 


5 


1742.] 

and  at  others  Aroghyadagha — but  most  frequently  “  Old 
Nickus,”  or  “  Old  Brant.”  As  these  private  journals  of  Sir 
William  have  never  seen  the  light,  and  are  curious  in  them¬ 
selves,  a  few  extracts  will  probably  not  be  unacceptable  to  the 
reader — serving,  as  they  will,  not  only  to  illustrate  the  present 
history,  but  also  the  character  of  the  intercourse  and  relations 
existing  between  the  English  and  the  Indians,  under  the  ad¬ 
ministration  of  the  Indian  department  by  that  distinguished 
officer.  A  more  just  idea  of  the  character  and  importance  of 
the  chieftain’s  family,  may  likewise  be  derived  from  a  perusal 
of  the  extracts  proposed  to  be  given,  exhibiting,  as  they  do, 
something  of  the  intercourse  maintained  between  the  families 
of  the  white  and  the  red  warriors. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind,  that  the  diary  to  which  we  are 
referring,  was  written  in  the  years  1757,  ’58,  and  ’59 — in  the 
midst  of  the  old  French  war,  ending  by  the  conquest  of  Canada, 
in  1763.  An  expedition  against  that  colony,  under  the  con¬ 
duct  of  Lord  Loudoun,  projected  early  in  the  former  year,  had 
been  abandoned  in  consequence  of  his  Lordship’s  inability  to 
bring  a  sufficient  number  of  troops  into  the  field,  to  meet  the 
heavy  reinforcements  sent  over  that  year  from  France.  Mean¬ 
time  the  Marquis  de  Montcalm,  with  an  army  of  9000  men,  had 
advanced  through  Lake  George,  and  carried  Fort  William 
Henry — the  siege  of  which  was  followed  by  a  frightful  massa¬ 
cre — and  was  then  threatening  Fort  Edward  and  the  settle¬ 
ments  on  the  Hudson  ;  while  at  the  west,  the  French,  with 
their  Indian  allies,  were  continually  threatening  an  invasion  by 
the  way  of  Oswego  ;  and  by  their  scouts  and  scalping  parties, 
were  vexing  the  German  settlements  on  the  Upper  Mohawk, 
and  continually  harassing  the  Six  Nations — or  Iroquois — ever 
the  objects  of  French  hostility.  In  this  state  of  things,  it 
required  the  utmost  activity  on  the  part  of  Sir  William  John¬ 
son,  his  officers  and  Indian  allies,  to  keep  themselves  well  in¬ 
formed  as  to  the  actual  or  intended  movements  of  their  subtle 
enemies.  There  was  therefore  constant  employment,  until  the 
close  of  the  year,  for  Indian  scouts  and  messengers,  throughout 
the  whole  wilderness  country  from  Lake  Champlain  to  Niagara, 
and  Fort  Du  Quesne,  on  the  Ohio.  With  this  explanation  we 
proceed  to  the  diary  : 


G  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1742. 

“  1757. — Nov.  4.  Canadiorha,  alias  Nickus  Brant’s  son,  who 
was  in  quest  after  De  Couagne  as  far  as  Oneida,  came  here 
(Fort  Johnson),  and  said  he  inquired  what  news  was  stirring 
among:  the  Oneidas.  One  of  the  sachems  told  him  the  same 
piece  of  news  Ogaghte  brought  some  days  since,  about  the 
French  intending  to  stop  the  powder  from  the  Six  Nations, — 
building  a  fort  near  Chennessio,  &c. — that  it  made  a  great 
noise  among  the  nations,  and  gave  them  uneasiness  ;  where¬ 
fore  they  were  assembling  often  at  Chennessio,  and  keeping 
(holding)  often  great  councils  among  themselves  how  to  act  in 
this  alfair  of  last  moment.  He  further  was  told  at  Oneida,  that 
but  two  days  ago  the  Six  Nations  received  a  message  from  the 
Twightwees  (Miamies),  letting  their  brethren  of  the  Six  Nations 
know  that  they  had  heard  of  the  insolent  attempt  of  the  French, 
of  destroying  the  Six  Nations ;  and  that  after  the  many  provo¬ 
cations  the  French  gave  them,  in  stirring  them  up  to  war 
against  the  English,  &c.  they  were  now  resolved  to  turn  the 
hatchet  against  the  French,  and  resolved  to  pass  the  Six  Na¬ 
tions’  country  in  their  way  to  war.  They  expected  not  to  be 
delayed,  but  to  be  immediately  joined  by  the  warriors  of  the 
Six  Nations,  and  to  proceed  toward  Canada.  He  also  said  he 
heard  the  foreign  (distant)  nations  complain  very  much  for 
want  of  trade  with  the  English  ;  and  Tahaddy,  a  Chenundidie 
chief,  said  that  he  was  stopped  by  the  French  to  sell  his  fur  at 
Cataraghqui,  and  that  he  got  not  the  half  quantity  of  goods 
that  he  could  (have)  got  from  the  English,  and  that  he  intended 
to  keep  his  furs  for  the  future,  and  in  the  Spring  to  go  with 
them  to  Albany,  and  at  the  same  time  to  intercede  with  Sir 
William  in  behalf  of  all  the  western  nations,  to  grant  them  a 
trade  again — and  further  Canadiorha  said  not.” 

In  the  next  extract  it  will  be  seen  that  Sir  William  speaks  of 
Brant  as  a  “  sachem.”  Of  course  it  could  be  none  other  than 
the  elder,  or  “  Old  Brant,”  at  the  time ;  as  Joseph  was  not 
then  more  than  sixteen  years  old. 

it  1758— April  15th.  Sir  William  set  out  for  Canajoharie, 
and  took  with  him  Captains  Johnson,*  Fonda,  and  Jacobus 


*  Guy  Johnson,  his  son-in-law. 


1742.]  sir  wm.  Johnson’s  diary*  ? 

Clement,  in  order  to  settle  some  matters  with  the  Indians  of 
that  castle.  He  arrived  that  night.* 

“  April  1 6th.  He  delivered  a  string  of  wampum  to  Brant 
and  Paulus,  two  sachems,  desiring  them  to  call  all  their  people 
out  of  the  woods  to  attend  a  meeting  he  proposed  the  next  day 
with  them,  at  which  he  should  let  them  know  General  Aber¬ 
crombie’s  pleasure,  and  his  own  inclination  and  advice — also 
what  passed  between  him  and  the  several  nations,  who  of  late 
had  had  several  meetings  with  him.” 

Preparations  were  now  making  for  a  more  formidable  and 
vigorous  campaign,  under  General  Abercrombie,  who  had  suc¬ 
ceeded  Lord  Loudoun.  His  object  was  an  attack  upon  Ticon- 
deroga,  and,  if  successful,  a  descent  upon  Crown  Point  and 
Montreal.  The  French  in  Canada  were  of  course  making 
corresponding  exertions  to  repel  the  expected  invasion.  With 
a  view  of  creating  a  diversion,  by  annoying  the  colony  of  New- 
York  from  another  quarter,  they  were  said  to  be  preparing  to 
invade  the  Mohawk  Valley,  by  the  way  of  Oswego  and  Fort 
Stanwix.  A  party  of  their  Indians  had  made  a  bold  irruption, 
toward  the  close  of  April,  upon  Burnetsfield,  on  the  south  side 
of  the  Mohawk,  and  destroyed  the  entire  settlement — massacre- 
ing  men,  women,  and  children — thirty-three  in  number — being 
the  whole  population  save  two  persons.  There  had  likewise 
been  outrages  at  the  German  Flatts,  where  several  Indians  had 
been  killed  by  the  inhabitants.  The  militia  were  promptly 
ordered  into  the  field,  to  rendezvous  at  Canajoharie,  whither  Sir 
William  repaired  on  the  4th  of  May,  to  lead  them  against  the 
enemy — reported  on  the  same  day  to  be  in  force  at  the  great 
carrying  place  (Fort  Stanwix.) 

Meantime  it  was  well  known  that  the  French  had  left  no 
means  untried,  to  seduce  the  five  westernmost  tribes  of  the  Six 
Nations  from  their  allegiance  to  the  English.  They  had  long 
had  their  Jesuit  priests  among  the  Oneidas,  Onondagas,  &c  ; 
and  a  variety  of  circumstances  had  occurred  to  induce  the  Mo¬ 
hawks  to  distrust  their  brethren  of  the  other  tribes.  Under 
these  circumstances,  Sir  William  received  the  invitation  thus 
noted  in  his  diary  : — 

*  This  entry  is  not  in  the  hand- writing  of  Sir  William,  but  of  a  certain  “  P.  WA 
who  was  his  private  secretary. 


6 


8 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1742. 


“  April  ktli.  Sir  William  having  had  an  invitation  from 
the  Six  Nations  to  attend  a  grand  meeting  to  be  held  at  Onon¬ 
daga  within  a  few  days  hence,  where  he  intends  to  proceed,  in 
case  the  last  alarm  should  prove  groundless.” 

The  Baronet  arrived  at  Canajoharie  in  the  evening,  and  at¬ 
tended  a  dance  of  the  young  warriors,  having  the  scalp  of  one 
of  the  hostile  Indians  engaged  in  the  recent  irruption,  who  had 
been  killed  at  the  German  Flatts.  He  is  thus  spoken  of  in  the 
diary — in  the  hand-writing  of  Sir  William’s  secretary. 

“  The  body  of  Otqueandageghte,  an  Onondaga  warrior,  who 
lived  for  some  years  at  ’Swegachy,  and  formerly  a  mate  of  Sir 
William’s,  was  found.  His  name  was  engraved  on  the  handle 
(of  his  knife),  and  how  often  he  had  been  to  Avar,  together  with 
this  inscription — 1  Otqueandageghte  le  Camera  de  Jeanson .’  ” 

Sir  William  was  highly  respected  by  the  Six  Nations,  and 
by  the  Mohawks  in  particular  was  greatly  beloved.  This  af¬ 
fection  was  not  only  manifested  by  their  actions,  but  often  in 
their  speeches,  at  their  councils,  and  in  their  concern  for  his 
welfare  when  sick,  and  for  his  safety  when  in  the  field.*  Such 
being  their  feelings  toward  the  Baronet,  they  were  reluctant, 
under  existing  circumstances,  to  allow  him  to  place  himself  in 
the  power  of  the  Indians  about  to  assemble  at  the  Great  Coun¬ 
cil  Fire  at  Onondaga.  They  were  likewise  apprehensive  that 
he  might  incur  danger  from  some  of  the  scalping  parties  of  the 
French.  These  explanations  will  render  the  following  extracts 
from  the  diary  intelligible  : — 

“  May  5th.  Sir  William  having  no  further  accounts  of  the 
enemy’s  appearance,  sent  a  scout  of  two  Mohawks,  two  Cana- 
joharies,  and  a  white  man,  to  go  as  far  as  Wood  Creek  and  the 
Oneida  Lake,  in  order  to  obtain  the  certainty  of  the  alarm. 


*  To  this  point,  at  the  close  of  a  council,  Sir  William  says — “  When  I  drank  to 
them  at  parting,  they  in  return  drank  my  health,  and  thanked  God  I  had  recovered 
my  late  illness.  They  then  all  said  that  it  was  happy  I  did  not  die  then  ;  for,  said 
they,  ‘  had  you  died,  we  and  the  English  would  get  by  the  ears  very  soon,  we  see ; 
and  we  fear  it  will  be  the  case  when  you  die  or  leave  us.’  ”  Again,  at  another  coun¬ 
cil  the  chiefs  commenced  their  speech : — 

“Brother,  We  are  extremely  glad  to  see  you  so  well  recovered  of  your  late  very 
dangerous  illness,  and  thank  the  Great  Spirit  above  for  it.  Had  you  been  taken 
away  from  us  that  time,  our  case  would  have  been  melancholy,  and  our  situation 
extremely  precarious.  It  will  be  so,  we  fear,  whenever  we  lose  you.” 

Diary,  Jan.  14 — 19,  1758. 


sir  wm.  Johnson’s  diary. 


9 


1742.] 


About  noon  all  the  women  of  the  chief  men  of  this  castle  met 
at  Sir  William’s  lodging,  and  brought  with  them  several  of  the 
sachems,  who  acquainted  Sir  William  that  they  had  something 
to  say  to  him  in  the  name  of  their  chief  women.” 

“  Old  Nickus  (Brant)  being  appointed  speaker,  opened  his  dis¬ 
course  with  condoling  with  Sir  William  for  the  losses  his  peo¬ 
ple  had  sustained,  and  then  proceeded  : — 

“Brother,  we  understand  you  intend  to  go  to  a  meeting  to 
Onondaga ;  we  can’t  help  speaking  with  this  belt  of  wampum  to 
you,  and  giving  our  sentiments  on  your  intended  journey. 
In  the  first  place  we  think  it  quite  contrary  to  the  customs  of 
any  Governors  or  Superintendent  of  Indian  affairs  being  called 
to  Onondaga  upon  public  business,  as  the  council  fire  which 
burns  there  serves  only  for  private  consultations  of  the  con¬ 
federacy  ;  and  when  matters  are  concluded  and  resolved  upon 
there,  the  confederacy  are  to  set  out  for  the  great  fire  place 
which  is  at  your  house,  and  there  deliver  their  conclusion. 
In  the  next  place  we  are  almost  convinced  that  the  invitation 
is  illegal,  and  not  agreed  upon  or  desired  by  the  confederacy, 
but  only  the  Oneidas — which  gives  us  the  more  reason  to  be 
uneasy  about  your  going,  as  it  looks  very  suspicious.  Did  not 
they  tell  you,  when  they  invited  you,  the  road  of  friendship  was 
clear,  and  every  obstacle  removed  that  was  in  before  ?  They 
scarce  uttered  it,  and  the  cruelties  were  committed  at  the  Ger¬ 
man  Flatts,  where  the  remainder  of  our  poor  brethren  were 
butchered  by  the  enemy’s  Indians.  Is  this  a  clear  road  of  peace 
and  friendship  1  Would  not  you  be  obliged  to  wade  all  the 
way  in  the  blood  of  the  poor  innocent  men,  women,  and  chil¬ 
dren  who  were  murdered  after  being  taken  ? 

“  Brother,  by  this  belt  of  wampum,  we,  the  women,  sur¬ 
round  and  hang  about  you  like  little  children,  who  are  crying 
at  their  parents’  going  from  them,  for  fear  of  their  never  return¬ 
ing  again  to  give  them  suck  ;  and  we  earnestly  beg  you  will 
give  ear  to  our  request,  and  desist  from  your  journey.  We  flat¬ 
ter  ourselves  you  will  look  upon  this  our  speech,  and  take  the 
same  notice  of  it  as  all  our  men  do,  who,  when  they  are  ad¬ 
dressed  by  the  women,  and  desired  to  desist  from  any  rash  en¬ 
terprise,  they  immediately  give  way.  when,  before,  every  body 
else  tried  to  dissuade  them  from  it,  and  could  not  prevail.” 

Gave  the  Bell. 


10 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1742. 


“  Canajoharie ,  May  7th.  This  afternoon  Sir  William  had 
a  meeting  with  the  chief  women  of  this  castle,  and  returned 
them  thanks  for  their  condolence  of  the  5th  instant.  At  the 
same  time  he  condoled  with  them  for  the  loss  of  one  of  the  tribe 
of  the  Bear,  that  belonged  to  the  chief  of  that  tribe,  with  a 
stroud  blanket,  a  shirt,  and  stockings.” 

A  string  of  Wampum. 

“  Sir  William  told  them  that  he  would  answer  their  speech 
concerning  his  journey,  when  the  messengers  who  had  gone 
to  Oneida  came  back.  He  also  made  private  presents  to  a  few 
of  the  head  women  of  each  tribe,  with  a  blanket  and  shirt 
each.” 

“  May  1( ')th.  This  afternoon  Sir  William  returned  his  an¬ 
swer  to  the  speech  of  the  chief  women  of  this  castle,  made  to 
him  on  the  5th  instant,  which  is  as  follows  : — 

“Dyattego,  your  tender  and  affectionate  speech,  made  some 
days  ago,  I  have  considered,  and  thereupon  have  dispatched 
messengers  to  Oneida,  in  order  to  inquire  how  things  stand 
there  after  what  happened  at  the  German  Flatts,  and  whether 
my  presence  at  the  meeting  would  be  still  necessary.  These 
messengers  are  returned,  and  I  find  by  them  that  the  sachems 
of  Oneida  likewise  disapprove  my  proceeding  any  farther,  for 
sundry  reasons  they  give  in  their  reply.  Wherefore  I  shall 
comply  with  your  request  to  return,  and  heartily  thank  you  for 
the  great  tenderness  and  love  expressed  forme  in  your  speech.” 

Returned  their  Belt. 

The  next  entry  in  which  the  name  of  Nickus  Brant  occurs, 
is  under  date  of  November  18th,  1758 — in  which  he  is  called 
the  chief  sachem  of  Canajoharie.  He  must  also  have  been  a 
man  of  trust  and  consequence,  as  he  had  then  just  returned 
from  an  important  mission  to  a  great  Indian  council  in  Penn¬ 
sylvania. 

Fort  Johnson ,  Nov.  18,  1758.  Nickus,  chief  sachem  of  Ca¬ 
najoharie,  arrived  from  the  meeting  at  Easton,  and  in  the  pre¬ 
sence  of  the  Belt,  a  Seneca  chief,  several  more  of  said  nation, 
the  Red  Head,  and  some  more  Onondagoes,  showed  me  all  the 
belts  which  passed  between  the  Governors  of  Pennsylvania, 
New  Jersey,  and  the  several  nations  of  Indians  there  assembled, 
with  the  purport  of  them,  which  I  need  not  insert  here.” 

An  important  land  negotiation  had  taken  place  at  the  coun- 


sir  wm.  Johnson’s  diary. 


11 


1742.] 

cil  at  Easton,  by  which  the  agents  of  Penn  had  agreed  to  re¬ 
lease  to  the  Six  Nations,  certain  territories  purchased  of  them 
at  Albany  in  1754 — but  which  sale  gave  dissatisfaction  to  the 
tribes.  Nickus  desired  Sir  William  to  communicate  this  infor¬ 
mation  to  the  Indians,  on  their  return  from  hunting ;  and  Sir 
William  enjoined  it  upon  Nickus  to  put  an  end  to  the  irregu¬ 
larities  of  his  tribe,  and  the  mischief  they  were  doing  to  the 
properly ;  as  u  such  barbarism  must  be  productive  of  very  fatal 
consequences.” 

The  Diary  says  : — “  He  told  me  it  was  with  the  utmost  con¬ 
cern  he  had  heard  what  I  had  told  him,  and  assured  me  he 
would  endeavour  all  in  his  power  to  restrain  them,  and  try  to 
bring  them  to  proper  order  ;  but  doubted  of  success  while  there 
was  such  a  flood  of  rum  in  the  country,  which  alone  occa¬ 
sioned  them  to  commit  such  irregularities,  and  which,  if  not 
prevented,  must  inevitably  destroy  them  all  in  a  little  time.”* 

On  the  18th  of  January,  1759,  Sir  William  held  a  conference 
at  Canajoharie  Castle  with  the  Mohawk  and  Seneca  chiefs. 
After  condoling  with  them  for  their  losses  by  sickness,  with 
three  strings  of  wampum,  and  for  their  losses  by  the  war  with 
a  like  number  of  strings,  he  addressed  them  as  follows  : — 

“Brethren  of  the  two  Mohawk  Castles  and  Sene¬ 
cas  :  I  take  the  first  opportunity  of  acquainting  you  that  His 
Majesty  has  been  pleased  to  appoint  Lieutenant  General  Am¬ 
herst,  Commander  in  Chief  of  all  his  forces  in  North  America, 
in  the  room  of  Lieutenant  General  Abercrombie,  who  is  called 
home.  Also  that  the  General  has,  by  letter,  desired  I  would 
use  my  utmost  endeavours  to  get  as  great  a  number  of  our 
brethren,  the  Six  Nations,  to  join  him  early  next  Spring  against 
our  common  enemy,  as  I  possibly  can.  This  I  shall  endeavour 
to  do,  and  would  be  glad  of  your  advice  and  assistance  therein, 
which  by  this  belt  of  wampum  I  desire  you,  as  our  steady 
friends,  will  afford  me.  A  Belt. 

“  Brethren  :  As  you  are  all  acquainted  with  the  late  cruel 
and  unprecedented  murder  of  John  M’Michael,  one  of  our  peo- 

*  The  introduction  and  pernicious  effects  of  ardent  spirits  among  the  Indians  were 
a  frequent  subject  of  complaint,  even  at  that  early  day,  of  which  Sir  William’s 
memoranda,  and  the  records  of  Indian  speeches  to  him,  afford  repeated  proofs. 


12 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1742. 


pie,  by  a  Cayouga*  Indian  near  Fort  Stanwix,  whom  he  em¬ 
ployed  to  escort  him  to  Fort  Herkimer,  I  shall  not  repeat  the 
disagreeable  circumstances  to  you,  as  I  am  sensible  it  affects 
you  as  well  as  me.  I  would  now  only  ask  your  opinion  what 
are  the  proper  steps  to  be  taken  in  the  affair,  as  it  will  always 
have  great  weight  with  me.  ,  Three  /Strings . 

“  Brethren  :  I  lately  received  these  strings  of  wampum 
from  the  Oneidas  by  Captain  Fonda,  by  which  they  say  I  am 
invited  to  a  meeting  proposed  to  be  held  soon  at  Onondaga, 
where  you  are  also  desired  to  attend.  I  am  ready  and  willing 
to  go  if  you  think  it  will  be  for  the  good  of  the  service.  At 
the  same  time  I  must  observe  to  you,  that  I  think  it  an  unpre¬ 
cedented  manner  of  inviting  either  you  or  me,  without  some 
of  the  Onondagas  coming  down  with  it  as  usual.  I  neverthe¬ 
less  submit  to  your  judgment,  as  being  better  acquainted  with 
their  forms,  and  expect  you  will  give  it  me,  as  well  as  your 
opinion  of  the  proper  steps  for  me  to  take,  in  order  to  get  what 
prisoners  of  ours  may  be  among  the  nations.” 

Three  /Strings . 

“  Do.  Die.  Tarrawarriax,  and  another  Seneca  sachem,  came 
to  Sir  William,  at  Brant's  house ,  and  told  him,  &c. 

“  January  19.  The  sachems,  &c.  being  met  at  their  coun¬ 
cil  room,  sent  to  acquaint  Sir  William  that  they  were  ready  to 
answer  to  what  he  the  day  before  had  laid  before  them.  On 
which  he,  with  the  same  gentlemen  who  attended  him  yester¬ 
day,  went  to  the  meeting,  when  Aroghyadecka,  alias  Old 
Brant,  chief  of  the  Canajoharies,  spoke  as  follows  : — 

“Brother  WarraghiyageyI — We  are  much  obliged  to 
you  for  giving  us  so  timely  notice  of  the  General’s  desire  and 
antentions,  and  we  hope  and  wish  that  he  may  be  ready  to 
take  the  field  very  early,  which  in  our  opinion  is  what  should 
always  be  done.  You  may  depend  upon  our  attachment  and 
assistance  ;  being  determined,  as  we  declared  to  you  at  the  be¬ 
ginning  of  this  war,  to  stand  or  fall  with  you.  And  as  you 
desired  our  opinion  with  regard  to  the  Six  Nations,  we  have 
considered  of  it,  and  think  it  best  that  you  call  their  sachems, 

*  Always  spelt  thus  by  Sir  William  Johnson. 

f  The  name  which  the  Indians  had  conferred  upon  Sir  William,  and  by  which 
he  was  almost  invariably  addressed. 


1742.] 


13 


sir  wm.  Johnson’s  diary. 

chief  warriors,  and  leading  women,  down  to  your  house  as  soon 
as  may  be,  where  we  shall  be  ready  to  attend  and  assist  you 
all  in  our  power.  Returned  the  Belt. 

“  Brother  :  The  late  murder  of  one  of  our  brethren  near 
the  carrying  place,  by  one  of  the  Upper  nations  in  the  French 
interest,  gives  us  great  concern,  and  think  he  ought  to  be  se¬ 
verely  punished  for  it.  But  as  we  hope  the  Six  Nations  may 
now  act  a  better  part  than  they  have  hitherto,  we  would  advise 
you  not  to  say  any  thing  about  it  until  they  come  to  the  meet¬ 
ing  at  your  house,  and  then  we  think  the  milder  you  speak  to 
them,  the  better,  at  this  time.  And  this  is  our  opinion. 

Returned  three  Strings. 

“  Brother  :  As  for  the  strings  of  wampum  lately  sent  by 
the  Oneidas,  to  invite  you  and  us  to  a  meeting  at  Onondaga, 
we  think  with  you  that  it  was  not  according  to  our  ancient  and 
usual  custom,  nor  was  it  even  a  proper  invitation.  We  are  of 
opinion  that  your  inviting  them  all  to  your  house  is  much  bet¬ 
ter  and  more  in  character.  Wherefore  we  would  be  very  glad 
if  you  would  give  them  an  invitation,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
send  some  strings  of  wampum,  desiring  they  would  bring  what 
prisoners  of  our  brethren  may  be  among  them. 

Three  Strings  of  Wampum. 

11  Brother  :  We  return  you  our  hearty  thanks  for  the  con¬ 
fidence  you  repose  in  us,  and  be  assured  we  shall  ever  study 
to  act  so  as  to  continue  your  good  opinion  of  us.  We  are  also 
thankful  to  you  for  the  good  news  you  yesterday  told  us,  and 
we  heartily  congratulate  you  thereon,  and  hope  further  success 
may  attend  the  King’s  arms.” 

The  course  suggested  by  the  chiefs  was  adopted  by  Sir 
William,  and  messengers,  with  the  usual  significant  belts,  were 
forthwith  dispatched  to  the  Cayugas  and  Onondagas.  It  was 
attended  by  the  best  results,  as  appears  from  subsequent  entries 
in  the  Diary.  Mr.  M’ Michael,  who  had  been  murdered  by  the  re¬ 
creant  Cayuga,  was  a  trader  of  note,  and  the  peculiar  atrocity  of 
his  murder  had  created  a  deep  feeling  of  indignation,  for 
which  the  circumstances  of  treachery  and  duplicity  stated  in 
the  official  report  from  the  commanding  officer  at  Fort  Stan- 
wix  to  Sir  William,  were  a  full  warrant.  The  Cayugas  lost 
no  time  in  manifesting  their  sorrow  and  detestation  of  the 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


14 


[1742. 


crime,  as  will  be  seen  from  the  following  extract  from  the 
Baronet’s  journal :  * 

“  Fort  Johnson ,  Feb.  5.  Skanarady,  Teughsaragarat,  and 
Ottawannio,  three  chiefs  of  the  Cayuga  nation,  arrived  here 
with  several  more,  and  after  being  introduced  by  Clement, 
the  interpreter,  began  and  said : 

“Brother  Warraghiyagey :  The  unhappy  murder  of 
one  of  our  brethren  near  the  Oneida  carrying  place,  is  the  oc¬ 
casion  of  our  coming  down  at  this  severe  season  of  the  year. 
Our  nation  would  not  be  at  rest,  nor  easy,  until  they  had  spoke 
to  you  about  it.  We  now,  in  their  behalf,  wipe  away  the  tears 
from  your  eyes,  so  that  you  may  look  pleasant  at  us.  We 
likewise  remove  all  obstructions,  and  clear  your  throat,  so  that 
you  may  speak  clear  and  friendly  to  us.  Lastly,  we  wipe  away 
the  blood  of  our  brother,  lately  killed  near  the  carrying  place, 
that  the  sight  of  it  may  no  longer  give  us  concern. 

Three  Strings  of  Wampum. 

“  Sir  William  told  them  that  he  would  be  ready  the  next 
morning  to  hear  what  they  had  further  to  say,  and  would  desire 
his  neighbours,  the  Mohawks,  to  attend. 

“  Wednesday ,  Feb.  6.  About  twenty  Mohawks  arrived. 
The  Cayugas  being  acquainted  that  Sir  William  was  ready, 
with  the  Mohawks  and  two  Onondagoes,  to  hear  them,  they 
entered  the  Council,  and  Skanarady  spoke  as  follows : 

“Brother  Warraghiyagey:  On  our  arrival  yesterday 
we  wiped  the  tears  from  your  eyes,  and  we  now,  agreeable  to 
the  custom  of  our  forefathers,  take  the  French  hatchet,  (which 
they  gave  to  one  of  our  foolish,  deluded  young  men,  giving 
him  great  rewards,  and  making  him  large  promises  if  he 
would  use  it  against  our  brethren  the  English,)  out  of  your 
head,  and  bury  it  in  a  deep  pool,  where  it  can  never  be  found ; 
also,  with  this  belt  of  wampum  we  assure  you  that  it  gives 
our  nation  as  much  concern  as  it  can  you,  and  promise  the  great¬ 
est  care  shall  be  taken  to  prevent  the  like  happening  for  the 
future.  A  Black  and  White  Belt. 


*  The  author  is  of  course  aware  that  this  is  a  digression  from  his  main  subject ; 
but  the  incident  is  an  interesting  one,  and  the  speech  of  the  Cayugas  worthy  of 
preservation  for  its  simple  pathos,  and  also  as  an  illustration  of  Indian  character. 
Mr.  M’Michael’s  family  are  yet  among  the  most  respectable  residents  of  Schenectady. 


sir  wm.  Johnson’s  diary. 


15 


1742.] 


“  Brother  :  With  this  belt  we  cover  his  grave,  that  the 
sight  of  it  may  no  longer  give  you  or  us  concern. 

A  White  Belt. 

“Brother:  With  these  strings  we  raise  up  your  head, 
now  hanging  down  with  concern  for  the  loss  of  one  of  our 
brethren,  and  beg  you  will  no  longer  keep  sorrow  in  your  mind. 

Three  Strings  of  Wampum. 

11  Brother  :  Lastly,  we  most  earnestly  entreat  that  you 
will  not,  for  what  has  happened,  neglect  the  management  of 
our  affairs,  as  your  neglect  of  them  at  any,  but  more  particu¬ 
larly  at  this,  time,  must  render  us  unhappy,  and  throw  the  con¬ 
federacy  into  confusion.”  A  Belt  of  Black  and  White. 

To  which  Sir  William  replied  : — 

“  Brethren  of  Cayuga  :  I  have  heard  what  you  have 
by  these  belts  said,  and  only  now  tell  you  that  I  shall  defer  en¬ 
tering  into  the  affair  until  the  Five  Nations  are  met,  which  I 
expect  will  be  soon,  as  I  have  invited  them  all  here.  Then  you 
and  they  will  hear  what  I  have  to  say  on  the  subject,  and  your 
belts  shall  be  laid  by  safe  until  then.” 

On  the  11th  of  February,  Sir  William  proceeded  to  Cana- 
joharie,  at  which  place  he  had  invited  a  meeting  of  the  chiefs 
and  warriors  of  the  Mohawks.  The  occasion,  and  the  pro¬ 
ceedings,  will  be  understood  from  the  annexed  extract : — 

“  Monday ,  Feb.  12 — 8  at  night.  Being  all  assembled,  Sir 
William  told  them  that  the  reason  of  his  coming  to  their  castle 
was  to  get  a  number  of  their  briskest  men  to  join  Captain 
Lotteridge,  and  some  of  the  Mohawks  and  Schoharies,  on  a 
scout  to  Tienderago,  *  or  Crown  Point,  in  order  to  see  what 
the  enemy  was  about,  and  get  him  a  prisoner  from  whom  he 
might  be  able  to  get  better  intelligence  than  the  General  daily 
receives,  and  which  would  enable  the  General  to  take  proper 
measures  for  the  defence  of  the  country  until  the  opening  of 
the  campaign, — and  that  they  would  be  ready  in  two  days  to 
set  off  for  his  house,  where  they  would  be  supplied  with  every 
thing  necessary  for  such  service.” 

A  painted  War-Belt  thrown  between  tnem. 

No  sooner  was  the  belt  cast  among  them,  than  Sonughsas,  a 


*  Ticonderoga — always  spelled  thus  by  Sir  William  Johnson, 


16 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1742. 

chief  of  the  Bear  tribe,  arose,  took  the  belt  in  his  hand,  and 
sang  his  war-song,  and  was  followed  by  several  more  of  each 
tribe.  Then  Aroghigadecka,  the  chief  sachem  of  the  castle, 
stood  lip  and  said : — 

“Brother  Warraghiyagey:  We,  the  sachems  and 
warriors  of  the  Canajoharie  castle  immediately  quit  our  hunt¬ 
ing  on  your  call,  and  made  all  the  haste  possible  to  meet  you 
here,  where  we  are  all  heartily  glad  to  see  you  ;  and  in  answer 
to  your  desire,  without  any  hesitation,  I  am  desired  by  the 
young  men  present  to  tell  you  they  will  be  ready  to  go  with 
Captain  Lottendge,  and  the  Mohawks,  &c.  on  the  service  you 
require,  and  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt  you  will  (in  their  ab¬ 
sence)  take  care  of  their  families,  who  are  extremely  poor  and 
in  great  want  of  provisions.  Here  returned  the  War-Belt. 

“  Sir  William  thanked  them  for  the  readiness  they  showed  on 
the  occasion,  and  told  them  he  would  give  their  families  some 
provisions  in  their  absence,  or  money  to  purchase  it,  so  that 
they  should  not  suffer.  He  then  gave  them  an  entertainment, 
as  usual  on  such  occasions,  and  parted.  He  left  that  castle 
Tuesday  morning,  and  arrived  at  Fort  Johnson  that  night.” 

The  next  mention  of  the  Brants  contained  in  the  broken 
manuscripts  of  Sir  William,  is  found  in  the  private  journal 
kept  by  him  of  his  tour  to  Detroit  in  1761,  after  the  surrender 
of  the  Canadas.  The  duty  then  devolved  upon  Sir  William 
of  meeting  the  upper  Indians  around  the  great  Lakes,  pre¬ 
viously  under  the  influence,  and  many  of  them  in  the  service, 
of  the  French,  in  Grand  Council  at  Detroit, — to  establish 
friendly  relations  with  them,  and  receive  a  transfer  of  that 
quasi  allegiance  which  the  Indians  have  generally  acknow¬ 
ledged  to  the  whites,  French,  English,  or  American.  In  addition 
to  his  own  immediate  suite,  among  whom  was  his  son,  Lieute¬ 
nant  Johnson,  (afterward  Sir  John,)  he  was  attended  on  the 
expedition  by  a  detachment  of  troops,  and  a  band  of  the  Mohawk 
warriors.  While  at  Niagara,*  Sir  William  notes  : 

“  Monday ,  August  10.  Nickus,t  of  Canajoharie,  an  Indian, 

*  The  author  has  already  acknowledged  his  indebtedness  to  Archibald  Johnson, 
Esq.,  of  Lower  Canada,  for  the  original  of  this  very  interesting  journal,  which  it  is 
hoped  wdl  be  of  greater  use  in  another  work. 

f  Nickus  Ilance — another  name  and  a  different  person  from  Nickus  Brant,  of 


BIRTH  AND  PARENTAGE. 


17 


1742.] 

arrived  here,  and  acquainted  me  that  several  of  his  castle  had 
died  of  malignant  fever  ;  and  that  all  Brant’s  family  were  ill  of 
the  same  disorder,  except  the  old  woman.  He  also  told  me  that 
he  had  heard  by  the  way  from  several  Indians,  that  I  was  to  be 
destroyed  or  murdered  on  my  way  to  Detroit ;  and  that  the  In¬ 
dians  were  certainly  determined  to  rise  and  fall  on  the  English, 
as  several  thousands  of  the  Ottaways  and  other  nations  had 
agreed  to  join  the  Five  Nations  in  this  scheme  or  plot.” 

It  is  needless,  however,  to  multiply  citations  to  the  point  im¬ 
mediately  in  view.  The  object  of  those  already  made  has  been 
to  clear  up  the  doubts,  if  possible,  and  establish  the  fact  as  to  the 
immediate  ancestry  of  Thayendanegea,  alias  Joseph  Brant ; 
while,  it  is  believed,  the  incidental  history  necessarily  involved  in 
these  extracts  has  not  been  altogether  devoid  of  interest.  And 
although  the  fact  is  nowhere  positively  asserted,  yet  there  is 

this  Nickjhs,  repeated  mention  is  made  in  Sir  William’s  previous  official  diaries. 
The  following  quotations  are  given  as  curious  illustrations  of  Indian  customs  : 

“  Fort  Johnson,  May  22,1757.  Sir  William  spoke  with  Nickus  Hance,  alias 
Taicarihogo,  a  Canajoharie  chief,  who  came  to  see  him,  and  told  him,  that  as  he  was 
much  concerned  for  the  loss  of  his  (said  Hance’s)  mother,  who  lately  died,  that  he 
expected  he  would  remove  his  concern  by  going  to  war,  and  bringing  either  a  pri¬ 
soner  or  a  scalp  to  put  in  her  room,  or  stead,  as  is  usual  among  Indians.  Upon  this 
Sir  William  gave  him  a  very  fine  black  belt  to  enforce  his  request.  Taicarihogo 
returned  Sir  William  thanks  for  the  concern  he  shared  for  the  loss  of  his  mother, 
accepted  the  belt,  and  promised  he  would,  on  his  return  home,  call  his  young  men  to¬ 
gether,  and  lay  Sir  William’s  belt  and  request  before  them.”  [The  giving  of  a  belt 
in  this  way,  was  a  sort  of  commission  to  make  up  a  scalping  party  against  the 
forces  or  the  settlements  of  the  enemy. — Author. ] 

Of  a  similar  character  is  the  following  extract  from  the  Diary : 

“  Albany,  May  18,  1758.  Capt.  Jacob  Head,  of  a  Company  of  Stockbridge  In¬ 
dians,  brought  to  Sir  William’s  lodgings  four  French  scalps,  which  his  cousin,  chief 
of  another  company  of  said  Indians,  had  taken  from  the  enemy  some  few  days  be¬ 
fore,  and  the  aforesaid  Jacob  spoke  as  follows  : 

“  Brother  Warraghayagey :  This  scalp  (the  one  with  a  black  belt  tied  to  it  paint¬ 
ed)  I  desire  may  be  delivered  to  my  wife’s  uncle,  old  Hickus,  of  Canajoharie,  to  re¬ 
place  her  mother,  who  was  his  sister. 

“  This  scalp,  (meaning  another  upon  the  same  stick,  with  a  bunch  of  black  wampum 
tied  to  it,)  I  send  to  the  aforesaid  man  to  replace  Eusenia,  who  was  Taraghyorie’s 
wife. 

“  This  scalp,  (meaning  a  scalp  by  itself  on  a  stick,  with  a  bunch  of  black  wam¬ 
pum,)  my  cousin,  Captain  Jacob,  gives  to  replace  old  King  Hendrick,  of  Canajoharie. 
[Killed  in  1755,  at  the  battle  of  Lake  George. — Author.] 

“This  scalp,  (meaning the  small  one  tied  round  with  a  bunch  of  wampum,)  my 
said  cousin  gives  to  replace  Hickus’s  son,  who  was  killed  at  the  battle  of  the  Lake 
under  your  command.” 


18 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1742, 

much  reason  to  suppose  that  he  was  the  son  of  Nickus  Brant, 
whose  Indian  name,  according  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  was 
Aroghyadeclca  ;  but  which  has  been  furnished  to  the  author  by 
the  family  as  Tehowaghwengaraghkwin.  It  has  been  seen 
from  the  extracts  that  JNickus  Brant  was  a  Canajoharie  chief  of 
character  and  celebrity,  between  whom  and  Sir  William  a  close 
intimacy  subsisted.  When  called  to  Canajoharie  upon  business 
or  pleasure,  the  Baronet’s  quarters  were  “  at  Brant’s  house,”  as 
noted  in  his  own  Diary.  It  is  likewise  well  known,  that  after  the 
decease  of  Lady  Johnson,  (an  event  which  occurred  several 
years  antecedent  to  the  period  of  which  we  are  now  writing,  and 
before  he  had  won  his  baronetcy  at  Lake  George,)  Sir  William  took 
to  his  home  as  his  wife,  Mary  Brant,  or  “  Miss  Molly,”  as  she  was 
called,  with  whom  he  lived  until  his  decease  in  1774,  and  by  whom 
he  had  several  children.  This  circumstance  is  thus  mention¬ 
ed  by  Mrs.  Grant  in  her  delightful  book  already  referred  to: — 
“  Becoming  a  widower  in  the  prime  of  life,  he  connected  himself 
“  with  an  Indian  maiden,  daughter  to  a  sachem,  who  possessed 
“  an  uncommonly  agreeable  person  and  good  understanding ; 
“and  whether  ever  formally  married  to  him  according  to  our 
“  usage,  or  not,  continued  to  live  with  him  in  great  union  and 
“  affection  all  his  life,”  The  Baronet  himself  repeatedly  speaks 
of  this  Indian  lady  in  his  private  journals.  While  on  his  ex¬ 
pedition  to  Detroit,  entries  occur  of  having  received  news  from 
home,  and  of  having  written  to  “  Molly.”  He  always  men¬ 
tioned  her  kindly,  ex  gr : — 

“  Wednesday ,  Oct.  21  st.  Met  Sir  Robert  Davers  and  Cap¬ 
tain  Etherington,  who  gave  me  a  packet  of  letters  from  Ge¬ 
neral  Amherst.  *  *  *  Captain  Etherington  told  me  Molly  was 
delivered  of  a  girl  :  that  all  were  well  at  my  house,  where  they 
staid  two  days.” 

But  to  return  from  these  digressions.  Molly,  as  it  has  already 
been  stated,  was  the  sister  of  Thayendanegea ;  and  both,  ac¬ 
cording  to  the  account  of  the  London  Magazine  of  1776,  the 
earliest  printed  testimony  upon  the  subject,  were  the  grand¬ 
children  of  one  of  the  Mohawk  chiefs  who  visited  England 
half  a  century  before.  That  his  father  was  a  chief,  several  au¬ 
thorities  have  likewise  been  cited  to  show ;  to  which  may  be 
added  that  of  Alien’s  Biographical  Dictionary,  where  the  fact 


BATTLE  OF  LAKE  GEORGE. 


19 


1755.] 

is  positively  asserted.*  From  such  a  body  of  testimony,  there¬ 
fore,  direct  and  circumstantial,  it  is  hazarding  but  very  little  to 
assume,  that,  so  far  from  having  been  of  humble  and  plebeian 
origin,  according  to  the  statement  of  Dr.  Stewart,  Joseph  Brant 
was  of  the  noblest  descent  among  his  nation. 

Of  the  early  youth  of  Joseph,  there  are  no  accounts,  other 
than  that  he  was  very  young  when  first  upon  the  war-path. 
In  one  of  the  authorities  to  which  reference  has  already  been 
made,t  it  is  stated,  that  having  attained  the  age  of  thirteen  years, 
he  joined  the  warriors  of  his  tribe  under  Sir  William  Johnson, 
and  was  present  at  the  memorable  battle  of  Lake  George,  in 
which  the  French  were  defeated,  and  their  commander,  the 
Baron  Dieskau,  mortally  wounded.  The  Mohawks  were  led 
into  action  by  their  celebrated  king,  the  brave  old  Hendrick, 
who  was  slain,  t  It  was  this  victory  which  laid  the  foundation 
of  Sir  William’s  military  fame,  and  in  reward  for  which  he  was 
created  a  Baronet.  It  is  reported,  that  in  relating  the  particu¬ 
lars  of  this  bloody  engagement  to  Doctor  Stewart,  the  youthful 
warrior  acknowledged,  “  That  this  being  the  first  action  at  which 
“  he  was  present,  he  was  seized  with  such  a  tremor  when  the 
“  firing  began,  that  he  was  obliged  to  take  hold  of  a  small  sap- 
“  ling  to  steady  himself ;  but  that  after  the  discharge  of  a  few 
“  vollies,  he  recovered  the  use  of  his  limbs  and  the  composure 
11  of  his  mind,  so  as  to  support  the  character  of  a  brave  man,  of 
“  which  he  was  exceedingly  ambitious.”  He  was  no  doubt  a 
warrior  by  nature.  <£  I  like,”  said  he,  once  in  after-life,  when 
the  conversation  was  about  music,  “  the  harpsichord  well,  and 
“  the  organ  still  better  ;  but  I  like  the  drum  and  trumpet  best 
“  of  all,  for  they  make  my  heart  beat  quick.”!! 

President  Allen  states  that  the  father  of  Thayendanegea  had 
three  sons  in  the  army  of  Sir  William  Johnson  in  the  year 

*  President  Allen  is  connected  by  marriage  with  the  family  of  the  late  President 
Wheelock,  and  has  had  excellent  opportunities  for  arriving  at  the  probable  truth. 

f  Christian  Register. 

|  A  council  of  war  was  called  Sept.  8.  It  was  proposed  to  send  a  detachment  to 
meet  the  enemy.  When  the  number  was  mentioned  to  Hendrick,  he  replied — “  If 
they  are  to  fight,  they  are  too  few ;  if  they  are  to  be  killed,  they  are  too  many.” 
When  it  was  proposed  to  send  out  the  detachment  in  three  parties,  Hendrick  took 
three  sticks,  and  said,  “  Put  these  together,  and  you  can’t  break  them  ;  take  them 
one  by  one,  and  you  will  do  it  easily.”  Hendrick’s  advice  was  taken,  and  victory 
was  the  result. — Holmes. 

||  Letter  of  T.  Campbell  to  Ahyonwaeghs. 


20 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1759. 

1756.  Of  these  Joseph  was  probably  the  youngest,  since  he 
was  but  thirteen  at  the  battle  of  Lake  George  in  1755.  A 
young  warrior  truly :  but  he  might  well  have  been  there,  even 
at  that  tender  age,  since,  by  all  the  accounts  that  have  descended 
to  us,  he  must  have  been  a  lad  of  uncommon  enterprise — giving 
early  promise  of  those  eminent  qualities,  which  were  developed 
in  the  progress  of  a  life  of  various  and  important  action. 

The  youthful  warrior  likewise  accompanied  Sir  William 
during  the  Niagara  campaign  of  1759,  and  in  the  brilliant 
achievements  of  the  Baronet,  after  the  chief  command  had  de¬ 
volved  upon  him  by  the  death  of  General  Prideaux,  is  said  to 
have  acquitted  himself  with  distinguished  bravery.  General 
Prideaux,  commanding  the  expedition,  was  killed  by  the  acci¬ 
dental  explosion  of  a  cohorn  on  the  20th  of  July,  soon  after 
commencing  the  siege  ;  but  Sir  William  prosecuted  the  plan 
of  his  fallen  superior  with  judgment  and  vigour.  On  the  24th 
of  July  Monsieur  D’ Aubrey  approached  the  fortress  with  a 
strong  force,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  the  siege.  A  severe  en¬ 
gagement  ensued  in  the  open  field,  which  resulted  in  the  tri¬ 
umph  of  the  British  and  Provincial  arms.  The  action  was 
commenced  with  great  impetuosity  by  the  French,  but  Sir  Wil¬ 
liam  was  well  prepared  for  their  reception.  After  a  spirited 
contest  of  half  an  hour,  the  French  broke,  and  the  fate  of  the 
day  was  decided.  The  flight  of  the  French  was  bloody  and  dis¬ 
astrous  for  the  space  of  five  miles,  at  which  distance  D’ Aubrey, 
and  most  of  his  officers,  were  captured.  The  Indians  behaved 
uncommonly  well  on  this  occasion,  and  Brant  was  among  them. 
On  the  following  day,  so  vigorously  did  the  Baronet  prosecute 
his  operations,  the  fort  was  taken,  with  all  its  military  supplies 
and  about  six  hundred  prisoners.  By  this  blow  the  French 
were  cut  off  from  their  project  of  keeping  up  a  line  of  fortified 
communications  with  Louisiana. 

The  exertions  of  Sir  William  Johnson  to  improve  the 
moral  and  social  condition  of  his  Mohawk  neighbours,  were 
not  the  least  of  his  praiseworthy  labours  among  that  brave  and 
chivalrous  people.  Having  aided  in  the  building  of  churches 
and  locating  missionaries  among  them,  at  the  request  of  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Kirkland  and  others,  he  selected  numbers  of  young 
Mohawks,  and  caused  them  to  be  sent  to  the  “  Moor  Charity 
School,”  established  at  Lebanon,  Connecticut,  under  the  im- 


moor’s  charity  school. 


21 


1761.] 

mediate  direction  of  the  Rev.  Doctor  Eleazer  Wheelock,  after¬ 
ward  President  of  Dartmouth  College,  of  which,  by  its  tranfer, 
that  school  became  the  foundation.  Among  the  youths  thus 
selected  was  young  Thayendanegea,  the  promising  brother  of 
“  Miss  Molly.” 

The  precise  year  in  which  he  was  thus  placed  under  the 
charge  of  Dr.  Wheelock  cannot  now  be  ascertained.  The 
school  itself  was  opened  for  the  reception  of  Indian  pupils, 
avowedly  as  an  Indian  missionary  school,  in  1748 ;  the  first 
Indian  scholar,  Samson  Occum,  having  been  received  into  it 
five  years  before*  It  has  been  asserted  that  Joseph  was  re¬ 
ceived  into  the  school  in  July  1761,  at  which  time  he  must  have 
been  nineteen  years  old,  and  a  memorandum  of  his  preceptor 
to  that  effect  has  been  cited.  According  to  Dr.  Stewart, t  how¬ 
ever,  he  was  a  mere  boy  when  first  sent  to  Lebanon :  and  it 
will  presently  appear  that  the  entry  of  Dr.  Wheelock  was  most 
probably  incorrect.  He  was  doubtless  at  the  school  in  that 
year,  and  very  likely  on  the  point  of  leaving  it ;  since  three 
years  afterward  he  will  be  found  settled  in  his  own  native  val¬ 
ley,  and  engaged  in  very  different  pursuits. 

The  correspondence  between  Doctor  Wheelock  and  Sir  Wil¬ 
liam  was  quite  active  at  this  period  upon  the  subject  of  the 
school,  and  Joseph  was  himself  employed  as  an  agent  to  pro¬ 
cure  recruits  for  it.  Thus,  in  a  letter  from  the  Baronet  to  the 
Doctor,  dated  November  17,  1761,  he  says — “  I  have  given  in 
<£  charge  to  Joseph,  to  speak  in  my  name  to  any  good  boys  he 
u  may  see,  and  encourage  to  accept  the  generous  offers  now 
“  made  to  them ;  which  he  promised  to  do,  and  return  as  soon 
“  as  possible,  and  that  without  horses.”  The  probability,  how¬ 
ever,  is,  that  he  went  to  the  school  immediately  after  his  return 


*  The  success  of  the  Doctor  with  him,  was  a  strong  inducement  for  establishing 
the  school.  Occum  was  ordained  to  the  ministry  in  1759 ;  and  was  subsequently 
located  as  a  missionary  among  the  Oneidas,  to  which  place  he  was  accompanied  by 
Sir  William  himself.  The  Indian  preacher  afterward  compiled  and  published  a 
volume  of  devotional  hymns. 

f  Although,  for  want  of  other  authorities  in  regard  to  the  young  chief  at  this  period 
of  his  life,  it  is  necessary  to  use  that  of  Dr.  Stewart,  yet  that  is  evidently  not  very 
accurate.  For  instance,  he  sends  Thayendanegea  to  Dr.  Wheelock  at  Dartmouth  ; 
whereas  the  school  at  that  place  was  not  opened  until  1770,  at  which  period,  or  only 
one  year  thereafter,  by  the  same  authority,  the  chief  was  living  in  his  own  house,  with 
a  wife  and  children,  at  Canajoharie. 


22 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1762. 

from  the  Niagara  campaign  in  1759.  No  doubt  he  had  left  it 
before  Sir  William  wrote  the  letter  just  cited,  and,  being  en¬ 
gaged  upon  some  Indian  mission,  had  been  instructed  to  interest 
himself  among  the  people  of  the  forest  in  behalf  of  that  institu¬ 
tion.  That  he  did  not,  himself,  remain  long  at  the  school,  is 
conceded.  According  to  Dr.  Stewart,  moreover,  he  made  but 
little  proficiency  in  his  studies  at  this  seminary,  having 
“  learned  to  read  but  very  indifferently  in  the  New  Testament, 
“  and  to  write  but  very  little.”  The  fact,  however,  that  the 
Rev.  Charles  Jeffrey  Smith,  a  missionary  to  the  Mohawks,  took 
Thayendanegea  as  an  interpreter  in  the  year  following,  (1762,) 
and  gave  him  an  excellent  character,  presents  a  much  more  fa¬ 
vourable  idea  of  his  progress  in  learning  while  at  the  school ; 
as  also  does  the  following  passage  from  the  memoirs  of  his 
teacher  : — “  Sir  William  Johnson,  Superintendant  of  Indian 
“  affairs  in  North  America,  was  very  friendly  to  the  design  of 
“  Mr.  Wheelock,  and  at  his  request  sent  to  the  school,  at  various 
“  times,  several  boys  of  the  Mohawks  to  be  instructed.*  One  of 
“  them  was  the  since  celebrated  Joseph  Brant ;  who,  after  re- 
u  ceiving  his  education ,  was  particularly  noticed  by  Sir  William 
“  Johnson,  and  employed  by  him  in  public  business.  He  has 
“  been  very  useful  in  advancing  the  civilization  of  his  coun- 
“  trymen,  and  for  a  long  time  past  has  been  a  military  officer 
“  of  extensive  influence  among  the  Indians  in  Upper  Canada.”! 
Accompanying  Thayendanegea  to  the  “Moor  School,” f  were 
several  other  Mohawk  youths,  and  two  Delawares  had  entered  the 
school  before  him.  The  name  of  one  of  Thayendanegea’s  com¬ 
panions  was  William,  a  half-breed,  who  was  supposed  to  be  the 
son  of  his  patron.  Only  two  of  the  number  remained  to  receive 
the  honours  of  the  future  college.  The  others,  impatient  of  the 
restraints  of  a  school,  and  delighting  more  in  the  chase  of  game 
than  of  literary  honours,  loving  their  native  forests  better  than 
sunny  fields,  and  preferring  to  string  the  bow  and  speed  the 

*  When  the  foundation  of  the  school  was  enlarged  by  the  liberality  of  the  Earl  of 
Dartmouth  and  others,  in  England,  and  the  same  was  removed  from  Connecticut,  it 
contained  24  pupils,  6  of  whom  were  Indians.  There  is  among  the  Johnson  papers 
a  letter  from  President  Wheelock,  written  to  Sir  William  in  1772,  introducing  two 
of  his  Indian  pupils  to  the  acquaintance  of  the  Baronet. — Author. 

t  M’Clure’s  Life  of  Wheelock,  page  27. 

f  So  called  from  the  name  of  its  founder,  Mr.  Joshua  Moor,  of  Mansfield,  Con¬ 
necticut. 


AT  MOOR’S  CHARITY  SCHOOL. 


23 


1762.] 


arrow,  rather  than  turn  over  the  pages  of  Livy  or  Corderius, 
returned  to  their  hunter  state  in  about  two  years.  Thayen- 
danegea  probably  left  the  school  at  the  same  time.  He  used, 
when  speaking  of  the  school,  to  relate  with  much  pleasantry 
an  anecdote  of  “  William,”  who,  as  he  affirmed,  was  one  day 
ordered  by  Mr.  Wheelock’s  son  to  saddle  his  horse.  The  lad 
refused,  alleging  that,  as  he  was  a  gentleman’s  son,  the  per¬ 
formance  of  such  a  menial  office  would  be  out  of  character. 
“  Do  you  know,”  inquired  the  younger  Wheelock,  “  what  a 
gentleman  is  ?  ”  “Ido,”  replied  William;  “  a  gentleman  is  a 
person  who  keeps  race-horses,  and  drinks  Madeira  wine,  and 
that  is  what  neither  you  nor  your  father  do, — therefore  saddle 
the  horse  yourself!”* 

The  exigencies  of  the  frontier  country  did  not  allow  Thay- 
endanegea  to  remain  long  associated  in  the  mission  with  Mr. 
Smith.  He  was  again  called  out  upon  the  war-path,  as  ap¬ 
pears  by  the  following  paragraph  in  one  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Kirk¬ 
land’s  t  earliest  reports  to  the  Rev.  Dr.  Wheelock,  in  regard  to 
the  Christian  missionaries  and  teachers  employed  among  the 
Six  Nations  : — 

“  Joseph  Brant,  a  Mohawk  Indian,  and  of  a  family  of  distinc- 
“  tion  in  that  nation,  was  educated  by  Mr.  Wheelock,  and  was 
“  so  well  accomplished  that  the  Rev.  Charles  Jeffrey  Smith,  (a 
“  young  gentleman  who,  out  of  love  to  Christ  and  the  souls  of 

*  Christian  Recorder.  This  anecdote  reminds  the  author  of  another,  which 
he  has  heard  a  distinguished  Kentucky  member  of  Congress  relate  with  great  glee 
of  himself.  When  first  elected,  he  said  he  had  never  crossed  the  Alleghanies,  and 
he  feared  greatly  that  his  ignorance  and  rusticity  would  be  but  too  manifest  when  he 
came  to  associate  with  gentlemen.  He  had  heard  that  gentlemen  were  fond  of 
Champagne,  of  which  he  had  never  tasted.  But  he  said,  that  at  the  first  dinner  party 
after  his  arrival  at  the  seat  of  government,  he  was  relieved  of  his  embarrassment. 
At  the  first  taste  of  the  sparkling  liquor,  he  found  that  he  loved  it.  He  knew,  there¬ 
fore,  that  he  was  made  for  a  gentleman  !  And  a  very  agreeable  and  accomplished 
gentleman  he  became. 

|  The  Rev.  Samuel  Kirkland,  father  of  President  Kirkland,  late  of  Harvard  Uni¬ 
versity,  and  for  more  than  forty  years  a  missionary  among  the  Six  Nations — chiefly 
the  Oneidas.  He  was  the  son  of  the  Rev.  Daniel  Kirkland,  of  Norwich  (Conn.) 
where  he  was  bom  in  1742.  His  education  was  commenced  at  Dr.  Wheelock’s 
school,  and  his  collegiate  course  performed  at  Princeton,  where  he  was  graduated  in 
1765.  He  first  commenced  his  labours  among  the  Senecas,  in  1766,  having  learned 
the  Mohawk  language  while  in  college.  He  was  often  employed  by  the  Govern¬ 
ment  in  various  Indian  transactions,  and  died  at  Paris,  Oneida  County,  in  March, 
1S03. 


8 


24 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1763. 


“  men,  devotes  his  life,  and  such  a  fortune  as  is  sufficient  to 
“  support  himself  and  an  interpreter,  wholly  to  this  glorious 
u  service,)  took  him  for  his  interpreter  when  he  went  on  his 
“  mission  to  the  Mohawks,  now  three  years  ago.  But  the  war 
“  breaking  out  at  that  time  between  the  back  Indians  and  the 
“  English,  Mr.  Smith  was  obliged  to  return  ;  but  Joseph  tarried, 
“  and  went  out  with  a  company  against  the  Indians,  and  was 
“  useful  in  the  war ;  in  which  he  behaved  so  much  like  the 
“  Christian  and  the  soldier,  that  he  gained  great  esteem.  He 
“  now  lives  in  a  decent  manner,  and  endeavours  to  teach  his 
“  poor  brethren  the  things  of  God,  in  which  his  own  heart 
“  seems  much  engaged.  His  house  is  an  asylum  for  the  mis- 
“  sionaries  in  that  wilderness.”  * 

Neither  the  particular  war  in  which  the  young  chief  was 
then  engaged,  nor  the  time  of  the  campaign,  is  noted  in 
the  foregoing  extract.  A  passage  contained  in  a  letter  from  Sir 
William  Johnson  to  Dr.  Wheelock,  however,  dated  April  25th, 

1764,  affords  a  clue  to  the  desired  information  : — “  J - is  just 

“  returned  from  an  expedition  against  the  enemy,  who  have 
“  abandoned  their  towns,  of  which  three  were  burned,  with  four 
“  villages,  consisting,  in  all,  of  about  two  hundred  houses,  built 
“  with  squared  logs,  and  vast  quantities  of  corn,  &c.  Parties 
“  are  now  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy.”  It  was  therefore  early  in 
the  Spring  of  1764  that  young  Brant  returned  from  the  war — 
then  brought  to  a  close.  The  war  itself  could  have  been  none 
else  than  that  against  the  great  Ottoway  chief  Pontiac,  who,  in 
1763,  undertook  to  dispossess  the  English  of  the  country  of  the 
lakes,  then  recently  acquired  by  conquest  fiom  the  French.  Pon¬ 
tiac  was  by  far  the  most  formidable  chief  with  whom  the  En¬ 
glish  colonists  had  had  to  contend  since  the  fall  of  Philip.  He 
combined  the  great  Indian  tribes  of  the  north-west  almost  as 
one  man,  and  in  1763  led  thirty-six  chiefs,  with  their  trains  of 
warriors,  against  Detroit,  after  having  carried  several  of  the  re¬ 
mote  western  posts.  A  well- concerted  stratagem,  timely  dis¬ 
covered  to  the  British  commander  by  an  Indian  woman,  had 
well  nigh  placed  that  important  position  within  his  power  also. 
Foiled  in  the  plan  of  obtaining  admission  by  stratagem  and 
putting  the  garrison  to  death,  Pontiac  laid  siege  to  the  fort,  at- 

*  Narrative  of  the  Indian  Charity  School,  published  by  Dr.  Wheelock  in  1767, 
page  35. 


THE  WAR  OF  PONTIAC. 


25 


1765.] 


tacking  it  with  great  fury.  It  was  besieged  for  a  long  time,  as 
also  were  the  fort  at  Niagara  and  Fort  Pitt.  It  was  not  until 
the  Autumn  of  1763  that  the  English  were  able  to  throw  suc¬ 
cours  into  Detroit,  in  accomplishing  which  enterprise  some  of 
the  Mohawk  warriors  were  engaged.  There  had  been  several 
severe  engagments  with  Pontiac’s  warriors  in  the  course  of  that 
Summer,  in  which  the  Indians  attached  to  the  English  cause 
had  fought  with  great  bravery.  The  vessel  carrying  the  sup¬ 
plies  to  Detroit,  was  likewise  furiously  attacked  by  a  force  of  350 
Indians,  in  boats  on  the  lake,  but  they  were  bravely  repulsed. 
In  what  particular  battles,  during  this  contest,  Thayendanegea 
was  engaged,  does  not  appear.  But  he  was  in  the  war,  and 
his  courageous  and  enterprising  spirit  offered  the  best  evidence, 
that  he  neither  avoided  the  post  of  danger,  nor  failed  to  reach  it 
for  want  of  activity.  Having  invested  Detroit  for  a  twelve- 
month,  the  French,  moreover,  with  whom  he  was  in  alliance, 
having  lost  their  power  in  America,  Pontiac  sued  for  peace  on 
the  approach  of  Gen.  Bradstreet  from  Pittsburgh,  at  the  head  of 
3000  men.* 

In  1765,  Thayendanegea,  having  been  previously  married  to 
the  daughter  of  an  Oneida  chief,  was  settled  at  Canajoharie, 
as  appears  by  a  letter  from  the  Rev.  Theophilus  Chamberlain, 
one  of  the  missionaries  to  the  Six  Nations,  to  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Wheelock,  written  from  Canajoharie,  and  dated  July  17th  of  that 
year.  After  speaking  of  the  encouraging  condition  of  the  In¬ 
dian  school,  and  the  prospect  of  opening  another,  Mr.  Cham¬ 
berlain  said: — “I  am  now  at  Joseph  Brant’s  house,  very  poorly 
“  with  the  dysentery,  which  hath  followed  me  near  a  week. 
“Riding  in  the  rain  sometimes,  wading  through  tracks  to 
“  get  along,  and  lodging  on  the  cold  ground  the  other  night, 
“  have  made  me  almost  down  sick  ;  but  my  business  keeps  me 
“  alive.  Joseph  Brant  is  exceeding  kind.” 

Three  years  afterward  he  was  still  leading  a  peaceful  life  at 
the  same  place,  as  we  learn  from  the  following  entry  in  the 
journal  of  Mr.  R,alph  Wheelock,  who  had  been  sent  to  Oneida 
to  relieve  Mr.  Kirkland,  that  gentleman  being  sick  : 

“  March  18,  1768.  At  my  old  friend,  Joseph  Brant’s,  I  met 
one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Onondagas,  (who  is,  by  way  of  emi- 

*  Pontiac  was  assassinated  in  1779,  during  a  war  between  the  Ioways  and  Otta- 
was.  He  was  a  great  man. 


26 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1771. 


nence,  called  the  Wise-man,)  on  his  return  to  his  tribe,  with 
his  wife  and  child ;  and  by  Joseph  Brant’s  help  I  was  able  to 
discourse  with  him,  and  delivered  my  message  to  his  nation.” 

During  the  three  years  next  ensuing,  no  certain  information 
has  been  obtained  respecting  his  course  of  life.  As  the  country 
was  at  peace,  however,  he  was  probably  leading  a  life  of  repose 
at  home,  save  when  acting,  upon  occasional  business  visits 
among  the  Indians,  under  the  direction  of  Sir  William  John¬ 
son.  It  is  very  probable,  moreover,  that  he  may  at  that  time 
have  been  connected  with  the  English  Episcopal  Missions  to 
the  Mohawks,  commenced  in  the  Mohawk  Yalley  so  early  as 
1702,  and  continued  down  to  the  beginning  of  the  Revolu¬ 
tionary  war.  Having  been  employed  as  an  interpreter  by  one 
of  the  missionaries,  several  years  before ;  and  as  the  Rev.  Dr. 
John  Ogilvie,  the  predecessor  of  Dr.  Barclay  in  that  mission, 
was  engaged,  in  the  year  1769,  in  revising,  extending,  and  re¬ 
printing  the  Mohawk  Prayer  Book,  embracing  additional  pas¬ 
sages  of  Scripture,  some  occasional  prayers,  and  Indian  versi¬ 
fications  of  several  psalms,  it  is  highly  probable  that  Thayen- 
danegea  may  have  been  employed  as  an  assistant  in  that 
labour,  since  he  was  partial  to  exercises  of  that  description. 

In  the  year  1771,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Stewart  conducted  a  school 
at  Fort  Hunter,  thirty  miles  below  Canajoharie.  A  venerable 
friend  of  the  author,  yet  living  in  Albany,*  states,  that  being  a 
pupil  in  Doctor  Stewart’s  school  at  about  that  time,  he  had 
opportunities  of  seeing  Thayendanegea  at  that  place  frequently, 
and  formed  an  acquaintance  with  him,  which  continued, 
interrupted  only  by  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  until  the  death 
of  the  warrior.  He  then  formed  an  excellent  opinion  of  the 
young  chief  in  regard  to  talents  and  good  disposition.  It  is 
believed,  that  from  the  shrewdness  of  his  sister  Molly  and  the  in¬ 
fluential  position  which  she  occupied  in  the  family  of  Sir  Wil¬ 
liam,  added  to  his  own  talents  and  sagacity,  he  was  much 
employed  at  home  by  the  Baronet,  in  the  discharge  of  the  multi¬ 
farious  duties  incident  to  his  important  official  station.  He  was 
also  frequently  engaged  upon  distant  embassies  among  the 
western  tribes,  and  his  talents  and  tact  as  a  diplomatist  of  the 
forest,  were  qualities  pertaining  to  his  character  through  life. 

*  Douw  Fonda,  Esq.,  son  of  Captain  Jelles  Fonda,  who  was  an  active  and  very 
efficient  officer,  both  in  the  Indian  and  Military  service,  under  Sir  William  Johnson. 


HIS  SECOND  MARRIAGE. 


27 


1772.] 

Thayendanegea  was  thrice  married — having  been  twice  a 
widower  before  the  war  of  the  Revolution.  His  first  two 
wives  were  of  the  Oneida  tribe.  The  Rev.  Dr.  Stewart  states 
that  he  first  became  acquainted  with  him  in  the  winter  of  1771. 
He  was  then  still  residing  at  Canajoharie,  on  visiting  which 
village  the  Doctor  says  he  found  him  comfortably  settled,  in  a 
good  house,  with  every  thing  necessary  for  the  use  of  his 
family — consisting  of  a  wife,  in  the  last  stage  of  consumption, 
and  two  children — a  son  and  a  daughter.  His  wife  died  some 
time  afterward,  on  which  Thayendanegea  repaired  to  Fort 
Hunter,  and  resided  with  the  Doctor  for  a  considerable  length 
of  time.  Doctor  Stewart  was  then  engaged  upon  another  re¬ 
vision  of  the  Indian  Prayer  Book,  and  Joseph  assisted  him  in 
making1  various  additional  translations.  He  likewise  assisted 
the  Doctor  in  translating  a  portion  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles, 
and  a  short  history  of  the  Bible,  together  with  a  brief  explana¬ 
tion  of  the  Church  catechism,  into  the  Mohawk  language.* 

It  is  stated  on  the  same  authority,!  that  in  the  winter  of 
1772-3,  he  applied  to  Doctor  Stewart  to  marry  him  to  the  half- 
sister  of  his  deceased  wife,  but  the  Divine  refused  the  applica¬ 
tion  on  the  ground  of  the  forbidden  relationship.  Brant, 
however,  vindicated  the  act,  much  in  the  manner  of  white 
widowers  desirous  of  forming  the  like  connexion ;  arguing, 
very  naturally,  that  the  fact  of  the  relationship  would  secure  a 
greater  degree  of  tenderness  and  care  for  his  children.  Still 
the  Episcopal  minister  persisted  in  his  refusal,  and  a  less  scru¬ 
pulous  German  ecclesiastic  gratified  his  desire  by  performing 
the  ceremony. 

It  was  at  about  the  same  period  of  his  life  that  Thayenda¬ 
negea  became  the  subject  of  serious  religious  impressions.  He 
attached  himself  to  the  Church,  was  a  chastened  and  regular 
communicant  at  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist ;  and  from  his 
serious  deportment,  and  the  anxiety  he  had  ever  manifested  to 
civilize  and  Christianize  his  people,  great  hopes  were  entertained 


*  Doctor  Stewart  states  that  he  was  directed  to  repair  to  New-York,  and  publish 
these  books  at  the  expense  of  the  Missionary  Society,  but  was  prevented  by  the 
breaking  out  of  the  war.  He  took  the  MSS.  to  Canada,  and  afterward  delivered 
them  to  Colonel  Daniel  Claus,  by  whom  they  were  taken  to  England  ;  but  it  does 
not  appear  that  they  were  ever  published. 

|  The  Christian  Register. 


28 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1773. 

from  his  future  exertions  in  that  cause.  No  doubt  has  ever 
been  entertained  of  his  sincerity  at  that  time  ;  and  it  has  been 
attributed  to  the  counteracting  influences  of  the  dreadful  trade 
of  war,  in  which  it  was  his  fortune  afterward  again  so  actively 
to  become  engaged,  that  those  manifestations  of  Christian 
utility  were  effaced  ;  entirely  eradicated  they  were  not,  as  will 
be  seen  at  a  subsequent  stage  of  the  career  of  this  remarkable 
man. 

In  compliance  with  Indian  custom,  he  selected  a  bosom  friend, 
during  that  period  of  his  life  we  are  now  contemplating,  in  the 
person  of  a  Lieutenant  Provost,  a  half-pay  officer  residing  in 
the  Mohawk  Valley.  Those  unacquainted  with  Indian  usages 
are  not  probably  aware  of  the  intimacy,  or  the  importance  at¬ 
tached  to  this  relationship.  The  selected  friend  is,  in  fact,  the 
counterpart  of  the  one  who  chooses  him,  and  the  attachment 
often  becomes  romantic  ;  they  share  each  other’s  secrets,  and  are 
participants  of  each  other’s  joys  and  sorrows.  As  the  Revolu¬ 
tionary  troubles  were  approaching,  Lieutenant  Provost  was 
ordered  to  his  regiment  and  upon  foreign  service,  greatly  to 
the  regret  of  the  future  chieftain.  His  lamentations  attracted 
the  attention  of  Doctor  Stewart,  who  advised  him  to  select  ano¬ 
ther  friend — offering  to  stand  as  a  substitute  himself.  But  no ; 
the  young  chief  declared  that  such  a  transfer  of  his  affections 
could  not  take  place.  He  was  Captain  John’s  friend,  and  ano¬ 
ther  such  friend  could  not  be  in  existence  at  the  same  time. 
Lieutenant  Provost  had  been  ordered  to  the  West  Indies  ;  and 
in  order  to  assure  him  of  the  strength  and  constancy  of  his  at¬ 
tachment,  Thayendanegea  procured  an  entire  Indian  costume 
of  the  richest  furs  he  could  obtain,  which  was  sent  to  him  in 
Jamaica.  This  incident  has  been  detailed,  not  because  in  itself 
of  any  particular  importance,  but  as  disclosing  an  excellent 
trait  of  character,  besides  illustrating  a  feature  of  Indian  life 
which  may  not  be  familiar  to  all.*  Other  events  will  now  occu¬ 
py  the  attention  of  the  reader,  in  which  the  Mohawk  chieftain 
will  be  but  one  of  many  actors,  though  seldom  an  obscure  one. 

*  A  similar  custom  prevailed  among  the  ancient  Greeks.  Two  young  warriors 
often  assumed  this  obligation  of  brotherhood,  which  was  taken  with  peculiar  ceremo¬ 
nies,  and  maintained  inviolate  through  life. 


CHAPTER  II. 


Early  symptoms  of  disaffection  at  Boston — Origin  of  the  Revolutionary  War — Fiist 
blood  shed  in  1770 — Stirring  eloquence  of  Joseph  Warren — Feelings  of  Sir  Wil¬ 
liam  Johnson — His  influence  with  the  Indians  and  Germans,  and  his  unpleasant 
position — Last  visit  of  Sir  William  to  England — His  death — Mysterious  circum¬ 
stances  attending  it — Suspicions  of  suicide  unjust — His  son,  Sir  John  Johnson, 
succeeds  to  his  title  and  estates — His  son-in-law,  Col.  Guy  Johnson,  to  his  office 
as  Superintendant  General  of  the  Indians — Early  life  of  Sir  John — Joseph  Brant 
appointed  Secretary  to  Guy  Johnson — Influence  of  the  Johnson  family — Revolu¬ 
tionary  symptoms  in  Tryon  County,  fomented  by  the  proceedings  in  New  Eng¬ 
land — First  meeting  of  Tryon  County  Whigs — Declaration  of  Rights — First  meet¬ 
ing  of  Congress — Effect  of  its  proceedings — in  England — Tardiness  of  Provin¬ 
cial  legislature  of  New-York — Spirit  of  the  people — Notes  of  preparation  in  Mas¬ 
sachusetts,  &c. — Overt  acts  of  rebellion  in  several  States — Indians  exasperated  by 
the  Virginia  borderers  in  1774 — Melancholy  story  of  Logan — Campaign  of  Lord 
Dunmore  and  Colonel  Lewis — Battle  of  the  Kanhawa — Speech  of  Logan — Its 
authenticity  questioned — Peace  of  Chilicothe — Unhappy  feeling  of  the  Indians. 

It  has  been  usually  asserted  by  historians,  that  the  first  blood 
in  the  war  of  the  American  Revolution  was  shed  at  Lexing¬ 
ton;  but  such  is  not  the  fact.  The  Boston  massacre  of  1770 
was  the  beginning  of  that  contest,  so  fearful  in  its  commence¬ 
ment,  so  doubtful  in  its  progress,  and  so  splendid  in  its  results. 
The  storm  had  even  then  been  gathering  for  several  years,  and 
the  public  mind  had  become  exceedingly  feverish,  not  only  in  re¬ 
gard  to  the  conduct  of  the  parent  government,  but  in  respect  to 
the  language  and  bearing:  of  the  officers  of  the  crown  stationed 
in  the  colonies.  When,  moreover,  the  people  of  Boston  were 
subjected  to  what  they  considered  a  still  greater  indignity,  by 
the  quartering  of  soldiers  among  them,  the  irritation  was  such 
that  but  a  small  degree  of  forecast  was  necessary  to  the  percep¬ 
tion  of  an  approaching  explosion.  The  affair  at  Gray’s  Rope- 
Walk,  on  the  2d  of  March,  increased  the  mutual  exasperation ; 
and  the  massacre  that  followed  on  the  5th  was  but  the  natural 
consequence.  The  first  blow  was  then  struck.  The  town  was 
thrown  into  commotion,  the  drums  beat  to  arms  ;  and  the  news, 
with  the  exaggerations  and  embellishments  incident  to  all 
occasions  of  alarm,  spread  through  the  country  with  the  rapi¬ 
dity  of  lightning.  Every  where,  throughout  the  wide  extent 
of  the  old  thirteen  colonies,  it  created  a  strong  sensation,  and 
was  received  with  a  degree  of  indignant  emotion,  which  very 
clearly  foretold  that  blood  had  only  commenced  flowing  ;  and 


30 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1774. 


although  five  years  intervened  before  the  demonstration  at  Lex¬ 
ington,  there  were  too  many  nervous  pens  and  eloquent  tongues 
in  exercise  to  allow  those  feelings  to  subside,  or  to  suffer  the 
noble  spirit  of  liberty  that  had  been  awakened  to  be  quenched. 
Such  stirring  orations  as  those  of  Joseph  Warren  were  not  ut¬ 
tered  in  vain ;  and  so  often  as  the  anniversary  of  the  5th  of 
March  returned,  were  the  people  reminded  by  him,  or  by  his 
compatriots  of  kindred  spirit — “  The  voice  of  your  brethren’s 
“  blood  cries  to  you  from  the  ground.”  The  admonition  had 
its  effect,  and  the  resolutions  of  vengeance  sank  deeper  and 
deeper  into  the  hearts  of  the  people,  until  the  fulness  of  time 
should  come. 

Sir  William  Johnson  was  too  observing  and  sagacious  a  man 
not  to  note  the  signs  of  the  times.  He  saw  the  gathering  tern- 

o  o  o 

pest,  and  it  is  believed  to  have  given  him  great  uneasiness. 
His  sympathies,  according  to  the  testimony  of  those  who  knew 
him,  were  undoubtedly  with  the  people.  He  was  from  the 
body  of  the  people  himself,  having  been  the  architect  of  his 
own  rank  and  fortunes ;  and  those  who  were  acquainted  with, 
and  yet  survive  him,  represent  the  struggle  in  his  bosom  to 
have  been  great,  between  those  sympathies  and  his  own  strong 
principles  of  liberty  on  the  one  hand,  and  his  duty  to  his  sove¬ 
reign  on  the  other — a  sovereign  whom  he  had  served  long  and 
faithfully,  and  who  in  turn  had  loaded  him  with  princely  bene¬ 
factions.  His  domains  in  the  Valley  of  the  Mohawk  were 
extensive  ;  and  his  influence,  through  a  large  number  of  subordi¬ 
nate  officers  and  a  numerous  tenantry,  was  correspondingly 
great.  To  the  Indians,  not  only  of  the  Six  Nations  but  those 
far  in  the  west  beyond,  who  had  fallen  within  the  circle  of  his 
influence  after  the  conquest  of  Canada  and  the  subjugation  of 
Pontiac,  he  had  been  as  a  father,  and  they  looked  up  to  him 
with  veneration.  Long  association  with  him,  and  great  respect 
for  his  character — which,  from  its  blunt  honesty,  frankness,  and 
generosity,  not  altogether  devoid  of  that  roughness  incident  to 
a  border  population,  was  well  calculated  to  secure  the  attach¬ 
ment  of  such  people — had  also  given  to  his  opinions  the  force 
of  legal  authority  among  the  Colonists.  The  population,  aside 
from  the  Indians,  was  chiefly  Dutch,  in  the  lower  part  of  the 
Mohawk  Valley;  while  in  the  interesting  vale  of  the  Schoharie 
Kill,  and  the  upper  district  of  the  Mohawk,  it  was  composed  of 


1774.]  DEATH  OP  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON*  31 

the  descendants  of  the  German  Palatinates,  who  had  been  planted 
there  fifty  years  before.  It  was  not  at  that  period  a  very  intel¬ 
ligent  population  ;  and  the  name  of  Sir  William,  who  had  been 
their  friend  and  companion  in  peace,  and  their  leader  in  war, 
like  that  of  the  King,  was  a  tower  of  strength.  It  was  very 
natural,  therefore,  that  their  opinions  upon  the  great  political 
questions  then  agitating  the  country,  should  take  their  com¬ 
plexion  for  the  most  part  from  those  entertained  by  him.  Hence, 
when  the  storm  of  civil  war  commenced,  the  Loyalists  in  that 
valley  were  probably  more  numerous,  in  proportion  to  the  whole 
number  of  the  population,  than  in  almost  any  other  section  of 
the  northern  colonies. 

In  connexion  with  the  troubles  which  every  man  of  ordinary 
sagacity  could  not  but  perceive  were  fermenting,  Sir  William 
visited  England  for  the  last  time  in  the  Autumn  of  1773, 
returning  in  the  succeeding  Spring.  He  probably  came  back 
with  his  loyal  feelings  somewhat  strengthened.  It  was  not 
his  fortune,  however,  good  or  ill,  to  see  the  breaking  out  of 
the  tempest,  the  near  approaches  of  which  he  had  been  watch¬ 
ing  with  an  intenseness  of  observation  corresponding  with  the 
magnitude  of  his  own  personal  interests,  which  must  necessa¬ 
rily  be  involved.  He  died  suddenly,  at  Johnson  Hall,  on  or 
about  the  24th  of  June,  1774. 

It  was  reported  by  his  enemies, — or  rather  by  the  enemies  of 
the  Crown, — that  he  perished  by  his  own  hand,  in  consequence 
of  the  clouds  which  he  saw  darkening  the  political  sky ;  and  such 
an  impression  is  yet  very  generally  entertained.  The  tradition 
is,  that  on  the  day  of  his  decease  he  had  received  despatches 
from  England,  which  were  handed  to  him  while  sitting  in 
Court,  and  with  which  he  immediately  left  the  Court-house  and 
walked  to  his  own  house.  These  despatches,  it  was  afterward 
reported,  contained  instructions  to  him  to  use  his  influence 
with  the  Indians  in  behalf  of  the  Crown,  in  the  event  of  hos¬ 
tilities.  Another  version  of  the  tradition  is,  that  on  the  day  in 
question  he  had  received  despatches  from  Boston,  the  complexion 
of  which,  in  his  own  mind,  indicated  that  a  civil  war  was  near 
and  inevitable.  In  such  an  event  he  saw  that  he  must  either 
prove  recreant  to  his  principles,  or  take  part  against  the 
Crown  ;  and,  to  avoid  either  alternative,  it  has  been  extensively 

9 


32 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1774. 


believed  that  he  put  an  end  to  his  life  *  But  there  is  no  just 
ground  for  this  uncharitable  conclusion.  It  is  true  that  he  had, 
on  the  evening  of  the  24th,  received  despatches  from  Massa¬ 
chusetts,  the  tenor  of  which,  by  excitement,  may  have  hasten¬ 
ed  the  malady  to  which  his  system  was  predisposed.  It  was  a 
busy  day  at  Johnstown.  The  Circuit  Court  was  in  session, 
at  which,  however,  Sir  William  was  not  present,  being  engaged 
in  holding  a  treaty  with  some  of  the  Six  Nations.  In  the 
course  of  his  speech  to  the  Indians  on  that  occasion,  he  alluded 
to  the  despatches  he  had  received,  and  stated  to  them  that 
troubles  were  brewing  between  the  Americans  and  their  King 
— advising  them  not  to  abandon  the  cause  of  the  latter,  who 
had  always  been  benevolent  and  kind  to  them.  “  Whatever 
may  happen,”  said  the  Baronet,  “  you  must  not  be  shaken  out 
of  your  shoes.”t 

In  the  afternoon  of  that  day  Sir  William  was  taken  with  a 
fit.  Colonel  Johnson,  his  son,  was  absent  at  the  Old  Fort — dis¬ 
tant  nine  miles.  An  express  was  sent  for  him,  and,  mounting 
a  fleet  English  blood-horse,  he  rode  for  the  Hall  with  all  possi¬ 
ble  haste.  His  horse  fell  dead  when  within  three  quarters  of 
a  mile  of  the  house,  having  run  upward  of  eight  miles  in  fifteen 
minutes.  The  Colonel  hired  the  horse  of  some  one  standing 
by,  and  pushed  forward  to  the  Hall.  On  entering  the  room, 
he  found  his  father  in  the  arms  of  a  faithful  domestic,  who  at¬ 
tended  upon  his  person.  He  spoke  to  his  parent,  but  received 
no  answer ;  and  in  a  few  minutes  afterward  the  Baronet  ex¬ 
pired  i — of  apoplexy,  beyond  a  doubt.  This  was  early  in  the 
evening.  While  the  judges  of  the  Court  were  at  supper  in  the 
village,  one  mile  distant,  a  young  Mohawk  Indian  entered  their 
apartment  and  announced  the  event. 

Sir  William  was  succeeded  in  his  titles  and  estates  by  his 

*  Mr.  Campbell,  in  his  “Annals,”  favors  this  opinion.  He  says — “There  is 
something  still  mysterious  connected  with  his  death.  He  had  been  out  to  England, 
and  returned  the  previous  Spring.  During  a  visit  which  he  made  shortly  afterward 
to  Mr.  Campbell,  an  intimate  friend  of  his  at  Schenectady,  the  conversation  turned 
upon  the  subject  of  the  disputes  between  the  Colonies  and  the  Mother  Country. 
He  then  said,  he  should  never  live  to  see  them,  in  a  state  of  open  war.'” — Jinn.  p.  12. 

|  MS.  statement  of  a  gentleman  whose  father  was  with  Sir  William  that  morning, 
and  was  present  at  the  Indian  Council. 

+  MS.  statement  of  Colonel  William  Feeter,  in  possession  of  the  author.  Col.  F. 
is  yet  living  fMay,  1837.) 


SIR  JOHN  JOHNSON. 


1774.] 


oo 

oo 


son,  Sir  John  Johnson  ;  but  the  reins  of  authority,  as  General 
Superintendant  of  the  Indian  Department,  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  son-in-law  of  Sir  William,  Colonel  Guy  Johnson,  who 
had  long  been  in  office  as  the  Assistant,  or  Deputy  of  the  old 
Baronet.  This  officer  was  assisted  by  Colonel  Daniel  Claus, 
who  had  likewise  married  a  daughter  of  Sir  William.  On  the 
decease  of  his  father,  Sir  John  also  succeeded  to  his  post  as 
Major  General  of  the  militia. 

Of  the  early  life  of  Sir  John  Johnson  not  much  is  known. 
He  was  not  as  popular  as  his  father,  being  less  social,  and  less 
acquainted  with  human  nature  and  the  springs  of  human 
action.  He  accompanied  his  father  on  some  of  his  warlike  ex¬ 
peditions,  however,  and  probably  saw  considerable  service. 
Soon  after  the  termination  of  the  French  war,  he  was  sent  by 
his  father,  at  the  head  of  a  small  expedition,  to  the  Mohawk  can¬ 
ton  of  Oghkwaga,*  to  arrest  a  Captain  Bull,  and  some  other 
malcontents  and  disaffected  Indians,  who  were  charged  with 
being  engaged  in  an  effort  to  enlist  the  Six  Nations  in  a  war 
against  some  other  Indians,  or  possibly  to  win  them  over  to  the 
designs  of  Pontiac.  For  this  purpose  young  Johnson  had  a 
choice  corps  of  men  placed  under  his  command,  most  of  whom 
had  served  with  the  Baronet  against  the  French.  He  had  also 
a  detachment  of  Indians  with  him.  The  expedition  was  ar¬ 
ranged  somewhat  with  a  view  of  display — for  the  purpose,  as 
it  was  conjectured,  of  giving  eclat  to  the  young  commander. 
The  enterprise  was  successful — Bull  and  his  adherents  were 
taken,  and  brought  in  irons  to  Johnstown.  From  thence  they 
were  sent  to  Albany  and  imprisoned  for  a  time,  but  were  all 
subsequently  discharged.  Before  the  Revolution  commenced, 
Sir  John  married  Miss  Mary  Watts,  of  the  city  of  New-York.t 
The  successors  of  Sir  William  Johnson  did  not,  however,  pos¬ 
sess  the  same  degree  of  moral  power  over  the  population  of 
Tryon  County,  Indian  or  white,  as  had  been  exercised  by  him. 
But  they  nevertheless  derived  essential  aid  from  “  Miss  Molly,” 


*  The  author  has  found  much  difficulty  in  attempting  to  determine  the  orthogra¬ 
phy  of  this  place.  It  is  now  generally  written  Oquaga.  In  the  Congressional  jour¬ 
nals  of  tire  Revolution  it  was  spelled  Oneaquaga.  By  some  writers  it  is  written 
Oghquaga.  The  late  highly  intelligent  Mohawk  chief,  Norton,  always  wrote  it 
Oghkwaga,  which  orthography  has  been  adopted  by  the  aiTthor. 

|  Sister  to  the  late  venerable  John  Watts,  who  died  in  September,  1836, 


34 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1774. 


who  was  a  woman  of  talents  as  well  as  tact,  and  possessing 
great  influence  among  the  Indians,  who  were  her  own  people. 
Molly  was  in  turn  aided  by  the  counsels  and  exertions  of  her 
brother,  Joseph  Thayendanegea,  who  had  been  much  in  the  ser¬ 
vice  of  Sir  William  during  the  latter  years  of  his  life,  and  who, 
on  the  death  of  the  Baronet,  was  advanced  to  the  post  of  Secretary 
of  Guy  Johnson.  These  gentlemen,  however,  (Sir  John  John¬ 
son,  Guy  Johnson,  and  Colonel  Claus,)  living  in  great  splen¬ 
dour,  at,  and  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Johnstown,  and  thus  allied 
with  the  family  of  a  powerful  Mohawk  sachem,  were  still  ena¬ 
bled  to  exert  a  decided  influence,  especially  among  the  Indians. 
They  were  likewise  in  close  official  and  political  alliance  with 
Colonel  John  Butler,  an  opulent  and  influential  gentleman  of 
that  county,  and  his  son  Walter  N.  Butler — names  rendered 
memorable,  if  nothing  worse,  by  association  with  certain  bloody 
transactions,  which  will  be  developed  in  the  progress  of  the  pre¬ 
sent  volume. 

But,  notwithstanding  all  their  influence— and  no  family  in 
America  had  ever  been  regarded  with  greater  deference  by  the 
surrounding  population  than  that  of  the  Johnsons — they  were 
not  long  in  discovering  that  the  principles  now  openly  avowed 
in  Massachusetts,  could  not  be  confined  within  the  limits  of  that 
colony,  or  even  of  New  England.  Though  less  openly  pro¬ 
claimed,  yet  as  the  waters  of  a  fountain  ooze  through  the  earth 
unseen  until  they  have  gathered  force  enough  to  break  the 
surface  and  gush  forth,  so  was  it  with  the  principles  of  Liberty 
sent  abroad  by  “  the  Boston  rebels,”  as  they  worked  their  way 
up  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk  ;  and  the  successors  of  Sir  Wil¬ 
liam  Johnson  were  not  long  in  discovering,  that  although  they 
could  still  count  among  their  retainers  a  large  number  of  ad¬ 
herents,  the  leaven  of  civil  liberty  had  nevertheless  been  more 
deeply  at  work  than  they  had  desired,  or  probably  supposed. 
The  celebrated  “  Boston  Port  Bill,”  enacted  in  consequence  of 
the  destruction  of  the  tea  in  that  harbour  in  1773,  had  gone  into 
operation  only  a  month  preceding  the  death  of  Sir  William  ; 
and  in  the  next  month  subsequent  to  his  decease,  a  public  meet¬ 
ing  was  held  in  the  Palatine  district,  warmly  seconding  the 
proposition  of  Massachusetts  for  the  assembling  of  a  general 
Congress,  for  mutual  consultation  and  counsel  in  the  existing 
posture  of  the  political  affairs  of  the  Colonies.  The  original 


SPIRIT  OF  TRYON  COUNTY. 


35 


1774.] 


draft  of  the  proceedings  of  that  meeting  is  yet  in  existence,  in 
the  hand-writing  of  Col.  Christopher  P.  Yates —a  patriot  who 
embarked  early  in  the  struggle,  and  served  to  the  end.  They 
breathed  the  genuine  spirit  of  freedom,  and  as  a  declaration  of 
rights,  are  well  entitled  to  a  place  among  the  fervid  papers  of 
that  day,  which  were  so  powerful  in  their  operation  upon  the 
public  mind.  After  setting  forth  the  concern  and  sorrow  felt 
by  the  meeting,  at  the  shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston,  and  the 
tendency  of  the  acts  of  Parliament  for  raising  a  revenue  in  the 
American  Colonies,  which  they  held  to  be  an  abridgment  of 
the  privileges  of  the  people,  the  meeting  resolved  :  1st.  That 
they  recognised  the  King  as  their  lawful  sovereign,  would  bear 
true  faith  and  allegiance  to  him,  and  would,  with  their  lives  and 
fortunes,  support  and  maintain  him  on  the  throne  of  his  ances¬ 
tors,  and  the  just  dependence  of  the  Colonies  upon  the  crown 
of  Great  Britain.  2d.  That  they  considered  it  their  greatest 
happiness  to  be  governed  by  British  laws,  and  would  pay  cheer¬ 
ful  submission  to  them,  as  far  as  they  could  do  so,  consistently 
with  the  security  of  the  Constitutional  rights  of  English  sub¬ 
jects,  “  which  were  so  sacred  that  they  could  not  'permit  them 
to  be  violated .”  3d.  That  all  taxes  without  their  own  consent, 

or  the  consent  of  their  representatives,  were  unjust  and  uncon¬ 
stitutional  ;  and  the  acts  of  Parliament  upon  the  subject  were 
denounced,  as  obvious  encroachments  upon  the  rights  and  li¬ 
berties  of  British  subjects.  4th.  That  the  act  closing  the  port 
of  Boston  was  arbitrary  and  oppressive  to  the  inhabitants,  whom 
they  considered  to  be  suffering  in  the  common  cause.  5th. 
That  they  would  unite  with  their  brethren  elsewhere,  in  re¬ 
lieving  the  necessities  of  the  suffering  poor  in  Boston,  and  in 
11  any  thing  tending  to  support  our  rights  and  liberties.”  6th. 
Approving  of  the  calling  of  a  general  Congress,  and  of  the  five 
members  who  had  already  been  appointed  by  their  brethren  of 
New-York.  7th.  That  they  would  abide  by  such  regulations 
as  might  be  agreed  upon  by  the  said  Congress.  8th.  Appoint¬ 
ing  a  committee  of  correspondence  for  that  district,*  and  recom¬ 
mending  the  other  districts  of  the  county  to  do  the  same. 

The  Congress  met  in  Philadelphia  in  September,  1774,  and 
after  adopting  a  declaration  of  rights,  and  setting  forth  wherein 


*  Christopher  P.  Yates,  Isaac  Paris,  and  John  Frey. 


36 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1774. 


those  rights  had  been  violated,  they  agreed  upon  an  address  to 
the  King,  exhibiting  the  grievances  of  the  Colonies,  and  praying 
for  his  Majesty’s  interposition  for  their  removal.  An  address 
to  the  people  of  British  America  was  likewise  adopted,  together 
with  an  appeal  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  as  also  a  letter 
to  the  people  of  Canada.*  The  Congress  then  adjourned,  to 
meet  again  in  May.  1775.  The  papers  put  forth  from  that 
august  assembly  had  a  powerful  effect  upon  the  public  mind. 
They  were  also  highly  extolled  by  Lord  Chatham  in  the 
House  of  Peers,  who  declared,  that  “  In  all  his  reading  and  ob¬ 
servation — and  it  had  been  his  favourite  study — for  he  had 
“  read  Thucydides,  and  had  studied  and  admired  the  master 
“states  of  the  world — for  solidity  of  reasoning,  force  of  saga- 
<£  city,  and  wisdom  of  conclusion,  under  such  complication  of 
“  circumstances,  no  nation  or  body  of  men  could  stand  in 
“preference  to  the  General  Congress  at  Philadelphia.”! 

The  Provincial  Assembly  of  New-York  was  the  only  le¬ 
gislature  in  the  Colonies  that  withheld  its  approbation  from  the 
proceedings  of  the  Congress — the  loyalists  of  that  Colony  being, 
from  a  variety  of  causes,  more  numerous  and  influential  than 
in  any  other  of  the  provinces.  In  the  Valley  of  the  Mohawk 
they  were  particularly  zealous  and  active ;  and  the  Johnson 
family,  with  their  associates,  were  ceaseless  in  their  efforts  to 
divert  the  revolutionary  spirit,  which  was  but  too  obviously 
abroad. 

But  like  the  bitter  plant  in  the  vegetable  pharmacopoeia,  the 
principles  of  liberty  only  thrive  more  rapidly  beneath  a  pres¬ 
sure,  and  the  spark  which  had  been  struck  in  the  Palatine 
district,  they  not  only  found  it  impossible  to  extinguish,  but  a 
measure  of  their  own  adoption  had  the  effect  of  kindling  it  into 
a  blaze — and,  once  kindled,  the  fire  of  liberty  is  as  inextinguish¬ 
able  as  the  Greek. 

In  Massachusetts,  however,  other  menacing  measures  be¬ 
sides  the  passage  of  resolutions,  were  adopted  toward  the  close 
of  1774.  Governor  Gage  having  issued  writs  for  the  holding 
of  a  General  Assembly,  in  October,  afterward  countermanded 

*  Mr.  R.  H.  Lee  wrote  the  address  to  the  American  people,  and  Mr.  Jay  that  to 
the  people  of  Great  Britain. 

f  Parliamentary  Register. 


SPIRIT  OF  THE  COLONIES. 


37 


1774.] 

the  writs  by  proclamation.  But  the  new  members,  to  the 
number  of  ninety,  maintaining  the  illegality  of  the  proclama¬ 
tion,  met  notwithstanding.  Neither  the  Governor,  nor  any 
substitute,  appearing  to  complete  their  organization,  they 
formed  themselves  into  a  Provincial  Congress,  and  adjourned  to 
Concord.  From  Concord,  after  some  collisions  with  the  Go¬ 
vernor,  they  removed  to  Cambridge  ;  and  in  the  course  of  their 
sittings  measures  were  adopted  for  the  public  defence,  and  the 
organization  of  minute  men,  to  the  number  of  twelve  thousand. 
Connecticut  and  New  Hampshire  were  requested  to  augment 
the  number  to  twenty  thousand.  Governor  Gage  complained 
bitterly  that  the  edicts  of  this  Congress  were  implicitly  obeyed 
throughout  the  country.  Before  the  year  had  expired,  a  royal 
proclamation  was  received,  prohibiting  the  exportation  of  mili¬ 
tary  stores  to  America.  This  document  caused  general  indig¬ 
nation.  In  Rhode  Island  and  New  Hampshire  the  people  at 
once  seized  upon  the  arms  and  ordnance  in  their  public  places 
and  garrisons,  and  other  corresponding  measures  were  adopted 
by  the  Colonial  authorities.  In  the  more  Southern  provinces 
signs  of  jealousy  and  discontent  began  to  be  more  unequivo¬ 
cally  manifested.  A  meeting  of  the  military  officers  of  Vir¬ 
ginia,  under  Lord  Dunmore,  was  held,  at  which  resolutions, 
professing  loyalty  and  looking  rebellion,  were  adopted.  The 
Provincial  Congress  of  Maryland  approved  of  the  proceedings 
of  the  General  Congress ;  and  in  South  Carolina,  Judge  Day- 
ton,  in  a  memorable  charge  to  a  Grand  Jury  at  Camden,  set  the 
ball  in  motion  in  that  Colony.  Doctor  Franklin,  being  in  Lon¬ 
don,  was  required  to  attend  a  meeting  of  the  Committee  for 
Plantations,  to  whom  had  been  referred  the  petition  of  the 
Massachusetts  Assembly  for  the  removal  of  Governor  Hutch¬ 
inson  and  Lieutenant-Governor  Oliver.  He  supported  the 
petition,  and  was,  the  day  after,  dismissed  by  the  Crown  from 
the  office  of  postmaster  for  the  Colonies. 

It  may  readily  be  conceived  that  an  excitement  thus  increas¬ 
ing  from  day  to  day,  and  thus  rapidly  extending  the  circle  of 
its  influence,  would  not  long  be  confined  to  measures  of  re¬ 
monstrance  and  petition.  Most  unfortunate  was  it,  therefore, 
that,  just  at  this  conjuncture,  while  all  sagacious  men  saw  by 
the  shadows  what  events  were  coming,  and  all  good  men  were 


38 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1774. 


solicitous  for  the  preservation  of  the  character  and  augmenta¬ 
tion  of  the  physical  strength  of  the  country,  a  small  band 
of  bad  ones  adopted  a  course  well  fitted  to  awaken  the 
jealousy  of  the  whole  Indian  race,  and  exasperate  a  portion  of 
them  to  the  highest  pitch  of  anger  and  revenge.  It  was  evi¬ 
dent  that  the  Colonies  were  about  to  measure  swords  with  one 
of  the  strongest  powers  in  Christendom,  and  to  strike  for  free¬ 
dom.  True  wisdom,  therefore,  required  that  the  clouds  of 
Indians  darkening  more  than  a  thousand  miles  of  our  border, 
and  in  the  North  forming  an  intermediate  power  between  our 
own  settlements  and  the  country  of  the  anticipated  foe,  should 
be  at  least  conciliated  into  neutrality,  if  not  courted  into  an  al¬ 
liance.  But  a  contrary  course  was  taken  by  some  of  the  fron¬ 
tier-men  of  Virginia,  and  a  hostile  feeling  awakened  by  a 
succession  of  outrages,  unprovoked  and  more  cruel  than  sava¬ 
ges,  as  such,  could  have  committed.  The  well-informed  reader 
will  at  once  anticipate  that  reference  is  now  had  to  the  hostili¬ 
ties  upon  the  North-western  frontier  of  Virginia,  commonly 
known  as  Cresap’s  War,  from  the  agency  of  a  subaltern  offi¬ 
cer  of  that  name,  whose  wanton  cruelty  provoked  it,  and  one 
striking  event  of  which  has  rendered  every  American  ear 
familiar  with  the  name  of  Logan,  the  celebrated  “  Mingo 
Chief.”* 

The  wars  and  the  conquests  of  the  Six  Nations  had  been  the 
cause  of  transplanting  many  families,  among  whom  were  some 
of  distinction,  over  the  countries  subjected  to  their  arms. 
Among  these  was  the  family  of  Logan,  the  son  of  iShikellimusJ 
a  distinguished  Cayuga  sachem,  who  had  removed  from  the 
particular  location  of  his  own  tribe,  to  Shamokm,  or  Canestoga, 
within  the  borders  of  Pennsylvania,  where  he  executed  the 
duties  of  principal  chief  of  those  of  the  Six  Nations  residing  on 
the  Susquehanna.  He  was  a  man  of  consequence  and  human¬ 
ity,  and  one  of  the  earliest  to  encourage  the  introduction  of 
Christianity  by  Count  Zinzendorf.  He  was  a  great  friend  to 
the  celebrated  James  Logan,  who  accompanied  William  Penn 


*  Mingo,  Mengwe,  Maquas,  and  Iroquois,  are  all  only  different  names  applied 
to  the  Six  Nations. 

f  Shikellimus  was  a  contemporary  of  the  famous  Caimassatego,  and  is  known  in 
Colden’s  History  of  the  Six  Nations  by  the  different  names  of  Shickcalamy,  Shicala- 
my,  and  Shick  Calamy. — Drake. 


1774.] 


STORY  OF  LOGAN. 


39 


on  his  last  voyage  to  America,  and  who  subsequently  became 
distinguished  in  the  colony  for  his  learning  and  benevolence. 
Hence  the  name  of  the  famous  son  of  Shikellimus,  so  closely 
identified  with  the  scenes  about  to  be  described. 

Logan  had  removed  from  his  father’s  lodge  at  Shamokin  to 
the  Shawanese  country  on  the  Ohio,  where  he  had  become  a 
chief.  He  was  a  friend  of  the  white  men,  and  one  of  the  no¬ 
blest  of  his  race  ;  not  only  by  right  of  birth,  but  in  consideration 
of  his  own  character.  During  the  Indian  wars  connected  with 
the  contest  with  France,  which  were  continued  for  a  consider¬ 
able  time  after  the  conquest  of  Canada,  he  took  no  part,  save  in 
the  character  of  a  peace-maker. 

The  circumstances  which  transformed  this  good  and  just 
man  from  a  sincere  friend  into  a  bitter  foe,  will  appear  in  the 
following  narrative : — It  happened  in  April  or  May  of  1774, 
that  a  party  of  land-jobbers,  while  engaged  in  exploring  lands 
near  the  Ohio  river,  were  robbed,  or  pretended  to  have  been 
robbed,  of  a  number  of  horses  by  the  Indians.  The  leader  of 
the  land-jobbers  was  Captain  Michael  Cresap.  Alarmed  at  the 
depredation  hpon  their  property,  or  affecting  to  be  so,  Cresap 
and  his  party  determined  to  make  war  upon  the  Indians,  with¬ 
out  investigation,  and  irrespective,  as  a  matter  of  course,  of 
the  guilt  or  innocence  of  those  whom  they  should  attack.  On 
the  same  day,  falling  in  with  two  Indians,  Cresap  and  his  men 
killed  them.  Hearing,  moreover,  of  a  still  larger  party  of  In¬ 
dians  encamped  at  some  distance  below  the  site  of  the  present 
town  of  Wheeling,  the  white  barbarians  proceeded  thither,  and 
after  winning  the  confidence  of  the  sons  of  the  forest  by  pre¬ 
tended  friendship,  fell  upon  and  slaughtered  several  of  their 
number,  among  whom  were  a  part  of  the  family  of  the  white 
man’s  friend — Logan.* 

Soon  after  this  atrocious  affair,  another  followed,  equally  fla¬ 
gitious.  There  was  a  white  settlement  on  the  east  bank  of  the 
Ohio,  about  thirty  miles  above  Wheeling,  among  the  leading 
men  of  which  were  one  named  Daniel  Greathouse,  and  another 
named  Tomlinson.  A  party  of  Indians,  assembled  on  the  oppo- 

*  Doddridge,  in  his  History  of  the  Indian  Wars,  states  that  no  evidence  of  the  im¬ 
puted  theft  was  ever  adduced  ;  and  affirms  his  belief  that  the  report  was  false,  and 
the  Indians  innocent,  even  of  a  comparatively  minor  trespass. 

10 


40 


LIFE  OF  BRANT, 


[1774. 

site  bank  of  the  river,  having  heard  of  the  murders  committed 
by  Cresap,  determined  to  avenge  their  death,  of  which  resolu¬ 
tion  Greathouse  was  admonished  by  a  friendly  squaw,  who  ad¬ 
vised  him  to  escape,  while  he  was  reconnoitring  for  the  purpose 
of  ascertaining  their  numbers.  He  had  crossed  the  river  with 
thirty-two  men  under  his  command,  and  secreted  them  for  the 
purpose  of  falling  upon  the  Indians  ;  but  finding  that  they  were 
too  strong  for  him,  he  changed  his  plan  of  operations,  re-crossed 
the  river,  and,  with  a  show  of  friendship,  invited  them  over  to 
an  entertainment.  Without  suspicion  of  treachery  the  Indians 
accepted  the  invitation,  and  while  engaged  in  drinking — some 
of  them  to  a  state  of  intoxication — they  were  set  upon  and 
murdered  in  cold  blood.  Here  again,  fell  two  more  of  the 
family  of  Logan — a  brother  and  sister,  the  latter  being  in  a 
situation  of  peculiar  delicacy.  The  Indians  who  had  remained 
on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  hearing  the  noise  of  the  trea¬ 
cherous  attack,  flew  to  their  canoes  to  rescue  their  friends. 
This  movement  had  been  anticipated  ;  and  sharp-shooters,  sta¬ 
tioned  in  ambuscade,  shot  numbers  of  them  in  their  canoes, 
and  compelled  the  others  to  return. 

These  dastardly  transactions  were  enacted  on  the  24th  of 
May.  They  were  soon  followed  by  another  outrage,  which, 
though  of  less  magnitude,  was  not  less  atrocious  in  its  spirit, 
while  it  was  even  more  harrowing  to  the  feelings  of  the  Indians. 
The  event  referred  to  was  the  murder,  by  a  white  man,  of  an 
aged  and  inoffensive  Delaware  chief  named  the  Bald  Eagle. 
He  had  for  years  consorted  more  with  the  white  people  than 
his  own,  visiting  those  most  frequently  who  entertained  him 
best.  At  the  time  of  his  murder  he  had  been  on  a  visit  to  the 
fort  at  the  North  of  the  Kanhawa,  and  was  killed  while  alone, 
paddling  his  canoe.  The  man  who  committed  the  murder,  it 
was  said,  had  been  a  sufferer  at  the  hands  of  the  Indians  ;  but 
he  had  never  been  injured  by  the  object  upon  whom  he  wreaked 
his  vengeance.  After  tearing  the  scalp  from  his  head,  the 
white  savage  placed  the  body  in  a  sitting  posture  in  the  canoe, 
and  sent  it  adrift  down  the  stream.  The  voyage  of  the  dead 
chief  was  observed  by  many,  who  supposed  him  living,  and 
upon  one  of  his  ordinary  excursions.  When,  however,  the 
deed  became  known,  his  nation  were  not  slow  in  avowals  of 


1774.] 


41 


CRESAP’S  WAR. 

vengeance.*  Equally  exasperated,  at  about  the  same  time, 
were  the  Shawanese,  against  the  whites,  by  the  murder  of  one 
of  their  favourite  chiefs,  Silver  Heels ,  who  had  in  the  kindest 
manner  undertaken  to  escort  several  white  traders  across  the 
woods  from  the  Ohio  to  Albany,  a  distance  of  nearly  two  hun¬ 
dred  miles.t 

The  consequence  of  these  repeated  outrages,  perpetrated  by 
white  barbarians,  was  the  immediate  commencement  of  an  In¬ 
dian  war,  the  first  leader  of  which  was  Logan,  who,  with  a 
small  party  of  only  eight  warriors,  made  a  sudden  and  alto¬ 
gether  unexpected  descent  upon  a  Muskingum  settlement,  with 
complete  success.  In  the  course  of  the  Summer  great  numbers 
of  men,  women,  and  children,  fell  victims  to  the  tomahawk  and 
scalping-knife.  Logan,  however,  though  smarting  under  a 
keen  sense  of  his  own  wrongs,  set  his  face  against  the  practice 
of  putting  prisoners  to  the  torture,  so  far  as  he  could.  In  one 
instance,  he  so  instructed  a  prisoner  doomed  to  run  the  gaunt¬ 
let,  as  to  enable  him  to  escape  without  receiving  essential  in¬ 
jury.  In  another  case,  with  his  own  hand  he  severed  the  cord 
which  bound  a  prisoner  to  the  stake,  and  by  his  influence  pro¬ 
cured  his  adoption  into  an  Indian  family. 

To  punish  these  atrocities,  provoked,  as  all  authorities  concur 
in  admitting,  by  the  whites,  a  vigorous  campaign  was  under¬ 
taken  by  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  Lord  Dunmore,  with  a  force 
of  between  two  and  three  thousand  men.  Eleven  hundred  of 
these  Provincials,  mostly  riflemen,  and  comprising  much  of  the 
chivalry  of  Virginia,  constituting  the  left  wing,  were  entrusted 
to  the  command  of  General  Andrew  Lewis, +  with  instructions 
to  march  direct  for  Point  Pleasant,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Great 
Kanhawa;  while  his  lordship,  proceeding  with  the  right  wing, 
was  to  cross  the  Ohio  at  a  higher  point,  and  fall  upon  the  In¬ 
dian  towns  in  their  rear.  For  reasons  never  satisfactorily  ex¬ 
plained,  although  the  cause  of  some  controversy  at  the  time, 
there  was  a  failure  of  the  expected  co-operation  on  the  part  of 
Lord  Dunmore. 

*  M’Clung,  as  cited  by  Drake.  f  Heck  e welder. 

J  Andrew  Lewis  was,  in  fact,  only  a  colonel ;  but  he  was  in  the  chief  command 
of  the  division,  and  as  he  had  a  brother,  Charles  Lewis,  also  a  colonel,  he  has  been 
designated  as  a  G  eneral  by  courtesy,  and  for  the  purpose  of  distinguishing  the  com¬ 
mander  from  the  other  colonel. 


42 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1774. 


General  Lewis  commenced  his  march  on  the  11th  of  Sep¬ 
tember.  His  course  was  direct,  through  a  trackless  wilderness, 
one  hundred  and  sixty  miles  ;  over  which  all  the  supplies  of 
the  army  were  necessarily  to  be  transported  on  pack-horses. 
The  march  was  very  slow  and  tedious — occupying  nineteen 
days.  Arrived  at  or  near  the  junction  of  the  Kanhawa  with 
the  Ohio,  Lewis  waited  eight  or  nine  days  to  obtain  tidings 
from  Lord  Dunmore,  but  heard  not  a  syllable. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  10th  of  October,  two  of  Lewis’s 
scouts,  who  were  about  a  mile  in  advance,  were  fired  upon  by  a 
large  body  of  Indians;  one  of  the  scouts  was  killed,  and  the  other 
escaped  to  camp  with  the  intelligence.  It  was  yet  half  an  hour 
to  sunrise,  and  instant  dispositions  were  made  to  move  forward 
and  attack.  Just  as  the  sun  was  rising,  the  Indians,  who  were 
advancing  upon  a  like  errand,  were  met,  and  an  engagement 
ensued,  which  continued  with  greater  or  less  severity  through 
the  day.  The  Virginians  had  bivouacked  upon  a  point  of  land 
between  the  two  rivers,  giving  the  Indians  an  important  advan¬ 
tage  of  position,  inasmuch  as,  if  defeated,  retreat  would  be  im¬ 
possible  for  the  former,  while  the  latter  could  fly  at  their  plea¬ 
sure.  But  such  was  not  the  purpose  of  the  Indians.  Their 
numbers  have  been  variously  stated,  from  eight  to  fifteen  hun¬ 
dred,  consisting  of  Shawanese,  Delawares,  Mingoes,  Wyandots, 
Cayugas,  and  several  other  tribes,  led  in  chief  by  Logan,  assist¬ 
ed  by  other  celebrated  chiefs,  among  whom  were  Comstock , 
Ellenipsico ,  (his  son,)  and  the  Red  Eagle. 

The  onset  was  impetuous  upon  both  sides.  Colonel  Charles 
Lewis  led  the  right  of  the  Virginians,  and  was  in  advance. 
He  fell  almost  at  the  first  fire,  mortally  wounded,  and  shortly 
afterward  expired — having  walked  back  to  his  own  camp. 
The  Virginians,  like  the  Indians,  sought  every  advantage  by 
fighting  from  the  shelter  of  trees  and  bushes  ;  but  in  the  first 
part  of  the  engagement  the  advantages  were  with  the  Indians, 
and  two  of  the  Virginia  regiments,  after  severe  loss,  especially 
in  officers,  were  compelled  to  give  way.  Colonel  Fleming,  who 
commanded  the  left,  though  severely  wounded  in  the  beginning 
of  the  action,  by  two  balls  through  his  arm  and  another  through 
the  breast,  bravely  kept  the  field  for  some  time,  cheering  his 
men,  and,  urging  them  not  to  lose  an  inch  of  ground,  directed 
them  to  outflank  the  enemy.  But  the  assault  of  the  Indians 


1774.]  BATTLE  OF  THE  KANHAWA.  43 

was  vigorous  and  their  fire  so  severe,  that  the  left,  like  the 
right,  was  yielding,  when,  at  the  most  critical  moment,  Colonel 
Field’s  regiment  was  brought  with  great  spirit  and  resolution 
into  the  action,  by  which  timely  movement  the  fortunes  of  the 
day  were  retrieved.  The  impetuosity  of  the  Indians  was  checked, 
and  they  were  in  turn  forced  to  retreat — falling  back  to  avail 
themselves  of  a  rude  breast-work  of  logs  and  brash-wood, 
which  they  had  taken  the  precaution  to  construct  for  the  occa¬ 
sion.  Colonel  Field  was  killed  at  the  moment  his  gallant 
regiment  had  changed  the  aspect  of  the  battle,  and  he  was 
succeeded  by  Captain  Isaac  Shelby,  afterward  the  brave  and 
hardy  old  Governor  of  Kentucky. 

The  Indians  made  a  valiant  stand  at  their  breast-work,  de¬ 
fending  their  position  until  nearly  night-fall.  For  several  hours 
every  attempt  to  dislodge  them  was  unsuccessful ;  the  savages 
fighting  like  men  who  had  not  only  their  soil  and  homes  to 
protect,  but  deep  wrongs  to  avenge.  “  The  voice  of  the  mighty 
Comstock  was  often  heard  during  the  day,  above  the  din  of 
battle,  calling  out  to  his  warriors,  ‘  Be  strong !  Be  strong !’ 
And  when,  by  the  repeated  charge  of  the  Virginians,  some  of 
his  warriors  began  to  waver,  he  is  said  to  have  sunk  his  toma¬ 
hawk  into  the  head  of  a  coward  who  was  attempting  to  fly.”* 

The  action  had  continued  extremely  hot  until  past  twelve 
o’clock,  after  which  it  was  abated  at  intervals,  though  a  scat¬ 
tering  fire  was  kept  up  most  of  the  time  during  the  day.  To¬ 
ward  night,  finding  that  each  successive  attack  upon  the  line  of 
the  Indians  in  front  but  weakened  his  own  force,  without  ma¬ 
king  any  perceptible  impression  upon  the  Indians,  and  rightly 
judging  that  if  the  latter  were  not  routed  before  dark,  the  con¬ 
test  must  be  resumed  under  at  least  doubtful  circumstances  on 
the  following  day,  a  final  attempt  was  made  to  throw  a  body  of 
troops  into  the  rear.  Three  companies  were  detached  upon 
this  service,  led  by  Captain  Shelby.  The  ground  favoured  the 
enterprise.  Availing  themselves  of  the  tall  weeds  and  grass 
upon  the  bank  of  a  creek  flowing  into  the  Kanhawa,  those 
companies  passed  the  flank  of  the  Indian  ranks  unobserved, 
and  falling  vigorously  upon  their  rear,  drove  them  from  their 

*  Drake — who  compiles  his  account  of  this  spirited  engagement,  from  Withers, 
M’Clung,  and  Doddridge. 


44  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1774. 

lines  with  precipitation.  Night  came  on,  and  the  Indians, 
supposing  that  reinforcements  of  the  Virginians  had  arrived, 
fled  across  the  Ohio,  and  continued  their  retreat  to  the  Scioto. 
They  had  not  the  satisfaction  of  taking  many  scalps — the 
bodies  of  a  few  stragglers  only  falling  into  their  possession.  In 
the  official  account  it  was  stated  that  they  scalped  numbers  of 
their  own  warriors,  to  prevent  the  Virginians  from  doing  it. 
Of  those  Indians  first  killed,  the  Virginians  scalped  upward  of 
twenty.*  The  loss  of  the  Indians  was  never  known.  It  must, 
however,  have  been  severe  ;  since,  in  addition  to  the  killed  and 
wounded  borne  away,  numbers  of  the  slain  were  thrown  into  the 
river,  and  thirty-three  of  their  warriors  were  found  dead  upon  the 
field  on  the  following  day.  The  loss  of  the  Virginians  was  like¬ 
wise  severe.  Two  of  their  colonels  were  killed,  four  captains, 
many  subordinate  officers,  and  between  fifty  and  sixty  privates, 
besides  a  much  larger  number  wounded.! 

Arrived  at  Chilicothe,  a  council  of  the  Indians  was  convened 
to  debate  upon  the  question  what  was  next  to  be  done.  Corn- 
stock,  it  was  said,  had  been  opposed  to  giving  battle  at  Point 
Pleasant,  but  had  resolved  to  do  his  best  on  being  overruled  in 
council.  Having  been  defeated,  as  he  had  anticipated,  he  de¬ 
manded  of  the  council,  “  What  shall  we  do  now  ?  The  Long 
“  Knives  are  coming  upon  us  by  two  routes.  Shall  we  turn 
11  out  and  fight  them  ?”  No  response  being  made  to  the  ques¬ 
tion,  he  continued,  u  Shall  we  kill  all  our  squares  and  chil- 
u  dren,  and  then  fight  until  we  are  all  killed  ourselves  ?”  As 
before,  all  were  silent ;  whereupon  Comstock  struck  his  toma¬ 
hawk  into  the  war-post  standing  in  the  midst  of  the  council, 
and  remarked  with  emphasis  :  “  Since  you  are  not  inclined  to 
“fight j  I  wHl  g°  a,lcl  make  peace .”+  Saying  which,  he  re- 


*  Official  Report. 

f  Doddridge  states  the  number  of  killed  at  75,  and  of  wounded  at  140.  In  the  esti¬ 
mate  given  in  the  text,  Thatcher  has  been  followed.  It  is  stated  by  Drake,  that  a 
stratagem  was  resorted  to  in  this  action  by  the  Virginians,  similar  to  one  that  had  been 
practised  in  the  early  New  England  war  of  the  Indians  at  Pawtucket.  The  Virginians, 
concealing  themselves  behind  trees,  would  hold  out  their  hats  fom  behind  and  draw 
the  fire  of  the  Indians;  the  hat  being  instantly  dropped,  the  Indian  warrior  who  had 
brought  it  down,  supposing  that  he  had  killed  the  owner,  would  rush  forward  to  se¬ 
cure  the  scalp  of  his  supposed  victim — only  to  fall  beneath  an  unexpected  tomahawk. 

J  Doddir'ge. 


SPEECH  OF  LOGAN. 


45 


1774.] 

paired  to  the  camp  of  Lord  Dunmore,  who,  having  descended 
the  Ohio,  was  now  approaching  the  Scioto. 

Meantime  General  Lewis,  having  buried  his  dead,  and  made 
the  necessary  dispositions  for  an  advance  into  the  heart  of  the 
Indian  country,  moved  forward  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy — re¬ 
solved  upon  his  extermination.  He  was  soon  afterward  met  by 
a  counter-order  from  Lord  Dunmore,  which  he  disregarded  ; 
and  it  was  not  until  the  Governor  visited  Lewis  in  his  own 
camp,  that  a  reluctant  obedience  was  exacted.  Meantime  the 
negotiation  proceeded,  but  under  circumstances  of  distrust  on 
the  part  of  the  Virginians,  who  were  careful  to  admit  only  a 
small  number  of  the  Indians  into  their  encampment  at  any  one 
time.  The  chief  speaker  on  the  part  of  the  Indians  was  Com 
stock,  who  did  not  fail  to  charge  the  whites  with  being  the  sole 
cause  of  the  war — enumerating  the  provocations  which  the 
Indians  had  received,  and  dwelling  with  peculiar  force  upon 
the  murders  committed  in  the  family  of  Logan.*  This  lofty 
chief  himself  refused  to  appear  at  the  council.  He  was  in  fa¬ 
vour  of  peace,  but  his  proud  spirit  scorned  to  ask  for  it;  and  he 
remained  in  his  cabin,  brooding  in  melancholy  silence  over  his 
own  wrongs. 

Of  so  much  importance  was  his  name  considered  by  Lord 
Dunmore  however,  that  a  special  messenger  was  despatched  to 
ascertain  whether  he  would  accede  to  the  articles  of  peace. 
This  messenger  was  Colonel  John  Gibson,  an  officer  in  Dun- 
more’s  army,  and  afterward  a  man  of  some  distinction.  The 
“  Mingo  Chief”  did  not  dissent  from  the  terms,  but  gave  not  his 
sanction  without  an  eloquent  rehearsal  of  his  grievances — rela¬ 
ting,  in  full,  the  circumstances  of  the  butchery  of  his  own 
entire  family,  to  avenge  which  atrocities  he  had  taken  up  the 
hatchet.  His  conference  with  Gibson  took  place  in  a  solitary 
wood,  and  at  its  close,  he  charged  him  with  the  celebrated 


*  Comstock  was  a  truly  great  man.  Col.  Wilson,  who  was  present  at  the 
interview  between  the  Chief  and  Lord  Dunmore,  thus  speaks  of  the  chieftain’s 
bearing  on  the  occasion  :  “  When  he  arose,  he  was  in  no  wise  confused  or  daunted, 
but  spoke  in  a  distinct  and  audible  voice,  without  stammering  or  repetition,  and  with 
peculiar  emphasis.  His  looks,  while  addressing  Dunmore,  were  truly  grand  and 
majestic,  yet  graceful  and  attractive.  I  have  heard  the  first  orators  in  Virginia, 
Patrick  Henry  and  Richard  Henry  Lee  ;  but  never  have  I  heard  one  whose  powers 
of  delivery  surpassed  those  of  Comstock.” 


46  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1774. 

speech  to  Lord  Dunmore,  which  has  become  familiar  wherever 
the  English  language  is  spoken  : — 

“  I  appeal  to  any  white  man  to  say  if  he  ever  entered  Logan’s 
cabin  hungry,  and  he  gave  him  not  meat;  if  ever  he  came  cold 
and  naked,  and  he  clothed  him  not.  During  the  course  of  the 
last  long  and  bloody  war,  Logan  remained  idle  in  his  cabin,  an 
advocate  for  peace.  Such  was  my  love  for  the  whites,  that  my 
countrymen  pointed,  as  they  passed,  and  said,  ‘  Logan  is  the 
friend  of  the  white  men.’  I  had  even  thought  to  have  lived 
with  you,  but  for  the  injuries  of  one  man.  Colonel  Cresap,  the 
last  Spring,  in  cold  blood  and  unprovoked,  murdered  all  the  rela¬ 
tions  of  Logan,  not  even  sparing  my  women  and  children.  There 
runs  not  a  drop  of  my  blood  in  the  veins  of  any  living  creature. 
This  called  on  me  for  revenge.  I  have  sought  it ;  I  have  killed 
many  ;  I  have  fully  glutted  my  vengeance.  For  my  country, 
I  rejoice  at  the  beams  of  peace  ;  but  do  not  harbour  a  thought 
that  mine  is  the  joy  of  fear.  Logan  never  felt  fear.  He  will 
not  turn  on  his  heel  to  save  his  life.  Who  is  there  to  mourn 
for  Logan  7  Not  one.” 

This  speech  has  ever  been  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  elo¬ 
quent  passages  in  the  English  language.  Mr.  Jeffersonjremark- 
ed  of  it — 11 1  may  challenge  the  whole  orations  of  Demosthenes, 
“  and  of  Cicero,  and  of  any  more  eminent  orator,  if  Europe 
“  has  furnished  more  eminent,  to  produce  a  single  passage  su- 
“  perior  to  it and  an  American  statesman  and  scholar,* 
scarcely  less  illustrious  than  the  author  of  this  noble  eulogium, 
has  subscribed  to  that  opinion.! 


*  De  Witt  Clinton. 

|  Thatcher’s  Ind.  Biography.  It  is  due  in  candour  to  state,  that  the  authenticity  of 
this  celebrated  speech  has  been  questioned.  On  the  first  publication  of  Jefferson’s 
Notes,  the  relatives  and  friends  of  Cresap  made  a  great  outcry  against  the  charge 
of  his  having  murdered  Logan’s  family.  Among  other  arguments  in  his  defence, 
it  was  contended  that  the  speech  attributed  to  Logan  had,  in  substance  and  almost 
in  words,  been  delivered  to  the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia  by  a  sachem  named 
Lonan,  twenty  years  before  the  date  assigned  to  it  by  Mr.  Jefferson.  The  speech 
referred  to  was  discovered  in  the  travels  of  Robin,  a  Frenchman,  who  visited  the  Co¬ 
lonies  at  an  early  period  of  the  war  of  the  Revolution.  The  passage  stands  thus  in 
the  English  translation  of  “Robin’s  New  Travels  in  America:” — 

“Speech  of  the  savage  Lonan,  in  a  General  Assembly,  as  it  was  sent  to  the 
Governor  of  Virginia,  anno  1754: — 

“Lonan  will  no  longer  oppose  making  the  proposed  peace  with  the  white  men. 
You  are  sensible  he  never  knew  what  fear  is — that  he  never  turned  his  back  in  the 


TEMPER  OF  THE  INDIANS, 


47 


1774.] 

Lord  Dunmore,  it  is  believed,  was  sincerely  desirous  of 
peace — from  motives  of  humanity,  we  are  ready  to  believe,  al¬ 
though  writers  of  less  charity  have  attributed  his  course  to  a 
more  unworthy  feeling.  Peace,  therefore,  was  the  result  of  the 
council.  But  it  will  readily  be  conceded  that  the  Indian  war¬ 
riors  could  not  have  retired  to  their  respective  tribes  and  homes, 
with  any  feelings  of  particular  friendship  toward  the  white  men. 
On  the  contrary,  the  pain  of  defeat,  and  the  loss  of  the  warriors 
who  fell,  were  causes  of  irritating  reflection,  in  addition  to  the 
original  and  grievous  wrong  they  had  suffered  at  the  hands  of 
Cresap  and  Greathouse.  The  Six  Nations,  as  a  confederacy, 
had  not  taken  part  in  the  war  of  the  Virginia  border  ;  but  many 
of  their  warriors  were  engaged  in  it,  especially  the  Cayugas,  to 
which  nation  Logan  belonged,  and  the  warriors  of  the  Six  Na¬ 
tions  colonized  on  the  banks  of  the  Susquehanna  and  its  tribu¬ 
tary  the  Shamokin.  These,  it  may  be  reasonably  inferred,  re¬ 
turned  from  the  contest  only  to  brood  longer  over  their  accu¬ 
mulated  wrongs,  and  in  a  temper  not  over-inclined  to  cultivate 
the  most  amicable  relations  with  the  Colonies.  In  one  word, 
the  temper  of  the  whole  Indian  race,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Oneidas,  was  soured  by  these  occurrences  of  the  year  1774  ; — a 

day  of  battle.  No  one  has  more  love  for  the  white  men  than  I  have.  The  war  we 
have  had  with  them  has  been  long  and  bloody  on  both  sides.  Rivers  of  blood  have 
run  on  all  parts,  and  yet  no  good  has  resulted  therefrom  to  any.  I  once  more  repeat 
it — let  us  be  at  peace  with  these  men.  I  will  forget  our  injuries  ;  the  interest  of  my 
country  demands  it.  I  will  forget — but  difficult,  indeed,  is  the  task!  Yes,  I  will 

forget  that  Major - cruelly  and  inhumanly  murdered,  in  their  canoes,  my  wife, 

my  children,  my  father,  my  mother,  and  all  my  kindred.  This  roused  me  to  deeds 
of  vengeance  !  I  was  cruel  in  despite  of  myself.  I  will  die  content  if  my  country  is 
once  more  at  peace.  But  when  Lonan  shall  be  no  more,  who,  alas !  will  drop  a  tear 
to  the  memory  of  Lonan  ?  ” 

If  the  date  to  this  speech  be  the  true  one,  there  is  an  end  to  the  claim  of  Logan. 
But  the  resemblance  in  many  manuscripts,  between  the  figures  4  and  7,  is  so  close 
as  to  induce  a  belief,  (Dr.  Barton’s  Journal  of  1808  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding) 
that  the  error  may  have  been  made  by  the  English  translator.  This  opinion  is 
strengthened  by  the  similarity  between  the  name  given  by  Robin, — Lonan — ’and 
Logan.  The  difference  consists  in  a  single  letter,  and  might  well  have  been  the  er¬ 
ror  of  the  Frenchman,  when  writing  the  identical  story  of  Logan.  In  the  course  of 
bis  investigations,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  furnished  with  a  note,  written  by  Logan,  and 
sent  to  a  white  settlement,  attached  to  a  war-club,  by  the  hand  of  an  Indian  runner. 
Heckewelder  also  says  the  speech  was  authenticated  by  Col.  Gibson,  and  adds 
“For  my  part  I  am  convinced  that  it  was  delivered  precisely  as  it  was  related  to  us, 
with  this  only  difference,  that  it  possessed  a  force  and  expression  in  the  Indian  lan¬ 
guage,  which  it  is  impossible  to  translate  into  our  own.” 


48 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1774. 

most  unfortunate  circumstance,  since  events  were  then  follow¬ 
ing  in  rapid  succession,  which  within  a  twelvemonth  rendered 
the  friendship  of  the  nations  not  only  desirable,  but  an  object 
of  vast  importance. 

But  before  the  direct  narrative  leading  to  those  events  is  re¬ 
sumed,  it  may  be  well  to  end  the  melancholy  tale  of  Logan, 
“  which  can  be  dismissed  with  no  relief  to  its  gloomy  colours.” 
After  the  peace  of  Chilicothe  he  sank  into  a  state  of  deep  mental 
depression,  declaring  that  life  was  a  torment  to  him.  He  be¬ 
came  in  some  measure  delirious  ;  *  went  to  Detroit,  and  there 
yielded  himself  to  habits  of  intoxication.  In  the  end  he  became 
a  victim  to  the  same  ferocious  cruelty  which  had  already  ren¬ 
dered  him  a  desolate  man.  Not  long  after  the  treaty,  a  party 
of  whites  murdered  him  as  he  was  returning  from  Detroit  to 
his  own  country.! 


*  Allen’s  Biog.  Die. 


f  Thatcher. 


CHAPTER  HI. 


Unyielding  course  of  the  parent  Government — Efforts  of  the  Earl  of  Chatham  una¬ 
vailing — Address  to  the  Crown  from  New-York — Leslie’s  Expedition  to  Salem — 
Affair  of  Lexington — Unwise  movements  of  Tryon  County  loyalists — Reaction 
— Public  meetings — The  Sammons  family — Interference  of  the  Johnsons — 
Quarrel  at  Caughnawaga — Spirited  indications  at  Cherry  Valley — Counteracting- 
efforts  of  the  Johnsons  among  their  retainers — Intrigues  with  the  Indians — 
Massachusetts  attempts  the  same — Correspondence  with  the  Stockbridge  Indians 
— Letter  to  Mr.  Kirkland — His  removal  by  Guy  Johnson — Neutrality  of  the 
Oneidas — Intercepted  despatch  from  Brant  to  the  Oneidas — Apprehensions  of 
Guy  Johnson — Correspondence — Farther  precautions  of  the  Committees — Re¬ 
verence  for  the  Laws — Letter  of  Guy  Johnson  to  the  Committees  of  Albany  and 
Schenectady — Substance  of  the  reply. 

The  parent  government  did  not  relax  its  coercive  measures, 
notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  the  Earl  of  Chatham,  now  venera¬ 
ble  for  his  years,  who,  after  a  long  retirement,  returned  once  more 
into  public  life,  to  interpose  his  eloquence  and  the  influence  of 
his  great  name  in  behalf  of  the  Colonies.  His  lordship’s  ad¬ 
dress  to  the  King  for  the  removal  of  the  troops  from  Boston, 
was  rejected  by  a  large  majority.  His  conciliatory  bill  was 
also  rejected.  On  the  26th  of  January,  Messrs.  Bolland, 
Franklin,  and  Lee,  the  Committee  from  the  Colonies,  charged 
with  presenting  the  petition  of  the  Continental  Congress  for  a 
redress  of  grievances,  brought  the  subject  before  the  House  of 
Commons,  and  after  an  angry  debate  they  refused  to  receive  it 
by  a  decisive  vote.  Meantime  bills  were  passed,  by  large  ma¬ 
jorities,  restraining  all  the  thirteen  Colonies,  excepting  only 
New-York,  Delaware,  and  North  Carolina,  from  the  prosecu¬ 
tion  of  any  foreign  commerce  other  than  with  Great  Britain 
and  her  dependencies.  The  Eastern  States  were  likewise  ex¬ 
cluded  from  the  fisheries  of  Newfoundland.  But  notwith¬ 
standing  that,  from  motives  of  policy,  New-York  had  been 
thus  excepted  from  the  restraining  law,  its  local  legislature  was 
at  the  same  time  engaged  in  preparing  a  memorial  to  the 
Crown  for  a  redress  of  grievances — a  fact  which  the  ministers 
soon  learned,  and  not  without  mortification.  The  New-York 
address  was  a  strong  denunciation  of  the  measures  of  the 
Government  toward  the  Colonies,  and  an  energetic  appeal  for 
redress.  “We  feel,”  said  they,  “  the  most  ardent  desire  to  pro¬ 
mote  a  cordial  reconciliation  with  the  parent  state,  which  can 


50 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775. 

be  rendered  permanent  and  solid  only  by  ascertaining  the  line 
of  Parliamentary  authority  and  American  freedom,  on  just, 
equitable,  and  constitutional  grounds.  *  *  *  From  the  year 
1683  till  the  close  of  the  late  war,  they  had  enjoyed  a  legisla¬ 
ture  consisting  of  three  distinct  branches,  a  Governor,  Council,  and 
general  Assembly ;  under  which  political  frame  the  representa¬ 
tives  had- uniformly  exercised  the  right  of  their  own  civil  go¬ 
vernment,  and  the  administration  of  justice  in  the  Colony.  It 
is,  therefore,  with  inexpressible  grief  that  we  have  of  late 
years  seen  measures  adopted  by  the  British  Parliament,  subver¬ 
sive  of  that  constitution  under  which  the  good  people  of  this 
Colony  have  always  enjoyed  the  same  rights  and  privileges,  so 
highly  and  deservedly  prized  by  their  fellow-subjects  of  Great 
Britain.”  Adverting  to  the  essential  privilege  of  trial  by  a 
jury  of  the  vicinage,  they  “  view  with  horror  the  construction 
of  the  statute  of  the  35th  of  Henry  the  VIII.  as  held  up  by  the 
joint  address  of  both  houses  of  Parliament  in  1769,  advising 
his  Majesty  to  send  for  persons  guilty  of  treasons  and  mispri¬ 
sions  of  treasons,  in  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  order 
to  be  tried  in  England  and  they  “  are  equally  alarmed  at  the 
late  acts,  empowering  his  Majesty  to  send  persons  guilty  of 
offences  in  one  colony,  to  be  tried  in  another  or  within  the 
realm  of  England.”  They  complain  of  the  act  of  7th  of 
George  the  III.  requiring  the  legislature  of  this  Colony  to  make 
provision  for  the  expense  of  the  troops  quartered  among  them ; 
of  the  act  suspendingtheir  legislative  powers  till  they  shouldhave 
complied ;  and  of  the  Quebec  act ;  considering  themselves  as 
interested  in  whatever  may  affect  their  sister  Colonies  ;  they  can¬ 
not  help  feeling  for  the  distresses  of  their  brethren  in  Massa¬ 
chusetts,  from  the  operation  of  the  several  acts  of  Parliament 
passed  relative  to  that  province,  and  earnestly  remonstrating  in 
their  behalf.  “We  claim,”  said  they,  “  but  a  restoration  of  those 
rights  which  we  enjoyed  by  general  consent  before  the  close  of 
the  last  war  ;  we  desire  no  more  than  a  continuation  of  that 
ancient  government  to  which  we  are  entitled  by  the  principles 
of  the  British  constitution,  and  by  which  alone  can  be  secured 
to  us  the  rights  of  Englishmen.”  The  address  was  presented 
to  the  House  of  Commons  by  Mr.  Burke,  but  was  never  called  up.# 


*  Holmes’s  Annals. 


AFFAIR  OF  LEXINGTON. 


51 


1775.] 

A  new  Provincial  Congress  was  assembled  in  Massachusetts 
in  February,  which,  anticipating  that  the  parent  Government 
was  preparing  to  strike  the  first  blow  at  that  Colony,  adopted 
farther  means  of  precaution  and  defence — but  with  great  wis¬ 
dom  avoiding  any  thing  like  an  overt  act  of  resistance.  Hos¬ 
tilities  had  well  nigh  been  commenced  on  the  26th  of  Februa¬ 
ry,  between  Salem  and  Danvers,  by  the  opposition  of  Colonel 
Timothy  Pickering  and  others,  to  Colonel  Leslie,  who  had  been 
sent  to  Salem  by  General  Gage,  to  seize  some  military  stores, 
which  he  had  been  informed  were  collecting  at  the  former 
place.  The  interposition  of  Mr.  Barnard,  the  minister  of  Sa¬ 
lem,  prevented  the  effusion  of  blood,  and  Leslie  returned  to 
Boston  from  a  bootless  errand. 

The  ill-starred  expedition,  by  the  direction  of  General  Gage, 
to  Concord,  and  the  battle  of  Lexington  on  the  19th  of  April, 
gave  the  signal  of  a  general  rush  to  arms  throughout  most  of  the 
Colonies.  True,  it  was  not  admitted  to  be  a  formal  commence¬ 
ment  of  hostilities,  and  the  Provincial  Congress  of  Massachu¬ 
setts  despatched  an  account  of  that  affair  to  Great  Britain,  with 
depositions,  establishing  the  fact  indisputably,  that  both  at 
Concord  and  Lexington  the  firing  had  been  commenced  by 
the  King’s  troops — Major  Pitcairn  himself  discharging  the  first 
shot,  at  the  former  place.  But  although  this  message  was  ac¬ 
companied  by  an  address  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain  with 
continued  professions  of  loyalty,  yet  those  professions  were 
sent,  hand  in  hand,  with  a  declaration  that  they  would  “  not 
tamely  submit  to  the  persecution  and  tyranny  ”  of  the  existing 
ministry,  and  with  an  appeal  to  heaven  for  the  justice  of  a  cause 
in  which  they  were  determined  to  die  or  conquer.  It  was  very 
evident,  therefore,  that  reconciliation  was  out  of  the  question, 
and  that  a  trial  of  arms  was  near  at  hand.  Of  course  the  ex¬ 
asperation  of  the  public  mind  was  now  at  its  height,  and  those 
who  had  not  taken  sides  could  no  longer  stand  neutral. 

It  was  at  this  moment,  just  as  the  Continental  Congress  was 
about  to  reassemble,  and  just  as  the  exciting  intelligence  was 
received  from  Boston,  that,  most  unwisely  for  themselves,  the 
influential  loyalists  of  Try  on  County  undertook  to  make  a 
demonstration  against  the  proceedings  of  the  Congress  of  the 
preceding  Autumn.  A  declaration  in  opposition  to  those  pro- 


52 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775. 

ceedings  was  drawn  up,  and  advantage  taken  of  the  gathering 
of  the  people  at  a  Court  holden  in  Johnstown,  to  obtain  signa¬ 
tures.  The  discussions  ran  high  upon  the  subject,  but  the 
movers  in  the  affair  succeeded  in  obtaining  the  names  of  a 
majority  of  the  Grand  Jurors,  and  the  greater  portion  of  the 
magistracy  of  the  County. 

The  Whigs  in  attendance  at  the  Court  were  indignant  at 
this  proceedure,  and  on  returning  to  their  respective  homes, 
communicated  their  feelings  to  those  of  their  neighbors  who 
had  embraced  kindred  principles.  Public  meetings  were  called, 
and  committees  appointed  in  every  district,  and  sub-committees 
in  almost  every  hamlet  in  the  County.*  The  first  of  these 
public  meetings  was  held  at  the  house  of  John  Yeeder  in 
Caughnawaga.  It  was  attended  by  about  three  hundred  peo¬ 
ple,  who  assembled,  unarmed,  for  the  purpose  of  deliberation, 
and  also  to  erect  a  liberty-pole — the  most  hateful  object  of  that 
day  in  the  eyes  of  the  loyalists.  Among  the  leaders  of  the 
Whigs  on  that  occasion,  were  Sampson  Sammons,  an  opulent 
farmer  residing  in  the  neighbourhood,  and  two  of  his  sons, 
Jacob  and  Frederick.  Before  they  had  accomplished  their 
purpose  of  raising  the  emblem  of  rebellion,  the  proceedings 
were  interrupted  by  the  arrival  of  Sir  John  Johnson,  accompa¬ 
nied  by  his  brothers-in-law,  Colonels  Claus  and  Guy  Johnson, 
together  with  Colonel  John  Butler,  and  a  large  number  of  their 
retainers,  armed  with  swords  and  pistols.  Guy  Johnson  mount¬ 
ed  a  high  stoop  and  harangued  the  people  at  length,  and  with 

*  The  County  of  Tryon  then  included  all  the  Colonial  settlements  West  and 
South-west  of  Schenectady.  It  was  taken  from  Albany  County  in  1772,  and  named 
in  honour  of  William  Tryon,  then  Governor  of  the  Province.  In  1784  the  name 
was  changed  to  Montgomery.  When  formed,  it  embraced  all  that  part  of  the 
State  lying  West  of  a  line  running  North  and  South,  nearly  through  the  centre  of 
the  present  County  of  Schoharie.  It  was  divided  into  five  districts,  which  were 
again  subdivided  into  smaller  districts  or  precincts.  The  first,  beginning  at  the 
East,  was  the  Mohawk  district,  embracing  Fort  Hunter,  Caughnawaga,  Johnstown, 
and  Kingsborough.  Canajoharie  district,  embracing  the  present  town  of  that 
name,  with  all  the  country  South,  including  Cherry  Valley  and  Harpersfield,  Pala¬ 
tine  district  North  of  the  river,  and  including  the  country  known  by  the  same  name, 
with  Stone  Arabia,  &.C.,  and  German  Flatts  and  Kingsland  Districts,  being  then 
the  most  Western  settlements,  and  the  former  now  known  by  the  same  name.  The 
county  buildings  were  at  Johnstown,  where,  as  before  mentioned,  was  the  residence 
of  Sir  William  Johnson. —  Campbell’s  rfnnals. 


MEETINGS  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 


53 


1775.] 

great  vehemence.  He  dwelt  upon  the  strength  and  power  of 
the  King,  and  attempted  to  show  the  folly  of  opposing  his  offi¬ 
cers  or  revolting  against  the  authority  of  his  crown.  A  single 
ship,  he  said,  would  be  sufficient  to  capture  all  the  navy  which 
could  be  set  afloat  by  the  Colonies  ;  while  on  the  frontiers,  the 
Indians  were  under  his  Majesty’s  control,  and  his  arms  were 
sustained  by  a  chain  of  fortified  posts,  extending  from  the  Gulf 
of  the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  Mississippi.  He  was  very  virulent 
in  his  language  toward  the  disaffected,  causing  their  blood  to 
boil  with  indignation.  But  they  were  unarmed,  and  for  the 
most  part  unprepared,  if  not  indisposed,  to  proceed  to  any  act 
of  violence.  The  orator  at  length  became  so  abusive,  that 
Jacob  Sammons,  no  longer  able  to  restrain  himself,  imprudently 
interrupted  his  discourse  by  pronouncing  him  a  liar  and  a  vil¬ 
lain.  Johnson  thereupon  seized  Sammons  by  the  throat,  and 
called  him  a  d — d  villain  in  return.  A  scuffle  ensued  between 
them,  during  which  Sammons  was  struck  down  with  a  loaded 
whip:  On  recovering  from  the  momentary  stupor  of  the  blow, 
Sammons  found  one  of  Johnson’s  servants  sitting  astride  of  his 
body.  A  well-directed  blow  relieved  him  of  that  incumbrance, 
and,  springing  upon  his  feet,  he  threw  off  his  coat  and  prepared 
for  fight.  Two  pistols  were  immediately  presented  to  his 
breast,  but  not  discharged,  as  Sammons  was  again  knocked 
down  by  the  clubs  of  the  loyalists,  and  severely  beaten.  On 
recovering  his  feet  once  more,  he  perceived  that  his  Whig 
friends  had  all  decamped,  with  the  exception  of  the  families  of 
the  Fondas,  Yeeders,  and  Yisschers.*  The  loyalists  also  drew 
off,  and  Jacob  Sammons  returned  to  his  father’s  house,  bearing 
upon  his  body  the  first  scars  of  the  Revolutionary  contest  in  the 
County  of  Tryon. 

One  of  the  largest  and  most  spirited  of  these  meetings  took 
place  in  Cherry  Yalley.  It  was  held  in  the  church,  and  the 
people  entered  into  the  subject  with  so  much  enthusiasm,  that 
they  took  their  children  to  the  assembly,  that  they  might  im¬ 
bibe  lessons  of  patriotism,  as  it  were  at  the  altar — thus  hallow¬ 
ing  the  cause  in  which  they  were  about  to  engage,  with  the 


*  Narratives  of  Jacob  and  Frederick  Sammons,  furnished  to  the  author ;  repeated 
references  to  both  of  which  will  be  made  hereafter. 


54 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775. 

impressive  sanctions  of  religion.  The  orator  of  the  occasion 
was  an  Indian  interpreter  by  the  name  of  Thomas  Spencer ; 
he  was  rude  of  speech,  but  forcible ;  and,  warming  with  his 
theme,  spoke  with  such  power  and  effect,  that  the  story  of  his 
eloquence  yet  lives  in  the  annals  of  tradition.*  The  result  of 
this  meeting  was  the  adoption  of  a  strong  counter-declaration, 
condemning  the  proceedings  of  the  loyalists  at  Johnstown,  and 
approving,  in  the  most  unequivocal  and  solemn  terms,  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  Continental  Congress. 

These  proceedings  took  place  early  in  May.  But  from  a  letter 
addressed  to  the  Committee  of  Safety  of  Albany,  by  the  Commit¬ 
tee  of  the  Palatine  district,  on  the  18th  of  that  month,  it  appears 
that  the  Johnsons  and  their  powerful  confederates  in  the  Mo¬ 
hawk  district  succeeded,  by  threats,  intimidation,  and  an  array 
of  military  strength,  in  preventing  the  adoption  of  a  correspond¬ 
ing  declaration  by  the  Whigs.  “  This  County,”  says  the  Pa¬ 
latine  Committee,  “  has  for  a  series  of  years  been  ruled  by  one 
11  family,  the  several  branches  of  which  are  still  strenuous  in 
“  dissuading  the  people  from  coming  into  Congressional  mea- 
“  sures,  and  have  even,  last  week,  at  a  numerous  meeting  of 
“  the  Mohawk  district,  appeared  with  all  their  dependents  armed 
“  to  oppose  the  people  considering  of  their  grievances :  their 
u  number  being  so  large,  and  the  people  unarmed,  struck  terror 
“  into  most  of  them,  and  they  dispersed.”  The  Committee  far¬ 
ther  notified  their  friends  in  Albany,  that  Sir  John  Johnson 
was  fortifying  the  Baronial  Hall,  by  planting  several  swivels 
around  it ;  and  he  had  paraded  parts  of  the  regiment  of  militia 
which  he  commanded,  on  the  day  previous,  for  the  purpose 
of  intimidation,  as  it  was  conjectured.  It  was  likewise  reported 
that  the  Scotch  Highlanders,  settled  in  large  numbers  in  and 
about  Johnstown,  who  were  Roman  Catholics,  had  armed 
themselves  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and  fifty,  ready  to 
aid  in  the  suppression  of  any  popular  outbreaks  in  favor  of 
the  growing  cause  of  Liberty. 

Strong  suspicions  were  early  entertained  that  the  Johnsons, 
Butlers,  and  Colonel  Claus,  were  endeavouring  to  alienate  the 
good-will  of  the  Indians  from  the  Colonists,  and  prepare  them, 
in  the  event  of  open  hostilities,  to  take  up  the  hatchet  against 


*  And  also  in  Campbell’s  Annals 


1775.]  INTRIGUES  WITH  THE  INDIANS.  55 

them.  Thayendanegea,  alias  Joseph  Brant,  as  heretofore  men¬ 
tioned,  was  now  the  secretary  of  Colonel  Guy  Johnson,  the 
superintendent,  and  his  activity  was  ceaseless.  Notwithstand¬ 
ing  his  former  friendship  for  Mr.  Kirkland,  the  faithful  mis¬ 
sionary  to  the  Oneidas,  Thayendanegea  was  apprehensive  that 
his  influence  would  be  exerted  to  alienate  the  Indians  from  the 
interests  of  the  Crown,  and  attach  them  to  those  of  the  Colo¬ 
nists.  The  wily  chief  accordingly  attempted  to  obtain  the  re¬ 
moval  of  Mr.  Kirkland  from  his  station  ;  and  at  his  instigation 
a  dissolute  sachem  of  the  Oneidas  preferred  charges  against  the 
minister  to  Guy  Johnson,  the  superintendent.  A  correspon¬ 
dence  took  place  between  Johnson  and  Mr.  Kirkland  upon  the 
subject,  in  which  the  latter  sustained  himself  with  force  and 
dignity.  The  Oneida  nation,  moreover,  rallied  to  his  support, 
almost  to  a  man ;  so  that  the  superintendent  was  obliged,  for 
the  time  being,  to  relinquish  the  idea  of  his  forcible  removal.* 
Justice,  however,  both  to  Brant  and  Guy  Johnson,  requires  it 
to  be  stated  that  the  vigilant  eyes  of  the  Bostonians  had  already 
been  directed  to  the  importance  of  securing  an  interest  among 
the  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations,  in  anticipation  of  whatever 
events  were  to  happen.  To  this  end  a  correspondence  was  open¬ 
ed  through  Mr.  Kirkland,  even  with  the  Mohawks,  by  the  Pro¬ 
vincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts,  before  the  affair  of  Lexington 
and  Concord.f  The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  letter  addressed 
to  the  missionary  by  the  Provincial  Congress  : — 

To  the  Rev.  Samuel  Kirkland. 

“  Concord ,  April  Ath ,  1775. 

“Sir, 

“  The  Provincial  Congress  have  thought  it  necessary  to  ad¬ 
dress  the  sachem  of  the  Mohawk  tribe,  with  the  rest  of  the  Six 
Nations,  upon  the  subject  of  the  controversy  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  American  Colonies.  We  are  induced  to  take 
this  measure,  as  we  have  been  informed  that  those  who  are 
inimical  to  us  in  Canada  have  been  tampering  with  those  na¬ 
tions,  and  endeavouring  to  attach  them  to  the  interest  of  those 
who  are  attempting  to  deprive  us  of  our  inestimable  rights  and 

*  The  correspondence  referred  to  in  this  passage  was  discovered  by  the  author 
among  the  unpublished  papers  of  Mr.  Kirkland — obligingly  loaned  for  his  use  br 
President  Kirkland ‘of  Boston. 

f  Sparks’s  Life  and  Cor.  of  Washington,  vol.  iii.  Appendix. 

12 


56 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


r  1 

[1<  /  o. 


privileges,  and  to  subjugate  the  Colonies  to  arbitrary  power, 

From  a  confidence  in  your  attachment  to  the  cause  of  liberty 

and  your  country,  we  now  transmit  to  you  the  enclosed  address, 

and  desire  you  will  deliver  it  to  the  sachem  of  the  Mohawk 

tribe,  to  be  communicated  to  the  rest  of  the  Six  Nations  ;  and 

that  you  will  use  your  influence  with  them  to  join  with  us  in 

the  defence  of  our  rights  ;  but  if  you  cannot  prevail  with  them 

to  take  an  active  part  in  this  glorious  cause,  that  you  will  at 

least  engage  them  to  stand  neuter,  and  not  by  any  means  to 

aid  and  assist  our  enemies :  and  as  we  are  at  a  loss  for  the 
% 

name  of  the  sachem  of  the  Mohawk  tribe,  we  have  left  it  to  you 
to  direct  the  address  to  him,  in  such  way  as  you  may  think  pro¬ 
per.” 

There  were  at  that  time  dwelling  at  Stockbridge,  in  the 
western  part  of  Massachusetts,  a  remnant  of  the  Mohickanders, 
or  “  River  Indians  ”  as  they  were  usually  called  during  the 
greater  portion  of  the  last  century,  but  latterly  Stockbridge  In¬ 
dians,  from  their  locality.  These  Indians  were  the  remains  of 
the  Muhhekaneew*  of  the  Hudson  river,  at  the  time  of  the  dis¬ 
covery.  They  came  originally,  according  to  their  own  tradi¬ 
tions,  from  the  far  West — even  beyond  the  great  lakes.  That 
such  was  their  original  location  is  supported  by  the  fact,  that 
their  language  was  radically  different  from  that  of  the  Narra- 
gansetts  and  New  England  Indians  generally,  and  also  from 
the  language  of  the  Five  Nations.  Its  affinities  were-  allied  to 
the  Shawanese  and  Chippewa,  affording  farther  evidence  that 
they  had  emigrated  from  the  West,  crossing  the  country  of  the 
Delawares,  and  establishing  themselves  on  the  banks  of  the  Hud¬ 
son,  or  Mohickannittuck  as  the  North  River  was  called.  They 
were  a  powerful  tribe  at  the  time  of  the  discovery,  numbering 
a  thousand  warriors,  and  inhabiting  the  country  between  the 


*  This  is  the  orthography  of  Dr.  Edwards,  who  was  long  a  missionary  among 
them  at  Stockbridge.  Heckewelder  says  their  proper  name  was  Mahicanni.  It  is 
one  of  the  most  difficult  things  in  the  world  to  arrive  at  any  thing  like  system  or 
certainty  in  regard  to  Indian  names  of  persons,  places,  or  things.  For  instance, 
the  author  has  papers  before  him  at  the  time  of  writing,  in  which  the  River  Indians 
are  called  Moheagans ,  Mourigans,  or  Making ans,  (French,)  Muhickanders,  (Dutch,) 
Mohiccons,  (English,)  Mohuccans,  Mahickinders,  Schaticooks,  Wabingas,  Muhheak- 
unnuks,  and  the  Moheakounucks ;  indeed,  it  has  been  the  practice  of  writers  of  dif¬ 
ferent,  and  of  even  the  same  nations,  to  spell  more  by  the  ear  than  by  rule,  until  our 
Indian  names  have  been  involved  in  almost  inextricable  confusion. 


THE  RIVER  INDIANS. 


57 


1775.] 

Upper  Delaware  and  the  Hudson,  together  with  portions  of 
territory  now  included  in  Massachusetts  and  Vermont.  They 
dwelt  mostly  in  little  towns  and  villages,  their  chief  seat  being 
the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Albany — called  by  them  Pempo- 
towwuthut-Muhhecanneuw,  or  the  Fire-place  of  the  Nation.  Be¬ 
coming  feeble  and  dispersed  as  the  white  population  increased 
around  and  among  them — although  their  numbers  had  been 
partially  recruited  by  refugees  from  the  Narragansetts  and 
Pequods,  on  the  conquest  of  those  nations — the  Muhhekaneew 
were  collected  together  at  Stockbridge,  in  1736,  under  the  care 
of  the  Rev.  John  Sergeant,  who,  and  his  son  after  him,  were 
long  the  spiritual  guides  of  the  tribe.  They  were  ever  faithful 
to  the  English,  having  been  actively  employed  by  General 
Shirley  to  range  the  country  between  Lake  George  and  Mon¬ 
treal,  during  the  French  war  ending  in  the  conquest  of  Ca¬ 
nada.* 

*  Brown,  in  his  pamphlet  History  of  Schoharie,  gives  a  singular  tradition  in  re¬ 
gard  to  the  kings  of  the  Mohawks,  of  which  I  have  found  no  other  mention.  The 
Mohawks  and  River  Indians  were  once  bitter  enemies,  the  former  becoming  the 
scourge  and  terror  of  the  latter.  Brown  states  that  the  last  battle  between  the  Mo- 
hegans  and  Mohawks  took  place  on  Wanton  Island,  in  the  Hudson  River,  not  far 
from  Catskill.  The  question  between  them  was,  which  should  have  the  honour  of 
naming  their  king,  or  which  should  have  the  preference  in  the  kingly  honours.  Both 
nations  collected  their  utmost  strength  upon  that  island,  for  the  purpose  of  a  final 
decision,  and  fought  a  pitched  battle,  which  continued  during  the  whole  day.  To¬ 
ward  night  the  Mohawks,  finding  that  the  Mohegans  were  likely  to  prove  an  over¬ 
match  for  them,  deemed  it  necessary  to  resort  to  stratagem,  for  which  purpose  they 
suddenly  took  to  flight,  and  gained  another  island  in  the  evening.  They  here 
kindled  a  great  number  of  fires,  and  spread  their  blankets  on  some  bushes,  gathered 
and  disposed  around  them  for  that  purpose,  as  though  they  themselves  had  encamped 
by  their  fires  as  usual.  The  Mohegans  following  on,  landed  upon  the  island  in  the 
depth  of  night,  and  were  completely  taken  in  by  the  deception.  Supposing  that  the 
Mohawks  were  sleeping  soundly  beneath  their  blankets,  after  their  fatigue,  the  Mo¬ 
hegans  crept  up  with  the  greatest  silence,  and  pouring  a  heavy  fire  upon  the  blank¬ 
ets,  rushed  upon  them  with  knives  and  tomahawks  in  hand,  making  the  air  to  ring 
with  their  yells  as  they  fell  to  cutting  and  slashing  the  blankets  and  bushes  instead 
of  Indians  beneath  them.  Just  at  the  moment  of  their  greatest  confusion  and  exul¬ 
tation,  the  Mohawks,  who  had  been  lying  in  ambush  flat  upon  the  ground  at  a  little 
distance,  poured  a  murderous  fire  upon  their  foes,  whose  figures  were  rendered  dis¬ 
tinctly  visible  by  the  light  of  their  fires,  and  rushing  impetuously  upon  them,  killed 
the  greater  part  and  made  prisoners  of  the  residue.  A  treaty  was  then  concluded, 
by  which  the  Mohawks  were  to  have  the  king,  and  the  Mohegans  were  to  hold  them 
in  reverence,  and  call  them  “  Uncle.”  Hendrick  was  the  king  first  named  such  by 
the  Mohawks,  after  this  decisive  victory,  “  who  lived  to  a  great  age,”  says  Brown, 
“and  was  killed  at  the  battle  of  Lake  George  underSir  William  Johnson.” — Jluthor. 


58 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775. 

The  relations  of  the  Stockbridge  Indians  with  the  Oneidas 
had  become  intimate,  and  it  is  very  possible  that  the  negotiations 
had  even  then  commenced  between  the  two  tribes,  which  a  few 
years  afterward  resulted  in  the  removal  of  the  Stockbridge  In¬ 
dians  to  the  Oneida.  Be  that,  however,  as  it  may,  when  the 
troubles  began  to  thicken,  the  Provincial  Congress  of  Massa¬ 
chusetts  sent  a  message  to  the  Stockbridge  Indians,  apprising 
them  of  the  gathering  tempest,  and  expressing  a  desire  to  culti¬ 
vate  a  good  understanding  between  them.  The  Indians,  in 
return,  dispatched  Captain  Solomon  Ahhaunnamvaumut,  their 
chief  saqhem,  to  the  Congress,  to  make  a  reply,  and  on  the  11th 
of  April  he  delivered  the  following  speech  : 

“  Brothers  :  We  have  heard  you  speak  by  your  letter — we 
thank  you  for  it — we  now  make  answer. 

“Brothers  :  You  remember  when  you  first  came  over  the 
great  waters,  I  was  great  and  you  was  little,  very  small.  I  then 
took  you  in  for  a  friend,  and  kept  you  under  my  arms,  so  that 
no  one  might  injure  you  ;  since  that  time  we  have  ever  been  true 
friends  ;  there  has  never  been  any  quarrel  between  us.  But 
now  our  conditions  are  changed.  You  are  become  great  and 
tall.  You  reach  to  the  clouds.  You  are  seen  all  around  the 
world,  and  I  am  become  small,  very  little.  I  am  not  so  high 
as  your  heel.  Now  you  take  care  of  me,  and  I  look  to  you  for 
protection. 

“  Brothers  :  I  am  sorry  to  hear  of  this  great  quarrel  be¬ 
tween  you  and  Old  England.  It  appears  that  blood  must  soon 
be  shed  to  end  this  quarrel.  We  never  till  this  day  understood 
the  foundation  of  this  quarrel  between  you  and  the  country 
you  came  from. 

“  Brothers  :  Whenever  I  see  your  blood  running,  you  will 
soon  find  me  about  to  revenge  my  brother’s  blood.  Although 
I  am  low  and  very  small,  I  will  gripe  hold  of  your  enemy’s 
heel,  that  he  cannot  run  so  fast,  and  so  light,  as  if  he  had  no¬ 
thing  at  his  heels. 

“  Brothers  :  You  know  I  am  not  so  wise  as  you  are,  there¬ 
fore  I  ask  your  advice  in  what  I  am  now  going  to  say.  I  have 
been  thinking,  before  you  come  to  action,  to  take  a  run  to  the 
westward,  and  feel  the  mind  of  my  Indian  brethren,  the  Six 
Nations,  and  know  how  they  stand — whether  they  are  on  your 


STOCKBRIDGE  AND  ONEIDAS. 


59 


1775.] 

side  or  for  your  enemies.  If  I  find  they  are  against  you,  I 
will  try  to  turn  their  minds.  I  think  they  will  listen  to  me,  for 
they  have  always  looked  this  way  for  advice,  concerning  all 
important  news  that  comes  from  the  rising  of  the  sun.  If  they 
hearken  to  me,  you  will  not  be  afraid  of  any  danger  behind 
you.  However  their  minds  are  affected,  you  shall  soon  know 
by  me.  Now  I  think  I  can  do  you  more  service  in  this  way, 
than  by  marching  off  immediately  to  Boston,  and  staying  there  ; 
it  may  be  a  great  while  before  blood  runs.*  Now,  as  I  said,  you 
are  wiser  than  I ;  I  leave  this  for  your  consideration,  whether  I 
come  down  immediately  or  wait  till  I  hear  some  blood  is  spilled. 

“  Brothers  :  I  would  not  have  you  think  by  this  that  we 
are  falling  back  from  our  engagements.  We  are  ready  to  do 
any  thing  for  your  relief,  and  shall  be  guided  by  your  counsel. 

“  Brothers  :  One  thing  I  ask  of  you,  if  you  send  for  me 
to  fight,  that  you  will  let  me  fight  in  my  own  Indian  way.  I 
am  not  used  to  fight  English  fashion,  therefore  you  must  not 
expect  I  can  train  like  your  men.  Only  point  out  to  me  where 
your  enemies  keep,  and  that  is  all  I  shall  want  to  know.” 

Two  days  afterward  the  Congress  directed  the  following  re¬ 
ply  to  be  made  to  the  Moheakounnuck  tribe,  through  their 
chieftain  : 

“  Brothers  :  We  this  day,  by  the  delegate  from  Stock- 
bridge,  first  heard  of  your  friendly  answer  to  our  speech  to  you 
by  Captain  William  Goodrich,  which  answer  we  are  told  you 
made  to  us  immediately  by  a  letter,  which  we  have  not  yet  re¬ 
ceived.  We  now  reply : 

“Brothers  :  You  say  that  you  were  once  great,  but  that 
you  are  now  little  ;  and  that  we  were  once  little  and  are  now 
great.  The  Supreme  Spirit  orders  these  things.  Whether  we 
are  little  or  great,  let  us  keep  the  path  of  friendship  clear,  which 
our  fathers  made,  and  in  which  we  have  both  travelled  to  this 
time.  The  friends  of  the  wicked  counsellors  of  our  King  fell 
upon  us,  and  shed  some  blood  soon  after  we  spake  to  you  last 
by  letter.  But  we,  with  a  small  twig,  killed  so  many,  and 

*  A  company  of  minute-men,  composed  of  the  Stockbridge  Indians,  was  organ¬ 
ized  by  the  Massachusetts  Congress  before  the  battle  of  Lexington.  They  were 
retained  in  service  some  time  after  the  war  began,  and  came  down  and  joined  the 
camp  at  Cambridge. — Sparks. 


60 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1/  to. 

frightened  them  so  much,  that  they  have  shut  themselves  up  in 
our  great  town,  called  Boston,  which  they  have  made  strong. 
We  have  now  made  our  hatchets,  and  all  our  instruments  of 
war,  sharp  and  bright.  All  the  chief  counsellors,  who  live  on 
this  side  the  great  water,  are  sitting  in  the  grand  Council 
House  in  Philadelphia ;  when  they  give  the  word,  we  shall  all 
as  one  man,  fall  on,  and  drive  our  enemies  out  of  their  strong 
fort,  and  follow  them  till  they  shall  take  their  hands  out  of  our 
pouches,  and  let  us  sit  in  our  council-house,  as  we  used  to  do, 
and  as  our  fathers  did  in  old  times. 

“Brothers:  Though  you  are  small,  yet  you  are  wise. 
Use  your  wisdom  to  help  us.  If  you  think  it  best,  go  and 
smoke  your  pipe  with  your  Indian  brothers  toward  the  setting 
of  the  sun,  and  tell  them  of  all  you  hear  and  all  you  see  ;  and 
let  us  know  what  their  wise  men  say.  If  some  of  your  young 
men  should  have  a  mind  to  see  what  we  are  doing,  let  them 
come  down  and  tarry  among  our  warriors.  We  will  provide 
for  them  while  they  are  here. 

“  Brothers  :  When  you  have  any  trouble,  come  and  tell  it 
to  us,  and  we  will  help  you.” 

11  To  Captain  Solomon  Ahhaunnauwaumut ,  chief  Sachem  of 
the  Moheakounnuck  Indians.” 

These  documents  have  been  thus  incidentally  introduced, 
not  only  as  being  connected  with  the  main  history,  and  also  as 
being  interesting  in  themselves,  but  in  justice  to  Guy  Johnson  ; 
since,  in  regard  to  his  own  measures  of  defensive  preparation, 
he  is  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  all  the  facts,  going  to  warrant  his 
suspicions  that  an  extraneous  influence  was  exerting  over  the 
subjects  of  his  general  superintendency ;  and  it  can  hardly  be 
supposed  that  he  was  kept  altogether  in  ignorance,  either  of 
the  correspondence  with  Mr.  Kirkland  or  of  that  with  the  Stock- 
bridge  Indians,  through  whom,  probably,  the  Bostonians  were 
at  the  same  time  holding  intercourse  with  the  Six  Nations. 
These  circumstances  could  not  but  awaken  a  lively  jealousy,  in 
regard  to  the  movements  of  the  white  people  among  the  In¬ 
dians  under  his  charge,  and  especially  in  regard  to  Mr.  Kirk¬ 
land.  Accordingly,  although  in  the  month  of  February  the 
superintendent  had  not  been  able  to  effect  the  removal  of  Mr. 
Kirkland  from  his  station  among  the  Oneidas,  he  nevertheless 


1775.]  STOCKBRIDGE  AND  ONEIDAS.  .  61 

accomplished  that  object  in  the  course  of  the  Spring,  as  appears 
by  a  letter  from  the  missionary  himself,  addressed  from  Cherry 
Valley  to  the  Albany  Committee  : 

Mr.  Kirkland  to  the  Committee  of  Albany. 

“  Cherry  Valley ,  Jan.  9,  1775. 

11  Gentlemen, 

“I  am  much  embarrassed  at  present.  You  have  doubtless 
heard  that  Colonel  Johnson  has  orders  from  Government  to 
remove  the  dissenting  missionaries  from  the  Six  Nations,  till 
the  difficulties  between  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies  are  set¬ 
tled  ;  in  consequence  of  which  he  has  forbidden  my  return  to 
my  people  at  Oneida.  He  has  since  given  encouragement  that 
I  may  revisit  them  after  the  Congress  is  closed  ;  but  to  be  plain, 
I  have  no  dependence  at  all  on  his  promises  of  this  kind.  He 
appears  unreasonably  jealous  of  me,  and  has  forbidden  my 
speaking  a  word  to  the  Indians,  and  threatened  me  with  con¬ 
finement  if  I  transgress.  All  he  has  against  me  I  suppose  to 
be  a  suspicion  that  I  have  interpreted  to  the  Indians  the  doings 
of  the  Continental  Congress,  which  has  undeceived  them,  and 
too  much  opened  their  eyes  for  Colonel  Johnson’s  purposes.  I 
confess  to  you,  gentlemen,  that  I  have  been  guilty  of  this,  if  it 
be  a  transgression.  The  Indians  found  out  that  I  had  received 
the  abstracts  of  said  Congress,  and  insisted  upon  knowing  the 
contents.  I  could  not  deny  them,  notwithstanding  my  cloth, 
though  in  all  other  respects  I  have  been  extremely  cautious  not 
to  meddle  in  matters  of  a  political  nature.  I  apprehend  that 
my  interpreting  the  doings  of  the  Congress  to  a  number  of 
their  sachems,  has  done  more  real  good  to  the  cause  of  the 
country,  or  the  cause  of  truth  and  justice,  than  five  hundred 
pounds  in  presents  would  have  effected.” 

Mr.  Kirkland  no  doubt  spoke  the  honest  truth  in  this  letter. 
His  influence  was  great  among  the  Oneidas,  and  deservedly  so. 
Hence,  had  he  undertaken  the  task,  he  might,  beyond  all 
doubt,  and  easily,  have  persuaded  the  Indians  of  his  forest- 
charge  to  espouse  the  cause  of  the  Colonies.  But  he  did  no 
such  thing;  or,  at  least,  he  avoided  the  exertion  of  any  farther 
influence  than  to  persuade  them  to  the  adoption  of  a  neutral 
policy.  This  determination,  probably,  was  an  act  of  their 
own  volition,  after  listening  to  the  interpretation  of  the  pro- 


62 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775. 


ceedings  of  Congress.  It  was  made  known  to  the  people  of 
New  England  by  the  following  address,  transmitted  by  the 
Oneidas  to  Governor  Trumbull,  of  Connecticut,  with  a  request 
that  he  would  cause  it  to  be  communicated  to  the  four  New 
England  Colonies : 


The  Oneida  Indians  to  Governor  Trumbull. 

“  As  my  younger  brothers  of  the  New  England  Indians,  who 
have  settled  in  our  vicinity,  are  now  going  down  to  visit  their 
friends,  and  to  move  up  parts  of  their  families  that  were  left 
behind — with  this  belt  by  them,  I  open  the  road  wide,  clearing 
it  of  all  obstacles,  that  they  may  visit  their  friends  and  return 
to  their  settlements  here  in  peace. 

“We  Oneidas  are  induced  to  this  measure  on  account  of  the 
disagreeable  situation  of  affairs  that  way ;  and  we  hope,  by  the 
help  of  God,  they  may  return  in  peace.  We  earnestly  recom¬ 
mend  them  to  your  charity  through  their  long  journey. 

“  Now  we  more  immediately  address  you,  our  brother,  the 
Governor,  and  the  chiefs  of  New  England. 

“  Brothers  :  We  have  heard  of  the  unhappy  differences 
and  great  contention  between  you  and  Old  England.  We 
wonder  greatly,  and  are  troubled  in  our  minds. 

“  Brothers  :  Possess  your  minds  in  peace  respecting  us  In¬ 
dians.  We  cannot  intermeddle  in  this  dispute  between  two 
brothers.  The  quarrel  seems  to  be  unnatural.  You  are  two 
brothers  of  one  blood.  We  are  unwilling  to  join  on  either 
side  in  such  a  contest,  for  we  bear  an  equal  affection  to  both  you 
Old  and  New  England.  Should  the  great  king  of  England  apply 
to  us  for  aid,  we  shall  deny  him ;  if  the  Colonies  apply,  we 
shall  refuse.  The  present  situation  of  you  two  brothers  is  new 
and  strange  to  us.  We  Indians  cannot  find,  nor  recollect  in  the 
traditions  of  our  ancestors,  the  like  case,  or  a  similar  instance. 

“  Brothers  :  For  these  reasons  possess  your  minds  in  peace, 
and  take  no  umbrage  that  we  Indians  refuse  joining  in  the 
contest.  We  are  for  peace. 

“  Brothers  :  Was  it  an  alien,  a  foreign  nation,  who  had 
struck  you,  we  should  look  into  the  matter.  We  hope,  through 
the  wise  government  and  good  pleasure  of  God,  your  distresses 
may  be  soon  removed  and  the  dark  clouds  be  dispersed. 

“  Brothers  :  As  we  have  declared  for  peace,  we  desire  you 


1775.}  LETTER  TO  THE  ONE  I  DAS.  63 

S 

will  not  apply  to  our  Indian  brethren  in  New  England  for  their 
assistance.  Let  us  Indians  be  all  of  one  mind,  and  live  with 
one  another  ;  and  you  white  people  settle  your  own  disputes 
between  yourselves. 

“  Brothers  :  We  have  now  declared  our  minds  ;  please  to 
write  to  us,  that  we  may  know  yours.  We,  the  sachems  and  war¬ 
riors,  and  female  governesses  of  Oneida ,  send  ourlove  to  you, 
brother  governor,  and  all  the  other  chiefs  in  New  England.”* 

Of  an  Indian  foe  the  inhabitants  of  Tryon  County  enter¬ 
tained  a  special  dread.  In  the  communication  of  the  Palatine 
Committee  to  that  of  Albany,  therefore,  cited  a  few  pages 
back,  it  was  suggested  whether  it  would  not  be  expedient  to 
prevent  the  sending  of  powder  and  ammunition  into  the  Mo¬ 
hawk  Valley,  unless  consigned  to  the  Committee,  to  be  sold  under 
their  inspection.  In  conclusion,  the  Committee  declared,  that, 
although  few  in  number,  they  were  determined  to  let  the  world 
see  who  were,  and  who  were  not,  attached  to  the  cause  of  Ame¬ 
rican  liberty ;  and  they  closed  by  avowing  their  fixed  deter¬ 
mination,  “  to  carry  into  execution  every  thing  recommended 
“  by  the  Continental  Congress,  and  to  be  free  or  die.” 

Three  days  after  making  this  communication  to  their  Albany 
brethren,  that  is  to  say  on  the  21st  of  May,  the  question 
whether  Guy  Johnson  was  or  was  not  tampering  with  the  In¬ 
dians  in  anticipation  of  hostilities,  was  solved  by  an  inter¬ 
cepted  communication  from  Thayendanegea  to  the  chiefs  of  the 
Oneida  tribe.  The  letter,  written  in  the  Mohawk  language, 
was  found  in  an  Indian  path,  and  was  supposed  to  have  been 
lost  by  one  of  their  runners.  The  following  is  a  translation, 
being  the  earliest  specimen  extant  of  the  composition  of  Brant. 

u  Written  at  Gay  Johnson's ,  May ,  1775. 

“  This  is  your  letter,  you  great  ones  or  sachems.  Guy  John¬ 
son  says  he  will  be  glad  if  you  get  this  intelligence,  you  Onei- 
das,  how  it  goes  with  him  now ;  and  he  is  now  more  certain 

*  The  translation  of  this  Oneida  proclamation  of  neutrality  was  made  by  Mr. 
Kirkland,  for  Gordon’s  History  of  the  Revolution.  It  was  signed  by  William 
Sunoghfis,  Nickldsha  Watshaledgh,  William  Kanaghquaesed,  Peter  Thayebeare, 
Jimmy  Tekayabeare,  Kickbis  Jlghsenbare,  i.  e.  garter;  Thomas  Yoghtanowea,  i.  e. 
spreading  of  the  dew  ;  Mam  Ohonwano,  Quedellis  Jlgwerondongwas ,  i.  e.  breaking 
of  the  twigs  ;  Handerebeks  Tegahsweahdyen,  i.  e.  a  belt  (of  wampum)  extended  ; 
Johnko ’  Skeanendon,  Thomas  Teondeatha,  i.  e.  a  fallen  tree. 

13 


64 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775. 


concerning  the  intention  of  the  Boston  people.  Guy  Johnson 
is  in  great  fear  of  being  taken  prisoner  by  the  Bostonians.  We 
Mohawks  are  obliged  to  watch  him  constantly.  Therefore  we 
send  you  this  intelligence,  that  you  shall  know  it ;  and  Guy 
Johnson  assures  himself,  and  depends  upon  your  coming  to  his 
assistance,  and  that  you  will  without  fail  be  of  that  opinion. 
He  believes  not  that  you  will  assent  to  let  him  suffer.  We 
therefore  expect  you  in  a  couple  of  days  time.  So  much  at 
present.  We  send  but  so  far  as  to  you  Oneidas,  but  afterward 
perhaps  to  all  the  other  nations.  We  conclude,  and  expect  that 
you  will  have  concern  about  our  ruler,  Guy  Johnson,  because 
we  are  all  united. 

“  (Signed)  u  Aren  Kannenzaron, 

“  Johannes  Tegarihoge, 

{{  Deyagodeaghnaweagh.” 

“  Joseph  Brant 

“  Guy  Johnson's  Interpreter .” 

The  surface  of  this  intercepted  despatch  discloses  nothing 
more  than  a  desire,  on  the  part  of  Guy  Johnson,  to  strengthen 
his  domestic  forces  for  the  protection  of  his  person,  in  the  event 
of  any  attempt  to  seize  and  carry  him  away.  But  the  inhabit¬ 
ants  allowed  him  no  credit  for  sincerity.  Information  had 
been  received  from  Canada,  through  the  emissaries  sent  thither 
by  the  revolutionary  leaders  in  Massachusetts,  that  secret  agents 
of  the  Crown  had  been  sent  among  the  Six  Nations,  to  stir  them 
up  against  the  Colonies.*  Hence  the  correspondence  of  the 
Massachusetts  Congress  with  Mr.  Kirkland  and  the  Indians, 
already  given ;  and  hence,  also,  the  increasing  apprehension  of 
the  people,  that  the  Indians  were  to  be  inflamed  and  let  loose 
upon  them.  Such,  consequently,  was  their  distrust  of  Johnson, 
that  they  neither  believed  there  was  any  design  against  his  per¬ 
son,  nor  that  he  was  laboring  under  any  apprehension  of  the 
kind.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt,  however,  that  Guy  John¬ 
son  did  feel  his  position  to  be  critical.  General  Schuyler  had 
his  eye  upon  him ;  and,  beyond  question,  his  every  motion  was 
so  closely  watched  as  to  make  him  feel  very  uncomfortable.t 

*  Sparks. 

t  “  Watch  the  movements  of  the  Indian  agent,  Colonel  Guy  Johnson,  and  prevent, 
so  far  as  you  can,  the  effect  of  his  influence,  to  our  prejudice,  with  the  Indians.”— 
Letter  from  Washington  to  Gen.  Schuyler,  June,  1775. 


COL.  GUY  JOHNSON. 


65 


1775.] 

Evidence,  indisputable,  that  such  was  the  fact,  is  afforded  in 
the  correspondence  annexed.  The  following  letter  was  ad¬ 
dressed,  at  about  the  same  time,  by  Guy  Johnson  to  the  magis¬ 
trates  of  the  Upper  Mohawk  settlements  : — 

“  Guy  Park,  May  2C )th,  1775. 

“  Gentlemen, 

“  I  have  lately  had  repeated  accounts  that  a  body  of  New 
Englanders,  or  others,  were  to  come  to  seize  and  carry  away 
my  person  and  attack  our  family,  under  colour  of  malicious 
insinuations  that  I  intended  to  set  the  Indians  upon  the  people. 
Men  of  sense  and  character  know  that  my  office  is  of  the 
highest  importance  to  promote  peace  amongst  the  Six  Nations, 
and  prevent  their  entering  into  any  such  disputes.  This  I  ef¬ 
fected  last  year,  when  they  were  much  vexed  about  the  attack 
made  upon  the  Shawanese,  and  I  last  winter  appointed  them  to 
meet  me  this  month  to  receive  the  answer  of  the  Virginians. 
All  men  must  allow,  that  if  the  Indians  find  their  council  fire 
disturbed,  and  their  superintendent  insulted,  they  will  take  a 
dreadful  revenge.  It  is  therefore  the  duty  of  all  people  to  pre 
vent  this,  and  to  satisfy  any  who  may  have  been  imposed  on, 
that  their  suspicions,  and  the  allegations  they  have  collected 
against  me,  are  false,  and  inconsistent  with  my  character  and 
office.  I  recommend  this  to  you  as  highly  necessary  at  this 
time,  as  my  regard  for  the  interest  of  the  country,  and  self-pre¬ 
servation,  has  obliged  me  to  fortify  my  house,  and  keep  men 
armed  for  my  defence,  till  these  idle  and  ridiculous  reports  are 
removed. 

“  You  may  lay  this  letter  before  such  as  are  interested  in 
these  matters. 

“  I  am,  Gentlemen, 

“  Your  Humble  Servant, 

“  To  the  magistrates  and  others  “ G.  Johnson.” 

of  Palatine,  Canajoharie,  and 
the  Upper  Districts.”* 

In  view  of  these  letters — the  intercepted  despatch  from  Jo¬ 
seph  Brant  and  others  to  the  Oneidas,  and  Johnson’s  letter  to 
the  Committee — the  latter  body  adopted  a  series  of  resolu- 


*  This  letter  is  transcribed  from  the  original  in  the  author’s  possession. 


66 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775. 

tions,  renewing  their  expressions  of  sympathy  for  the  suffer¬ 
ings  of  their  brethren  in  Massachusetts  and  the  other  Colonies; 
declaring  their  approbation  of  the  proceedings  of  the  New 
England  Colonies  in  the  existing  crisis  ;  denouncing  the  con¬ 
duct  of  Colonel  Johnson  in  keeping  an  armed  force  constantly 
about  him,  and  stopping  travellers  upon  the  King’s  highway, 
“  as  arbitrary,  illegal,  oppressive,  and  unwarrantable  and  de¬ 
claring  their  determination  “  never  to  submit  to  any  arbitrary 
“  acts  of  any  power  under  heaven,  or  to  any  illegal  and  un war¬ 
rantable  action  of  any  man  or  set: of  men”  whatever. 

In  addition  to  the  before-mentioned  intercepted  letter,  it  was 
ascertained  that  already  expresses  had  actually  been  sent  to  the 
upper  tribes  of  the  Six  Nations,  to  invite  them  down  to  Guy 
Johnson’s  house.  His  own  domestic  army  amounted  to  five 
hundred  men,  and  he  had  now  cut  ofF  all  free  communication 
between  the  upper  Mohawk  settlements  and  Albany.  And  al¬ 
though  the  districts  of  Palatine,  Canajoharie,  and  the  German 
Flatts  were  sanctioning  the  proceedings  of  the  Continental 
Congress  with  much  unanimity,  they  were  in  a  great  measure 
unarmed  and  destitute  of  ammunition — not  having  more  than 
fifty  pounds  of  powder  in  the  districts.  Under  these  circum¬ 
stances,  the  Committee  wrote  an  urgent  letter  to  Albany,  repre¬ 
senting  their  situation,  and  suggesting  whether  it  might  not  be 
expedient  to  open  the  communication  through  the  lower  dis¬ 
tricts  of  the  valley  by  force.  They  also  advised  the  sending  of 
two  trusty  messengers,  well  acquainted  with  the  Indian  lan¬ 
guage,  to  the  upper  nations,  to  dissuade  them,  if  possible,  from 
obeying  the  summons  of  Guy  Johnson,  and  to  enlighten  them 
in  respect  of  the  true  nature  and  causes  of  the  quarrel  with  the 
King’s  government. 

This  letter  was  despatched  by  express,  and  the  Albany  Com¬ 
mittee  replied  on  the  following  day,  advising  their  friends  of 
the  upper  districts  that  they  had  no  ammunition  to  spare,  and 
dissuading  them  from  any  attempt  to  re-open  the  communica¬ 
tion  by  force.  That  project  was  accordingly  abandoned  ;  but 
the  Committee  sent  four  of  its  members  to  Albany,  to  gain 
information  as  to  the  condition  of  the  country  generally,  and 
with  instructions  to  procure  a  quantity  of  powder  and  lead — 
the  Committee  holding  itself  responsible  for  the  purchase  mo¬ 
ney.  Meantime  they  pushed  their  measures  of  internal  orga- 


SPIRIT  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 


67 


1775.] 

nization  with  great  energy  and  success,  establishing  sub-com¬ 
mittees  wherever  it  was  expedient,  and  assuming  the  exercise  of 
legislative,  judicial,  and  executive  powers.  Secret  articles  for 
mutual  succour  and  defence  were  prepared,  and  very  generally 
signed  by  the  Whigs  ;  and  threats  having  been  uttered  by  Guy 
Johnson,  that  unless  the  Committees  desisted  from  the  course 
they  were  pursuing,  he  would  seize  and  imprison  certain  of 
their  number,  they  solemnly  bound  themselves  to  rescue  any 
who  might  thus  be  arrested,  by  force,  “  unless  such  persons 
“  should  be  confined  by  legal  process,  issued  upon  a  legal 
“  ground,  and  executed  in  a  legal  manner.” 

It  is  here  worthy,  not  only  of  special  note,  but  of  all  admira¬ 
tion,  how  completely  and  entirely  these  border-men  held  them¬ 
selves  amenable,  in  the  most  trying  exigencies,  to  the  just 
execution  of  the  laws.  Throughout  all  their  proceedings,  the 
history  of  the  Tryon  Committees  will  show  that  they  were 
governed  by  the  purest  dictates  of  patriotism,  and  the  highest 
regard  to  moral  principle.  Unlike  the  rude  inhabitants  of 
most  frontier  settlements,  especially  under  circumstances  when 
the  magistracy  are,  from  necessity,  almost  powerless,  the  fron¬ 
tier  patriots  of  Tryon  County  were  scrupulous  in  their  devotion 
to  the  supremacy  of  the  laws.  Their  leading  men  were  like¬ 
wise  distinguished  for  their  intelligence ;  and  while  North 
Carolina  is  disputing  whether  she  did  not  in  fact  utter  a 
declaration  of  independence  before  it  was  done  by  Congress,  by 
recurring  to  the  first  declaration  of  the  Palatine  Committee, 
noted  in  its  proper  place,  the  example  may  almost  be  said  to 
have  proceeded  from  the  Valley  of  the  Mohawk. 

Simultaneously  with  his  letter  to  the  magistracy  of  the  up¬ 
per  districts,  Guy  Johnson  had  despatched  another  of  the  same 
purport,  but  entering  more  into  detail,  to  the  Mayor,  Aldermen, 
and  Commonalty  of  the  cities  of  Albany  and  Schenectady,  of 
which  the  following  is  a  copy.  The  date  is  wanting  : — 

“  Gentlemen, 

“  As  the  peace  and  happiness  of  the  country  are  objects  which 
every  good  man  should  have  at  heart,  I  think  it  highly  neces¬ 
sary  to  acquaint  you  that  for  a  few  days  I  have  been  put  to  the 
great  trouble  and  expense  of  fortifying  my  house,  and  keeping 
a  large  body  of  men  for  the  defence  of  my  person,  &c. ;  having 


68  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1775. 

received  repeated  accounts  that  either  the  New  Englanders,  or 
some  persons  in  or  about  the  city  of  Albany  or  town  of  Sche¬ 
nectady,  are  coming  up,  to  a  considerable  number,  to  seize  and 
imprison  me  on  a  ridiculous  and  malicious  report  that  I  intend 
to  make  the  Indians  destroy  the  inhabitants,  or  to  that  effect. 
The  absurdity  of  this  apprehension  may  easily  be  seen  by  men 
of  sense ;  but  as  many  credulous  and  ignorant  persons  may  be 
led  astray,  and  inclined  to  believe  it,  and  as  they  have  already 
sent  down  accounts,  examinations,  &c.  from  busy  people  here, 
that  I  can  fully  prove  to  be  totally  devoid  of  all  foundation,  it 
has  become  the  duty  of  all  those  who  have  authority  or  influ¬ 
ence,  to  disabuse  the  public,  and  prevent  consequences  which  I 
foresee  with  very  great  concern,  and  most  cordially  wish  may 
be  timely  prevented.  Any  difference  in  political  ideas  can  ne¬ 
ver  justify  such  extravagant  opinions  ;  and  I  little  imagined  that 
they  should  have  gained  belief  amongst  any  order  of  people, 
who  know  my  character,  station,  and  the  large  property  I  have 
in  the  country,  and  the  duties  of  my  office,  which  are  to  pre¬ 
serve  tranquility  among  the  Indians,  hear  their  grievances,  &c. 
and  prevent  them  from  falling  upon  the  trade  and  frontiers. 
These  last  were  greatly  threatened  by  the  Indians,  on  account 
of  the  disturbances  last  year  between  the  Virginians  and  the 
Shawanese,  during  which  my  endeavours  prevented  the  Six 
Nations  from  taking  a  part  that  would  have  possibly  affected 
the  public  ;  and  I  appointed  last  Fall  that  the  Six  Nations  should 
come  to  me  this  month,  in  order  to  receive,  amongst  other 
things,  final  satisfaction  concerning  the  lands  said  to  be  invaded 
by  the  Virginians,  who  have  now  sent  me  their  answer.  In  the 
discharge  of  this  duty,  I  likewise  essentially  served  the  public  ; 
but  should  I  neglect  myself  and  be  tamely  made  prisoner,  it  is 
clear  to  all  who  know  any  thing  of  Indians,  they  will  not  sit  still 
and  see  their  council  fire  extinguished,  and  superintendent  dri¬ 
ven  from  his  duty,  but  will  come  upon  the  frontiers  in  revenge, 
with  a  power  sufficient  to  commit  horrid  devastation.  It  is, 
therefore,  become  as  necessary  to  the  public  as  to  myself,  that 
my  person  should  be  defended ;  but  as  the  measures  I  am  ne¬ 
cessitated  to  take  for  that  purpose  may  occasion  the  propagation 
of  additional  falsehoods,  and  may  at  last  appear  to  the  Indians 
in  a  light  that  is  not  for  the  benefit  of  the  public,  I  should 
heartily  wish,  gentlemen,  that  you  could  take  such  measures 


COL.  GUY  JOHNSON. 


69 


1775.] 

for  removing  these  apprehensions,  as  may  enable  me  to  dis¬ 
charge  my  duties,  (which  do  not  interfere  with  the  public,) 
without  the  protection  of  armed  men  and  the  apprehension  of 
insult ;  and  as  the  public  are  much  interested  in  this,  I  must 
beg  to  have  your  answer  as  soon  as  possible. 

“  I  am,  Gentlemen, 

11  Your  most  humble  Servant, 

“  G.  Johnson.”* 

“  To  the  Magistrates  and  Committee 
of  Schenectady,  and  to  the  Mayor, 

Corporation,  &c.  of  Albany.  To 
be  forwarded  by  the  former.” 

To  this  letter  the  municipality  of  Albany  promptly  replied, 
expressing  their  conviction  that  the  reports  were  utterly  ground¬ 
less,  and  that  they  had  been  originated  for  the  purpose  of 
awakening  hostile  feelings  in  the  minds  of  the  Indians.  They 
also  gave  the  Colonel  an  admonitory  hint  that  he  need  be  ap¬ 
prehensive  of  no  indignity  upon  his  person,  or  injury  to  his 
property,  so  long  as  he  studied  to  promote  the  peace  and  wel¬ 
fare  of  the  country,  by  executing  his  duties  as  superintendent 
of  the  Indians  “  with  an  honest  heart.”  In  conclusion,  they 
exhorted  him  to  use  all  means  in  his  power  to  tranquilize  the 
Indians,  by  assuring  them  that  the  reports  were  without  any 
just  foundation,  and  “  that  nothing  would  afford  his  Majesty’s 
u  subjects  in  general  a  greater  satisfaction  than  to  be,  and  con- 
11  tinue  with  them,  on  the  strictest  terms  of  peace  and  friendship.” 

On  the  whole,  however,  there  is  no  good  reason  to  doubt 
that  Guy  Johnson  was,  in  reality,  apprehensive  of  a  clandestine 
visit  from  the  Yankees,  and  possibly  of  an  abduction.  The 
great  influence  of  his  official  station,  and  his  equivocal  conduct, 
had  created  universal  distrust ;  and  the  affair  of  the  “  Tea 
Party  ”  had  taught  the  loyalists,  that  the  Bostonians  were  as 
adroit  and  fearless  in  stratagem  as  in  deeds  of  open  daring  and 
bold  emprise.  Before  the  receipt  of  the  preceding  letters,  more¬ 
over,  it  was  well  understood  that  he  had  arrested  and  searched 
the  persons  of  two  New  Englanders,  suspicious,  as  it  was 

*  This  letter  has  been  copied  from  the  original,  found  by  the  author  among  the  old 
papers  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  Albany. 


70  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1775. 

inferred,  and  probably  not  without  reason,  that  they  had  been 
despatched  on  a  mission  to  the  Indians,  with  whom  it  was 
policy  to  prevent  any  communication,  save  through  his  own 
interposition.  Nor  cou.d  ne  be  ignorant  of  the  fact,  that  at  that 
critical  conjuncture,  the  possession  of  his  person  might  be  of 
as  much  consequence  to  those  who  were  on  the  verge  of 
rebellion,  as  of  detriment  to  the  service  in  which  his  predilec¬ 
tions  would  probably  induce  him  to  engage 


CHAPTER  IV. 


Council  of  the  Mohawk  chiefs  at  Guy  Park — A  second  council  called  by  Johnson 
at  Cosby’s  Manor — Proceeds  thither  with  his  retinue — First  full  meeting  of  Tryon 
County  Committee — Correspondence  with  Guy  Johnson — No  council  held — 
Johnson  proceeds  farther  West,  accompanied  by  his  family  and  most  of  the  In¬ 
dians — Consequent  apprehensions  of  the  people — Communication  from  Massa¬ 
chusetts  Congress — Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point  taken  by  Ethan  Allen — Skenes- 
borough  and  St.  Johns  surprised — Farther  proceedings  in  Massachusetts — Battle 
of  Bunker  Hill — Death  of  Warren — Council  with  the  Oneidas  and  Tusearoras  at 
German  Flatts — Speech  to  the  Indians — Subsequent  council  with  the  Oneidas — 
Conduct  of  the  people  toward  Guy  Johnson — Speech  to,  and  reply  of  Oneidas — 
Guy  Johnson  moves  westwardly  to  Ontario — His  letter  to  the  Provincial  Congress 
of  New- York — Holds  a  great  Indian  council  at  the  West — Unfavourable  influence 
upon  the  dispositions  of  the  Indians — Causes  of  their  partiality  for  the  English — 
Great,  but  groundless  alarm  of  the  people — Guy  Johnson,  with  Brant  and  the 
Indian  warriors,  descends  the  St.  Lawrence  to  Montreal — Council  there — Sir  Guy 
Carleton  and  Gen.  Haldimand  complete  the  work  of  winning  the  Indians  over  to 
the  cause  of  the  Crown. 


A  council  of  the  Mohawk  chiefs  was  held  at  Guy  Park,* 
on  the  25th  of  May,  which  was  attended  by  delegates  from  Al¬ 
bany  and  Tryon  Counties.  The  records  of  this  council  are 
very  scanty  and  unsatisfactory.  The  principal  chief  of  the 
Mohawk  tribe  at  that  time  was  Little  Abraham\ — a  brother 
of  the  famous  Hendrick  who  fell  at  Lake  George,  in  the  year 
1775.  The  council  having  been  opened  for  business,  Little 
Abraham  addressed  them  as  follows  : — 

“  He  said  he  was  glad  to  meet  them,  and  to  hear  the  reports 
concerning  taking  Guy  Johnson,  their  superintendent,  were 
false.  That  the  Indians  do  not  wish  to  have  a  quarrel  with  the 
inhabitants.  That  during  Sir  William  Johnson’s  lifetime,  and 
since,  we  have  been  peaceably  disposed ;  that  the  Indians  are 
alarmed  on  account  of  the  reports  that  our  powder  was  stopped. 
We  get  our  things  from  the  superintendent.  If  we  lived  as 
you  do,  it  would  not  be  so  great  a  loss.  If  our  ammunition  is 
stopped,  we  shall  distrust  you.  We  are  pleased  to  hear  you  say, 
you  will  communicate  freely,  and  we  will  at  all  times  listen  to 
what  you  say  in  presence  of  our  superintendent.” 

*  Guy  Park :  a  beautiful  situation  immediately  on  the  bank  of  the  Mohawk. 
The  elegant  stone  mansion  is  yet  upon  the  premises,  giving  the  best  evidences  of 
substantial  building. 

f  Little  Abraham  seems  rather  to  have  been  a  leading  chief  at  the  Lower  Castle 
of  the  Mohawks — not  the  principal  War  Chief. 

14 


72 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775. 


After  a  consultation  with  each  other,  the  deputations  from 
the  two  County  Committees  replied,  in  substance,  that  “  They 
were  glad  to  hear  them  expressing  a  desire  to  maintain  the  an¬ 
cient  friendship  which  had  subsisted  between  their  fathers. 
They  assured  the  chiefs  that  the  reports  of  evil  designs  against 
their  superintendent  were  false.  They  farther  promised  the 
chiefs,  that  whenever  they  had  any  business  to  transact  with 
them,  they  would  meet  them  at  their  own  council  fires,  and  in 
presence  of  their  superintendent.” 

To  which  the  Mohawk  speaker  responded  to  the  following 
effect : — 

“  The  Indians  are  glad  that  you  are  not  surprised  that  we 
cannot  spare  Col.  Johnson.  The  love  we  have  for  the  memory 
of  Sir  William  Johnson,  and  the  obl  igations  the  whole  Six  Na¬ 
tions  are  under  to  him,  must  make  us  regard  and  protect  every 
branch  of  his  family.  We  will  explain  these  things  to  all  the 
Indians,  and  hope  you  will  do  the  same  to  your  people.” 

This  council  having  been  but  thinly  attended,  and  only  by 
one  tribe  of  the  Indians,  the  superintendent  immediately  direct¬ 
ed  the  assembling  of  another  in  the  western  part  of  the  county, 
to  attend  which  he  proceeded  to  the  German  Flatts,  with  his 
whole  family  and  retinue.  His  quarters  were  at  the  house  of 
a  Mr.  Thompson,  on  Cosby’s  manor,  a  few  miles  above  the 
flatts.  It  has  been  alleged  that  this  second  council  was  con¬ 
voked  because  of  the  superintendent’s  dissatisfaction  with  the 
first — a  conclusion  not  unlikely,  from  the  absence  of  the  west- 
tern  Indians,  who  had  been  invited. 

On  the  2d  of  June  there  was,  for  the  first  time,  a  full  meet¬ 
ing  of  the  Tryon  County  Committee — the  loyalists  having 
previously  prevented  the  attendance  of  delegates  from  the 
lower,  or  Mohawk  district.*  This  Committee  addressed  a 
strong  and  patriotic  letter  to  the  superintendent,  formally  noti- 

*  It  may  be  interesting  to  some  to  give  the  names  of  this  body  of  men,  who  had 
so  often  professed  their  willingness  to  peril  their  lives  and  property  in  defence  of  the 
liberties  of  their  country.  (From  Palatine  district) — Christopher  P.  Yates,  John 
Frey,  Andrew  Fink,  Andrew  Reeber,  Peter  Waggoner,  Daniel  McDougal,  Jacob 
Klock,  George  Ecker,  Jun.,  Harmanus  Van  Slyck,  Christopher  W.  Fox,  Anthony 
Van  Veghten.  (Canajoharie  district) — Nicholas  Herkimer,  EbenezerCox,  William 
Seeber,  John  Moore,  Samuel  Campbell,  Samuel  Clyde,  Thomas  Henry,  John 
Pickard.  (Kingsland  and  German  Flatts  districts) — Edward  Wall,  William 


COL.  GUY  JOHNSON. 


73 


1 1  o.j 

fying  him  of  the  purposes  of  their  organization.  After 
adverting  to  the  oppressions  of  the  mother  country,  in  repeat¬ 
ed  attempts  to  enforce  unconstitutional  enactments  of  Parlia¬ 
ment,  and  asserting  their  principles  on  the  subject  of  taxation 
without  representation — principles  which  they  declared  to  be 
undeniable — they  avowed  their  object  to  be,  to  consult  as  to  the 
best  methods  of  saving  the  country  from  devastation  and  ruin  ; 
”  which  object,  with  the  assistance  of  Divine  Providence,  it 
il  was  their  fixed  determination  and  resolution  to  accomplish 
adding,  with  emphasis,  “  and  if  called  upon,  we  shall  be  fore- 
i:  most  in  sharing  the  toil  and  danger  of  the  field.”  They 
once  more  adverted  to  the  distressed  situation  of  the  people  of 
New  England  in  the  common  cause ;  and  declared  that  they 
should  be  wanting  in  duty  to  their  country  and  to  themselves, 
were  they  longer  to  refrain  from  announcing  their  determina¬ 
tion  to  the  world.  After  repelling  the  charges  promulgated 
against  them,  of  having  compelled  people  to  join  their  Com¬ 
mittees,  and  of  having  drunk  treasonable  toasts,  they  proceeded 
to  discuss  matters  more  directly  personal  to  the  superintendent 
himself.  The  following  is  an  extract  from  this  portion  of  the 
letter : — 

“  We  are  not  ignorant  of  the  very  great  importance  of  your 
office  as  superintendent  of  the  Indians,  and  therefore  it  is  no 
more  our  duty  than  inclination  to  protect  you  in  the  discharge 
of  the  duty  of  your  proper  province  ;  and  we  meet  you  with 
pleasure  in  behalf  of  ourselves  and  our  constituents,  to  thank 
you  for  meeting  the  Indians  in  the  upper  parts  of  the  County, 
which  may  be  the  means  of  easing  the  people  of  the  remainder 
of  their  fears  on  this  account,  and  prevent  the  Indians  com¬ 
mitting  irregularities  on  their  way  down  to  Guy  Park.  And 
we  beg  of  you  to  use  your  endeavours  with  the  Indians,  to  dis¬ 
suade  them  from  interfering  in  the  dispute  with  the  mother 
country  and  the  Colonies.  We  cannot  think  that,  as  you  and 
your  family  possess  very  large  estates  in  this  County,  you  are 

Petry,  John  Petry,  Augustine  Hess,  Frederick  Orendorf,  George  Wentz,  Michael 
Ittig,  Frederick  Fox,  George  Herkimer,  Duncan  McDougal,  Frederick  Helmer, 
John  Frink.  (Mohawk  district) — John  Morlett,  John  Bliven,  Abraham  Van 
Horne,  Adam  Fonda,  Frederick  Fisher,  Sampson  Sammons,  William  Schuyler, 
Volkert  Veeder,  James  McMaster,  Daniel  Line — 42.  Christopher  P.  Yates  was 
chosen  chairman  of  this  body. — Campbell's  Annals. 


74 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775. 


unfavourable  to  American  freedom,  although  you  may  differ 
with  us  in  the  mode  of  obtaining  a  redress  of  grievances. 
Permit  us  farther  to  observe,  that  we  cannot  pass  over  in  si¬ 
lence  the  interruption  which  the  people  of  the  Mohawk  district 
met  in  their  meeting  ;  which,  we  are  informed,  was  conducted  in 
a  peaceable  manner ;  and  the  inhuman  treatment  of  a  man, 
whose  only  crime  was  being  faithful  to  his  employers,  and  re¬ 
fusing  to  give  an  account  of  the  receipt  of  certain  papers,  to 
persons  who  had  not  the  least  colour  of  right  to  demand  any 
thing  of  that  kind.  We  assure  you  that  we  are  much  con¬ 
cerned  about  it,  as  two  important  rights  of  English  subjects  are 
thereby  infringed — to  wit,  a  right  to  meet,  and  to  obtain  all  the 
intelligence  in  their  power.” 

Colonel  Nicholas  Herkimer  and  Edward  Wall  were  deput¬ 
ed  to  deliver  the  letter  to  the  superintendent,  for  which  purpose 
they  proceeded  to  Cosby’s  Manor,  and  discharged  their  trust. 
The  following  was  Colonel  Johnson’s  reply — manly  and  direct ; 
and  with  which,  if  sincere,  certainly  no  fault  could  be  found, 
bating  the  lack  of  courtesy  in  its  commencement : — 

11  Thompson' s,  Cosby's  Manor ,  June  5th,  1775. 

“  Gentlemen, 

“  I  have  received  the  paper  signed  Chris.  P.  Yates,  Chair¬ 
man,  on  behalf  of  the  districts  therein  mentioned,  which  I  am 
now  to  answer,  and  shall  do  it  briefly,  in  the  order  you  have 
stated  matters.  As  to  the  letter  from  some  Indians  to  the 
Oneidas,  I  really  knew  nothing  of  it  till  I  heard  such  a  thing 
had  been  by  some  means  obtained  from  an  Indian  messenger, 
and  from  what  I  have  heard  of  its  contents,  I  can’t  see  any 
thing  materia]  in  it,  or  that  could  justify  such  idle  apprehen¬ 
sions  ;  but  I  must  observe  that  these  fears  among  the  people 
were  talked  of  long  before,  and  were,  I  fear,  propagated  by  some 
malicious  persons  for  a  bad  purpose. 

“  As  to  your  political  sentiments,  on  which  you  enter  in  the 
next  paragraph,  I  have  no  occasion  to  enter  on  them  or  the 
merits  of  the  cause.  I  desire  to  enjoy  liberty  of  conscience  and 
the  exercise  of  my  own  judgment,  and  that  all  others  should 
have  the  same  privilege  ;  but,  with  regard  to  your  saying  you 
might  have  postponed  the  affair,  if  there  had  been  the  least 
kind  of  probability  that  the  petition  of  the  General  Assembly 


COL.  GUY  JOHNSON. 


75 


1775.] 

would  have  been  noticed,  more  than  that  of  the  delegates,  I 
must,  as  a  true  friend  to  the  country,  in  which  I  have  a  large 
interest,  say,  that  the  present  dispute  is  viewed  in  different 
lights  according  to  the  education  and  principles  of  the  parties 
affected  ;  and  that,  however  reasonable  it  may  appear  to  a  con¬ 
siderable  number  of  honest  men  here,  that  the  petition  of  the 
delegates  should  merit  attention,  it  is  not  viewed  in  the  same 
light  in  a  country  which  admits  of  no  authority  that  is  not  con¬ 
stitutionally  established  ;  and  I  persuade  myself  you  have  that 
reverence  for  his  Majesty,  that  you  will  pay  due  regard  to  the 
royal  assurance  given  in  his  speech  to  Parliament,  that  when¬ 
ever  the  American  grievances  should  be  laid  before  him  by 
their  constitutional  assemblies,  they  should  be  fully  attended 
to.  I  have  heard  that  compulsory  steps  were  taken  to  induce 
some  persons  to  come  into  your  measures,  and  treasonable 
toasts  drank  ;  but  I  am  not  willing  to  give  too  easy  credit  to 
flying  reports,  and  am  happy  to  hear  you  disavow  them. 

“  I  am  glad  to  find  my  calling  a  Congress  on  the  frontiers 
gives  satisfaction ;  this  was  principally  my  design,  though  I 
cannot  sufficiently  express  my  surprise  at  those  who  have, 
either  through  malice  or  ignorance,  misconstrued  my  inten¬ 
tions,  and  supposed  me  capable  of  setting  the  Indians  on  the 
peaceable  inhabitants  of  this  country.  The  interest  our  family 
has  in  this  country  and  my  own,  is  considerable,  and  they 
have  been  its  best  benefactors  ;  any  malicious  charges,  there¬ 
fore,  to  their  prejudice,  are  highly  injurious,  and  ought  to  be 
totally  suppressed. 

“  The  office  I  hold  is  greatly  for  the  benefit  and  protection 
of  this  country,  and  on  my  frequent  meetings  with  the  Indians 
depends  their  peace  and  security ;  I  therefore  cannot  but  be 
astonished  to  find  the  endeavours  made  use  of  to  obstruct  me 
in  my  duties,  and  the  weakness  of  some  people  in  withholding 
many  things  from  me,  which  are  indisputably  necessary  for 
rendering  the  Indians  contented ;  and  I  am  willing  to  hope 
that  you,  gentlemen,  will  duly  consider  this  and  discounte¬ 
nance  the  same. 

“  You  have  been  much  misinformed  as  to  the  origin  of  the 
reports  which  obliged  me  to  fortify  my  house  and  stand  on  my 
defence.  I  had  it,  gentlemen,  from  undoubted  authority  from 
Albany,  and  since  confirmed  by  letters  from  one  of  the  Com- 


76 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775. 

mittee  at  Philadelphia,  that  a  large  body  of  men  were  to  make 
me  prisoner.  As  the  effect  this  must  have  on  the  Indians 
might  have  been  of  dangerous  consequences  to  you,  (a  circum¬ 
stance  not  thought  of,)  I  was  obliged,  at  great  expense,  to  take 
these  measures.  But  the  many  reports  of  my  stopping  travel¬ 
lers  were  false  in  every  particular,  and  the  only  instance  of 
detaining  any  body  was  in  the  case  of  two  New  England  men, 
which  I  explained  fully  to  those  of  your  body  who  brought 
your  letter,  and  wherein  I  acted  strictly  agreeable  to  law,  and  as 
a  magistrate  should  have  done. 

£‘  I  am  very  sorry  that  such  idle  and  injurious  reports  meet 
with  any  encouragement.  I  rely  on  you,  gentlemen,  to  exert 
yourselves  in  discountenancing  them ;  and  I  am  happy  in  this 
opportunity  of  assuring  the  people  of  a  country  I  regard,  that 
they  have  nothing  to  apprehend  from  my  endeavours,  but  that 

I  shall  always  be  glad  to  promote  their  true  interests. 

“  I  am,  Gentlemen,  your  humble  Servant, 

“  G.  Johnson.” 

This  reply  of  Colonel  Johnson,  together  with  a  written  re¬ 
port  of  the  proceedings  of  himself  and  colleague,  and  their  in¬ 
terview  with  Johnson,  was  transmitted  to  the  County  Com¬ 
mittee  by  Mr.  Wall.  In  his  letter  to  the  Committee,  Mr.  Wall 
indulged  in  some  complaints,  in  regard  to  the  reprehensible 
conduct  of  the  people — probably  toward  Johnson  and  his  follow¬ 
ers,  who  were  looked  upon  with  increasing  distrust.  But  the 
character  of  the  irregularities  complained  of  is  not  distinctly 
set  forth  in  Mr.  Wall’s  communication. 

Guy  Johnson  did  not  remain  long  at  Cosby’s  Manor,  nor  did 
he  hold  the  Indian  council  there  which  had  been  notified,  but 
departed  immediately  farther  west.  His  removal  from  Thomp¬ 
son’s  was  thus  announced  to  the  Committee  of  Palatine  by  Mr. 
Wall,  on  the  8th  of  June  : — “  Our  people  are  greatly  alarmed 

II  at  Colonel  Johnson’s  motions,  and  cannot  understand  his  rea- 
11  sons  for  the  same.  We  dare  say,  that  before  now  you  have 
“  been  [made]  acquainted  that  he  has  removed  with  his  retinue 
“  from  Mr.  Thompson’s  to  Fort  Stanwix,  and  there  are  rumors 
“  that  he  intends  to  move  yet  farther.  We  leave  you  to  con- 
“  jecture  what  may  be  his  reasons.” 

These  apprehensions  were  certainly  not  unreasonable.  For 


COL.  GUY  JOHNSON. 


77 


1775.] 


although  Colonel  Johnson’s  letters  were  plausible,  and  apparent¬ 
ly  frank  and  sincere,  when  the  people  saw  him  setting  his  face 
thus  to  the  west,  and  moving  up  through  the  valley,  not  only 
with  his  own  family,  but  accompanied  by  a  large  retinue  of  his 
dependents  and  the  great  body  of  the  Mohawk  Indians — who 
left  their  own  delightful  country  at  this  time,  never  more  peace¬ 
ably  to  return — it  is  not  strange  that  suspicions,  as  to  his  ulte¬ 
rior  designs,  were  excited. 

This  feeling  was  not  diminished  by  the  reception,  just  at 
this  time,  of  the  following  communication  from  the  Provincial 
Congress  of  Massachusetts,  through  that  of  New-York  : — 


“  In  Provincial  Congress, 

“  Wcitertoivn,  June  13 th,  1775. 

“  To  the  Honourable  Delegates  of  the  Congress  of  the  Pro¬ 
vince  of  New-  York : 

“  Gentlemen, 

“  Considering  the  exposed  state  of  the  frontiers  of  the  Colo¬ 
nies,  the  danger  that  the  inhabitants  of  Canada  may  possibly 
have  disagreeable  apprehensions  from  the  military  preparations 
making  in  several  of  the  Colonies,  and  the  rumors  that  there 
are  some  appearances  of  their  getting  themselves  in  readiness 
to  act  in  a  hostile  way — this  Congress  have  made  application  to 
the  Honourable  Continental  Congress,  desiring  them  to  take  such 
measures  as  to  them  shall  appear  proper,  to  quiet  and  conciliate 
the  minds  of  the  Canadians,  and  to  prevent  such  alarming  ap¬ 
prehensions.  We  also  have  had  the  disagreeable  accounts  of 
methods  taken  to  fill  the  minds  of  the  Indian  tribes  adjacent  to 
these  Colonies  with  sentiments  very  injurious  to  us  ;  particu¬ 
larly  we  have  been  informed  that  Col.  Guy  Johnson  has  taken 
great  pains  with  the  Six  Nations,  in  order  to  bring  them  into  a 
belief  that  it  is  designed  by  the  Colonies  to  fall  upon  them  and 
cut  them  off.  We  have,  therefore,  desired  the  Honourable 
Continental  Congress  that  they  would,  with  all  convenient 
speed,  use  their  influence  in  guarding  against  the  evil  intended 
by  this  malevolent  misrepresentation  ;  and  we  desire  you  to 
join  with  us  in  such  application. 

“  Jos.  Warren,  President.” 
“Attest,  Samuel  Freeman,  Sec’y.” 


78 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


1775. 


Immediately  after  the  receipt  of  this  communication,  a  letter 
was  addressed  to  Colonel  Johnson,  by  the  Congress  of  New- 
York,  disclaiming,  in  the  most  unqualified  terms,  the  designs 
imputed  to  the  Provincial  authorities  in  regard  both  to  the  In¬ 
dians  and  himself,  as  had  been  repeatedly  done  before.  But 
Johnson  would  never  allow  himself  to  be  persuaded  that  evil 
had  not  been  meditated  against  him  by  the  Whigs ;  and  by 
persisting  in  his  opinion,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  his  efforts  to 
prejudice  the  Indians — those,  especially,  who  were  the  most 
warmly  attached  to  him — against  the  Colonists  and  their  cause, 
were  the  more  successful. 

The  affair  of  Lexington  had,  of  course,  been  the  signal  for 
war  throughout  the  Colonies.  The  forts,  magazines,  and  ar¬ 
senals  were  everywhere  seized.  Troops  were  raised,  and 
money  for  their  support ;  and  it  was  not  many  weeks  before  an 
army  of  thirty  thousand  men  appeared  in  the  environs  of 
Boston,  under  the  command  of  General  Putnam — a  veteran  of 
the  old  French  war,  in  whom  the  people  had  great  confidence. 
Early  in  May,  Colonel  Ethan  Allen,  a  hardy  leader  of  the 
settlers  upon  the  New  Hampshire  grants,  (now  Yermont,)  con¬ 
certed  an  expedition  against  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point. 
About  forty  volunteers  from  Connecticut  were  of  the  expedi¬ 
tion,  which,  with  the  forces  collected  for  the  object  at  Castleton, 
made  up  the  number  of  two  hundred  and  thirty.  Allen  was 
unexpectedly  joined  by  Colonel  Benedict  Arnold,  who  had 
planned  the  same  enterprise.  They  readily  agreed  to  act  in 
concert ;  and  so  admirably  was  the  project  carried  into  execu¬ 
tion,  that  the  Americans  actually  entered  the  fortress  by  the 
covered  way  just  at  daylight,  formed  upon  the  parade  ground 
within,  and  awoke  the  sleeping  garrison  by  their  huzzas.  A 
slight  skirmish  ensued,  and  the  commander,  De  La  Place,  sur¬ 
rendered  to  the  novel  summons  of  Allen — “  I  demand  a  sur- 
“  render  in  the  name  of  the  great  Jehovah  and  the  Continental 
“  Congress.”  Colonel  Seth  Warner  was  sent  thence  to  Crown 
Point,  which  was  easily  taken — the  garrison  consisting  of  only 
a  dozen  men,  commanded  by  a  sergeant.  Arnold  proceeded 
Northward  to  St.  Johns,  and  succeeded  in  capturing  a  sloop  of 
war  by  surprise  ;  while,  at  the  same  time,  the  pass  of  Skenesbo- 
rough,  at  the  southern  end  of  Champlain,  was  taken  possession  of 
• — Col.  Skene  and  a  small  number  of  troops  being  made  prisoners, 


1775.]  TICONDEROGA  AND  BUNKER  HILL.  79 

and  several  pieces  of  cannon  taken.  Thus,  by  a  sudden  blow, 
and  without  the  loss  of  a  man,  was  the  command  of  Lakes 
George  and  Champlain  obtained. 

The  next  act  in  the  grand  drama  then  unfolding,  was  the 
battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  Toward  the  close  of  May  reinforce¬ 
ments  of  troops  from  England  had  arrived  at  Boston,  with 
Generals  Howe,  Burgoyne,  and  Clinton,  all  of  whom  were 
officers  of  reputation.  The  Provincial  Congress  of  Massachu¬ 
setts  had,-  early  in  that  month,  renounced  General  Gage  as 
Governor  of  the  Colony,  declared  him  an  enemy  of  the  country, 
and  forbidden  obedience  to  his  orders.  On  the  other  hand, 
General  Gage  had  issued  his  proclamation,  promising  a  gracious 
pardon  to  all  who  would  lay  down  their  arms  and  return  to  the 
duties  of  peaceable  subjects,  excepting  only  Samuel  Adams 
and  John  Hancock,  whose  offences  were  declared  to  be  of  u  too 
“  flagitious  a  nature  to  admit  of  any  other  consideration  tha? 
<£  that  of  condign  punishment.”  By  the  same  instrument 
Massachusetts  was  declared  to  be  under  martial  law.  General 
Gage  was  also  preparing,  in  other  respects,  for  more  energetic  ac¬ 
tion  ;  but  every  measure  he  took,  and  every  moment  that  pass¬ 
ed,  served  only  to  unite  and  embolden  the  Whigs,  and  increase 
the  audacity  with  which  they  now,  in  action  if  not  in  words 
contemned  the  royal  authority.  The  Provincial  troops  began 
to  assemble  in  force  around  Boston,  and  were  throwing  up  de¬ 
fences,  when  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  at  once  and  for  ever 
severed  the  tie  that  bound  the  Colonies  to  the  parent  country. 
The  fighting  on  this  occasion  was  of  such  a  determined  charac¬ 
ter,  as  to  show  the  enemy  that  it  was  no  pastime  upon  which 
they  had  entered.  One  of  the  British  officers,  in  writinghome 
to  a  friend,  declared  that  “  the  rebels  fought  more  like  devils 
“  than  men.”  The  loss  of  the  British,  in  killed  and  wounded, 
was  1054.  That  of  the  Provincials,  139  killed  and  314 
wounded.  The  great  calamity  of  the  day  was  the  fall  of  the 
brave  and  accomplished  Warren,  who  was  shot  through  the 
head  early  in  the  action. 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed,  that,  with  the  evidence  before  them, 
of  Colonel  Johnson’s  exertions  to  excite  the  Indians  against  the 
Provincial  cause,  the  friends  of  the  latter  were  by  any  means 
inactive.  On  the  contrary,  they  left  no  fair  and  honorable 
means  untried  so  far  to  win  upon  their  favour,  as  at  least  to 

15 


80 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775. 


secure  their  neutrality  in  the  contest ;  nor  were  they  wholly 
unsuccessful,  although  the  majority  of  the  Six  Nations  ulti¬ 
mately  threw  themselves  into  the  opposite  scale.  Disappointed 
in  not  meeting  a  fuller  and  more  general  council  at  Guy  Park 
in  May,  a  conference  was  arranged  with  the  Oneidas  and  Tus- 
caroras,  through  the  agency  of  their  friend,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Kirk¬ 
land,  which  took  place  at  the  German  Flatts  on  the  28th  of 
June.  The  Indians  were  met  by  the  inhabitants  of  that  dis¬ 
trict,  and  also  by  a  deputation  from  Albany.  The  minutes  of 
that  meeting  were  not  preserved  at  large  among  the  papers  of 
the  Tryon  County  Committee.  The  following  was  the  address 
of  the  inhabitants  to  the  Indians  : — 

“  Brothers  :  We  are  glad  to  have  you  here  to  return  you 
thanks.  We  should  have  been  much  pleased  to  have  spoken 
with  you  at  the  appointed  place  ;  that  is,  by  your  superintend 
ent,  where  of  late  you  kept  your  council  fire ;  but  since  his 
removing  so  far  from  us,  we  do  not  think  it  wrong  or  imprudent 
to  communicate  our  sentiments  of  peace  to  you  here.  It  is  at 
this  place,  Brothers,  it  has  often  been  done  ;  and  here  again  we 
renew  it,  and  brighten  the  old  chain  of  peace  and  brotherly 
love. 

“  Brothers  :  We  cannot  see  the  cause  of  your  late  council 
fire,  or  superintendent  going  away  from  among  us.  We  did 
him  no  harm,  and  you  well  know  that  none  of  us  ever  did, 
and  you  may  depend  on  it,  there  was  no  such  thing  meant 
against  him.  He  told  our  people  he  was  going  up  to  Thomp¬ 
son’s  (Cosby’s  Manor)  to  hold  a  council  fire  with  our  brothers, 
the  Five  Nations,  there.  We  helped  him  to  provisions  to  sup¬ 
port  you  there,  and  every  thing  we  had  that  he  wanted.  But 
he  is  gone  away  from  among  us,  and  told  some  of  our  people, 
that  he  would  come  back  with  company  which  would  not 
please  us ;  which,  if  true,  it  is  certain  his  intentions  are  bad, 
and  he  may  depend,  that  whatever  force  he  may  or  can  bring, 
we  regard  not. 

“  Brothers  :  Our  present  meeting  does  not  arise  from  any 
unfriendly  thoughts  we  entertain  of  you,  or  from  any  fear  of 
ourselves.  It  is  purely  on  account  of  the  old  friendship  which 
has  so  long  been  kept  up  between  us  ;  that  friendship  we  want 
to  retain.  It  is  that  friendship  which  will  be  an  equal  benefit  to 
us.  It  is  as  much  wanted  on  your  side  as  ours. 


INDIAN  NEGOTIATIONS. 


81 


1775.] 

“Brothers  :  We  cannot  too  much  express  our  satisfaction 
of  your  conduct  toward  us  by  your  late  proceedings  with  the 
superintendent  at  the  carrying  place,  for  which  we  are  also 
obliged  to  you,  and  do  not  doubt  but  that  your  conduct  will  be 
blessed  with  greater  benefits  than  any  other  of  those  who  will 
hurry  themselves  into  mischief ;  which  can  never  be  of  any 
other  benefit  to  them,  but  sorrow  for  the  innocent  blood  shed  on 
an  occasion  wherewith  they  have  no  concern. 

“  Brothers  :  We  look  to  you  particularly  to  be  men  of 
more  understanding  than  others,  by  the  benefits  you  have  re¬ 
ceived  in  learning ;  wherefore  we  confide  and  trust  more  freely 
in  you,  that  you  can  communicate  to  the  other  tribes  and  na¬ 
tions  the  error  they  want  to  lead  you  in,  and  cannot  doubt  but 
your  wisdom  and  influence  with  the  other  nations  will  be 
attended  with  that  happy  success,  which  will  hereafter  be  a 
blessing  to  you  and  your  posterity. 

“  Brothers  :  What  we  have  said  is  supposed  to  be  sufficient 
to  convince  you  that  our  meaning  is  for  our  joint  peace  and 
friendship  ;  in  which  we  hope  that  we  and  our  children  may 
continue  to  the  end  of  time.” 

The  answer  of  the  Indians  to  this  address  has  not  been  pre¬ 
served.  The  result  of  the  council,  however,  was,  to  obtain  a 
pledge  of  neutrality  from  the  greater  portion  of  the  Indians 
assembled.  The  efforts  of  Mr.  Kirkland  had  uniformly  been 
directed  to  the  same  humane  design. 

Colonel  Guy  Johnson,  as  we  have  already  seen,  had  pre¬ 
viously  left  the  lower  district  of  the  Mohawk  Valley.  He  was 
a  man  of  too  much  discernment,  holding  the  opinions  he  did, 
to  remain  at  Johnstown  an  inactive  spectator  of  events,  the 
inevitable  tendency  of  which  could  only  be  very  soon  to  rouse 
the  whole  thirteen  Colonies  to  arms  against  the  British  power, 
and  he  had  prudently  anticipated  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  in 
his  departure.  But  his  movements  had  thus  far  been  pacific, 
or  rather  not  openly  belligerent;  and  it  is  probable  that  an  excit¬ 
ed  and  jealous  people  may  not  have  treated  him,  during  his 
hegira,  with  all  their  wonted  respect.  Indeed,  the  complaint  of 
Mr.  Wall,  of  the  objectionable  conduct  of  the  people,  has  al¬ 
ready  been  noted  at  a  previous  page.  But  it  is  not  stated  in 
what  respect  they  had  been  offending.  Some  light,  however, 


82 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775 

may  perhaps  be  thrown  upon  the  subject,  by  the  following  notes 
of  a  council  between  the  inhabitants  of  the  Upper,  or  Kings- 
land  district,  and  the  Oneida  Indians ;  from  which  it  will  be 
seen  that  the  inhabitants  had  cut  off  the  supplies  provided  by 
Colonel  Johnson  for  his  journey  :* 

“  Kingsland  District.  At  a  council  held  upon  desire  of  the 

Oneidas,  July  1  st,  1775,  the  following  speeches  were  deli¬ 
vered  ; 

To  the  Oneidas. 

11  Brothers  :  The  reason  of  stopping  the  provisions  from 
Mr.  Thompson  to  Colonel  Johnson,  is,  that  we  suppose  him  to 
be  our  enemy ;  and  for  all  that  he  gets  as  much  from  Niagara 
as  he  wants ;  and  we  believe  he  is  only  getting  intelligence, 
from  this  place,  how  matters  run.  We  have  done  for  him  and 
his  retinue  what  was  in  our  power  for  his  supply.  We  believe 
he  should  have  held  his  council  fire  at  Mr.  Thompson’s,  or, 
furthest,  at  Fort  Stanwix.  But  you  have  heard,  Brothers, 
that  he  would  bring  a  force  along  with  him  which  we  would 
not  like,  That  was  the  reason  that  we  stopped  his  provisions. 
But  on  your  request,  as  you  think  it  was  not  well  done, 
we  will  hear  your  sentiments  about  it.  Not  being  laid  to  your 
or  our  charge,  we  shall  then  let  pass  all  that  is  brought  to  him.” 

Answer  of  the  Oneidas. 

11  Brothers  :  It  is  Sunday  to-day,  and  the  Lord  gave  six 
days  for  work  and  the  seventh  for  rest.  But  since  occasion 
happens,  we  give  you  our  positive  answer. 

11  Brothers  :  We  have  consulted  about  stopping  the  pro¬ 
visions  at  Mr.  Thompson’s,  and  we  don’t  think  it  proper  to  do  it. 
If  it  should  have  been  for  his  own  use,  we  should  not  have 
mentioned  it ;  but  we  know  that  he  calls  up  the  Five  Nations, 
and  may  be  they  will  suffer  by  it.  So,  therefore,  let  him  have 
it.  All  that  we  have  said  we  can  be  answerable  for,  but  this 
act  we  cannot. 

“  Brothers  :  If  we  should  assent  to  these  things,  we  are 
jointly  brothers  ;  we  should  be  left  alone,  and  may  be  both  would 
be  disappointed.  We  are  obliged  to  have  a  care  over  our 
brothers  of  the  Five  Nations,  as  well  as  for  you,  so  that  we 

*  These  notes  are  quite  imperfectly  written,  by  a  very  incompetent  scribe.  The 
author  has  endeavoured  to  arrive  at  the  true  import,  preserving  as  much  of  the  lan¬ 
guage  as  possible. 


FLIGHT  OF  GUY  JOHNSON. 


83 


1775.] 


may  get  no  blame  afterward  for  it.  Then  we  don’t  know  what 
Colonel  Johnson’s  design  is.  Let  us  first  have  proof,  and  as 
soon  as  we  have  found  out  something,  we  shall  assemble  to¬ 
gether  and  consider  of  it. 

“  Brothers  :  We  ought  to  do  as  we  want  to  have  done  to 
us  by  others  ;  and  it  is  better  to  suffer  than  to  do  amiss. 

“  Brothers  :  As  long  as  we  are  brothers,  don’t  let  us  then  suf¬ 
fer  in  provisions,  if  they  are  to  be  got,  (without  your  loss.)  While 
we  belong  to  the  Five  Nations,  we  shall  help  one  another  as 
much  as  does  lie  in  our  power,  so  that  nobody  is  wronged  by  it. 

“  Brothers  :  You  did  leave  this  to  us,  though  you  consent¬ 
ed  not  to  leave  us  to  bear  this  burden  quite  alone  upon  our  own 
shoulders.  If  you  can  find  a  fault  in  our  speech,  you  may 
speak  about  it.” 

Rejoinder. 

“  Brothers  :  As  we  have  heard  your  speech,  and  well  con¬ 
sidered  it,  and  as  we  find  that  our  other  brothers  may  suffer 
by  it,  we  are  resolved  that  all  the  flour  and  other  provision 
which  is  really  brought  for  Colonel  Johnson,  may  be  sent 
thither  without  being  molested.  But  considering  that  it  may 
not  be  employed  for  the  use  proposed,  we  desire  the  favour  of 
you  to  acquaint  us  of  the  fact,  that  we  may  take  the  necessary 
measures  for  our  own  welfare. 

“Brothers:  We  are  greatly  obliged  for  your  brotherly 
love  showed  to  us,  and  that  you  have  told  us,  out  of  the  bottom 
of  your  heart,  your  sense  of  this  matter.  We  confess  it  is  an 
evidence  of  sincere  friendship,  which  we  hope  will  ever  be 
maintained  between  us.” 


Making  a  very  brief  sojourn  at  Fort  Stanwix,  Guy  Johnson 
hastened  as  far  west  as  Ontario,  there  to  hold  a  grand  council 
with  the  Indians,  remote  from  the  white  settlements ;  and  where, 
as  he  alleged,  their  action  might  be  independent  and  unem¬ 
barrassed  by  the  interference  of  the  Colonists.  It  was  at  On¬ 
tario  that  he  received  the  letter  from  the  Provincial  Congress  of 

c? 

New-York,  already  adverted  to  as  having  been  written  at  the 
solicitation  of  the  Congress  of  Massachusetts.  He  replied  to 
it  on  the  8th  of  July,  in  a  letter  glowing  with  loyalty,  and 
complaining  bitterly  of  the  malcontents,  and  those  in  opposi¬ 
tion  to  regular  governments;  who,  as  the  reader  will  ol> 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


84 


[1775 


serve,  he  again  repeated,  were  exciting  the  Indians  against  him. 
The  letter  is  inserted  entire  : — 


Guy  Johnson  to  Peter  Yan  Brugh  Livingston. 

u  Ontario ,  July  the  8th,  1775. 

“  Sir, 

“  Though  I  received  your  letter  from  the  Provincial  Con¬ 
gress  several  days  ago,  I  had  not  a  good  opportunity  to  answer 
it  till  now.  I  suppose,  however,  this  will  reach  you  safe,  not¬ 
withstanding  all  the  rest  of  my  correspondence  is  interrupted 
by  ignorant  impertinents. 

“  As  to  the  endeavour  you  speak  of,  to  reconcile  the  unhappy 
differences  between  the  Parent  State  and  these  Colonies,  be  as¬ 
sured  I  ardently  wish  to  see  them ;  as  yet,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  I 
have  not  been  able  to  discover  any  attempt  of  that  kind,  but 
that  of  the  assembly,  the  only  true  legal  representatives  of  the 
people  ;  and  as  to  the  individuals  who  you  say  officiously  in¬ 
terrupt  (in  my  quarter)  the  mode  and  measures  you  think  ne¬ 
cessary  for  these  salutary  purposes,  I  am  really  a  stranger  to 
them.  If  you  mean  myself,  you  must  have  been  grossly  im¬ 
posed  on.  I  once,  indeed,  went,  with  reluctance,  at  the  request 
of  several  of  the  principal  inhabitants,  to  one  of  the  people’s 
meetings,  which  I  found  had  been  called  by  an  itinerant  New 
England  leather-dresser,  and  conducted  by  others,  if  possible, 
more  contemptible.  I  had,  therefore,  little  inclination  to  revisit 
such  men  or  attend  to  their  absurdities.  And,  although  I  did 
not  incline  to  think  that  you,  Gentlemen,  had  formed  any  de¬ 
signs  against  me,  yet  it  is  most  certain  that  such  designs  were 
formed.  Of  this  I  received  a  clear  account  by  express,  from  a 
friend  near  Albany,  which  was  soon  corroborated  by  letters 
from  other  quarters,  particularly  one  from  a  gentleman  of  the 
Committee  at  Philadelphia,  a  captain  in  your  levies,  who  was 
pretty  circumstantial;  and  since,  I  have  had  the  like  from  many 
others.  I  have,  likewise,  found  that  mean  instruments  were 
officiously  employed  to  disturb  the  minds  of  the  Indians,  to  in¬ 
terrupt  the  ordinary  discharge  of  my  duties,  and  prevent  their 
receiving  messages  they  had  long  since  expected  from  me.  To 
enter  into  a  minute  detail  of  all  the  falsehoods  propagated  and 
all  the  obstructions  I  met  with,  though  it  could  not  fail  astonish¬ 
ing  any  gentlemen  disposed  to  discountenance  them,  would  far 


GUY  JOHNSON  AT  THE  WEST. 


85 


1775.] 

exceed  the  limits  of  a  letter  or  the  time  I  have  to  spare,  as  I 
am  now  finishing  my  Congress,  entirely  to  my  satisfaction, 
with  1340  warriors,  who  came  hither  to  the  only  place  where 
they  could  transact  business  or  receive  favours  without  inter¬ 
ruption  ;  and  who  are  much  dissatisfied  at  finding  that  the  goods 
which  I  was  necessitated  to  send  for  to  Montreal,  were  obliged 
to  be  ordered  back  by  the  merchant,  to  prevent  his  being  in¬ 
sulted,  or  his  property  invaded  by  the  mistaken  populace. 
That  their  ammunition  was  stopped  at  Albany — the  persons  on 
this  communication  employed  in  purchasing  provisions  for  the 
Congress  insulted,  and  all  my  letters,  as  well  as  even  some 
trifling  articles  for  the  use  of  my  own  table,  stopped.  And  this 
moment  the  Mayor  of  Albany  assured  me  that  he  was  the 
other  day  roused  out  of  his  bed,  at  a  certain  Mr.  Thompson’s 
above  the  German  Flatts,  by  one  Herkimer  and  fifteen  others, 
who  pursued  him  to  search  for  any  thing  he  might  have  for  me. 
You  may  be  assured,  Sir,  that  this  is  far  from  being  agreeable 
to  the  Indians — that  it  might  have  produced  very  disagreeable 
consequences  long  since,  had  not  compassion  for  a  deluded  peo¬ 
ple  taken  place  of  every  other  consideration ;  and  that  the  im¬ 
potent  endeavours  of  a  missionary  (who  has  forfeited  his  ho¬ 
nour,  pledged  to  me,)  with  part  of  one  of  their  tribes,  is  a  cir¬ 
cumstance  that,  however  trifling,  increases  their  resentment. 

“  I  should  be  much  obliged  by  your  promises  of  discounte¬ 
nancing  any  attempts  against  myself,  &c.  did  they  not  appear 
to  be  made  on  conditions  of  compliance  with  Continental  or 
Provincial  Congresses,  or  even  Committees  formed  or  to  bo 
formed,  many  of  whose  Resolves  may  neither  consist  with  my 
conscience,  duty,  or  loyalty.  I  trust  I  shall  always  manifest 
more  humanity,  than  to  promote  the  destruction  of  the  innocent 
inhabitants  of  a  Colony  to  which  I  have  been  always  warmly 
attached,  a  declaration  that  must  appear  perfectly  suitable  to  the 
character  of  a  man  of  honour  and  principle,  who  can,  on  no 
account,  neglect  those  duties  that  are  consistent  therewith, 
however  they  may  differ  from  sentiments  now  adopted  in  so 
many  parts  of  America. 

“  I  sincerely  wish  a  speedy  termination  to  the  present  trou¬ 
bles,  and  I  am,  “  Sir, 

“  Your  most  humble  Servant, 

“  P.  Y.  B.  Livingston,  Esq.  G.  Johnson.” 


86  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1775 

li  I  shall  have  occasion  to  meet  the  Indians  of  my  depart¬ 
ment  in  different  quarters  this  season.”* 

Colonel  Johnson  was  accompanied  in  his  departure  by  Jo¬ 
seph  Brant;  or  Thayendanegea,  his  secretary,  and  by  Colonel 
John  Butler  and  his  son  Walter.  By  the  preceding  letter,  the 
reader  will  have  seen  that  they  succeeded  in  convening  a  very 
large  council  at  Ontario.  The  greater  portion  of  the  Indians 
attending,  however,  were  probably  Cayugas  and  Senecas. 
These  were  now  far  the  most  numerous  of  the  Six  Nations,  al¬ 
though  the  Mohawks  yet  stood  in  rank  at  the  head  of  the  con¬ 
federacy.  Formerly  the  last-mentioned  tribe  had  been  the 
most  numerous  and  powerful  of  the  Cantons  ;  but  at  an  early  day 
after  the  planting  of  the  Colony  of  New-York,  the  French  had 
succeeded  in  seducing  a  large  section  of  the  Mohawks  to  return 
to  Canada,  whence  they  originally  came,  after  breaking  the 
vassalage  in  which  they  had  been  held  by  the  Algonquins. 
Their  proximity  to  the  whites,  moreover,  had  been  attended  by 
the  effect,  invariable  and  seemingly  inevitable,  in  regard 
to  their  race,  of  diminishing  their  numbers.  Added  to  all 
which,  their  warlike  character,  and  their  daring  ferocity,  expos¬ 
ing  them  to  more  frequent  perils  than  were  encountered  by 
their  associated  Cantons,  had  contributed  still  farther  to  this  un¬ 
equal  diminution,  t 

It  is  not  known  that  any  record  of  this  council  was  preserved, 
although  the  speeches  interchanged  were  doubtless  written, 
since  that  was  the  universal  practice  in  the  conduct  of  Indian 
intercourse.  But  no  doubt  exists  as  to  the  fact,  that  the  super¬ 
intendent  succeeded  in  still  farther  alienating  the  affections  of 
the  great  majority  of  the  Indians  from  the  Americans,  if  they  did 
not  immediately  join  the  ranks  of  the  invaders.  Nor,  when  all 

*  This  letter  was  copied  by  the  author  from  the  original,  in  the  State  Department, 
Albany. 

t  Among  the  manuscripts  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  I  have  found  a  cjensus  of  the 
Northern  and  Western  Indians,  from  the  Hudson  river  to  the  great  Lakes  and  the 
Mississippi,  taken  in  1763.  The  Mohawk  warriors  were  then  only  160;  the 
Oneidas,  250;  Tuscaroras,  140 ;  Onondagas,  150;  Cayugas,  200;  Senecas,  1050. 
Total,  1950.  According  to  the  calculation  of  a  British  agent,  several  of  the  tribes 
must  have  increased  between  the  close  of  the  French  war  and  the  beginning  of  the 
American  Revolution,  as  it  was  computed  that,  during  the  latter  contest,  tlie 
English  had  in  service  300  Mohawks,  150  Oneidas,  200  Tuscaroras,  300  Ononda¬ 
gas,  230  Cayugas,  and  400  Senecas. — Author. 


1775.]  DISPOSITION  OF  THE  INDIANS.  87 

the  circumstances  of  their  case  and  position  are  dispassionately 
considered,  is  it  surprising  that  their  inclinations  were  favorable 
to  the  Crown.  On  the  contrary,  the  wonder  is  that  Colonel  John¬ 
son  did  not  succeed  in  carrying  with  him  the  Oneidas  and  Tusca- 
roras  also ;  and  he  probably  would  have  done  so,  but  for  the  salu¬ 
tary  though  indirect  influence  of  Mr.  Kirkland,  and  their  noble 
chief,  the  sagacious  Schenandoah — always  the  warm  and  un¬ 
wavering  friend  of  the  Colonists.  With  regard  to  these  Indians, 
it  must  be  considered  that  they  had  then  been  in  alliance  with 
Great  Britain  during  a  period  of  more  than  one  hundred  years. 
In  all  their  wars  with  their  implacable  enemies  the  Algonquins, 
acting  in  alliance  with  the  French,  the  Six  Nations  had  been 
assisted  by  the  English,  or  fighting  side  by  side  with  them. 
For  a  long  series  of  years  Sir  William  Johnson  had  been  their 
counsellor  and  friend.  His  family  was  to  a  certain  extent 
allied  with  the  head  canton  of  the  confederacy,  and  he  was 
consulted  by  them  in  all  affairs  of  business  or  of  high  emer¬ 
gency,  as  an  oracle.  They  had  drawn  their  supplies  through 
him  and  his  agents,  and  it  was  natural  that,  upon  his  decease, 
their  affection  for  him  should  be  transferred  to  his  successor  in 
office,  who  was  also  his  son-in-law.  Miss  Molly,  moreover, 
was  a  woman  of  vigorous  understanding  and  of  able  manage¬ 
ment.  And,  as  we  have  already  seen,  she  and  Colonel  Guy 
himself,  were  sustained  by  the  powerful  aid  of  Thayendanegea, 
who  united  the  advantages  of  education  with  the  native  saga¬ 
city  of  his  race.  Added  to  all  which,  the  cause  was  considered, 
if  not  desperate,  at  least  of  doubtful  issue  ;  while  the  unenlight¬ 
ened  Indians  had  been  taught  to  hear  the  name  of  the  king 
with  great  reverence,  and  to  believe  him  all-powerful.  They 
considered  the  officers  of  the  Crown  their  best  friends ;  and  it 
was  but  natural  that  they  should  hold  on  upon  the  great  chain 
which  they  had  so  long  laboured  to  keep  bright  between  them. 

It  has  already  been  remarked,  that,  thus  far,  Colonel  Guy 
Johnson  had  committed  no  act  of  actual  hostility.  While  this 
council  was  holding  in  Ontario,  however,  the  whole  valley  of 
the  Mohawk  was  filled  with  alarm,  by  reports  that  he  was  pre¬ 
paring  an  expedition  to  return  upon  them,  and  lay  the  country 
waste  by  fire  and  sword.  On  the  11th  of  July,  Colonel  Her¬ 
kimer  wrote  from  Canajoharie  to  the  Palatine  Committee,  that 
he  had  received  credible  intelligence  that  morning,  that  Guy 


88 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775. 

Johnson  was  ready  to  march  back  upon  them  with  a  body  of 
eight  or  nine  hundred  Indians,  and  that  the  attack  would  be 
commenced  from  the  woods  below  the  Little  Falls,  on  the 
northern  side  of  the  river.  He  therefore  proposed  sending  to 
Albany  immediately  for  a  corresponding  number  of  men.  An 
urgent  letter  was  forthwith  despatched  by  the  Committee  to 
Schenectady  and  Albany,  for  the  amount  of  assistance  mention¬ 
ed,  to  prevent  these  barbarous  enterprises,”  and  to  enable  them 
“  to  resist  their  inhuman  enemies  with  good  success — that  they 
“  might  not  be  slaughtered,  like  innocent  and  defenceless  sheep 
“  before  ravaging  wolves.” 

From  the  positive  character  of  the  intelligence,  and  the  mys¬ 
terious  movements  of  Guy  Johnson  and  his  followers,  the 
inhabitants  had  good  cause  of  alarm ;  more  especially  as  Sir 
John  Johnson  *  remained  at  the  Hall  in  Johnstown,  having  at 
his  beck  a  large  body  of  loyalists,  making  his  castle  (for  the 
Hall  was  now  fortified,)  their  headquarters, — who,  in  the  event 
of  such  a  movement  by  his  brother-in-law  from  the  west, 
would  doubtless  be  prepared  to  join  the  Indians  in  the  enter¬ 
prise,  and  between  them  both,  be  able  to  whelm  the  settlements 
in  destruction  at  a  single  blow.  Every  possible  preparation 
was  therefore  made  for  their  defence,  but  the  alarm  proved  to 
be  without  foundation  ;  and  after  Guy  Johnson  had  completed 
his  business  at  Ontario,  he  returned  to  Oswego,  where  he  very 
soon  afterward  convened  another  council  and  held  a  treaty,  at 
which  he  succeeded  in  still  farther  estranging  the  Indians  from 
the  Colonies.  The  particulars  of  this  council  have  never 
transpired  in  writing ;  but  some  interesting  references  to  it  will 
occur  in  an  Indian  speech  a  few  pages  onward.t 

From  Oswego,  Guy  Johnson  crossed  into  Canada,  and  thence 

*  Sir  John  Johnson  held  a  commission  as  Brigadier-general  of  militia. 

t  The  following  passage  from  Ramsay’s  History  of  the  Revolution,  seems  to  refer 
to  this  Indian  convocation  at  Oswego.  There  was  no  other  meeting  during  that  year, 
to  which  this  notice  of  Ramsay  could  refer.  “  Colonel  Johnson  had  repeated  con¬ 
ferences  with  the  Indians,  and  endeavoured  to  influence  them  to  take  up  the  hatchet, 
but  they  steadily  refused.  In  order  to  gain  their  co-operation,  he  invited  them  to  a 
feast  on  a  Bostonian,  and  to  drink  his  blood.  This,  in  the  Indian  style,  meant  no 
more  than  to  partake  of  a  roasted  ox  and  a  pipe  of  wine  at  a  public  entertainment, 
which  was  given  on  design  to  influence  them  to  co-operate  with  the  British  troops. 
The  Colonial  patriots  affected  to  understand  it  in  its  literal  sense.  It  furnished,  in 
their  mode  of  explication,  a  convenient  handle  for  operating  on  the  passions  of  the 
people.” 


TIIK  CHIEFS  VISIT  MONTREAL. 


89 


1775.] 


descended  the  St.  Lawrence  to  Montreal,  accompanied  by  a 
large  number  of  the  chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations, 
who  were  invited  to  an  interview  with  Sir  Guy  Carleton  and 
Sir  Frederick  Haldimand — both  those  distinguished  officers 
being  in  that  city  at  the  time — and  were  induced  by  them  to 
embark  in  the  cause  of  the  King. 

It  has  often  been  asserted,  especially  by  British  historians, 
that  Sir  Guy  Carleton  was  opposed  to  the  employment  of  the 
Indians  in  the  contest,  from  principles  of  humanity.  Such, 
however,  was  not  the  fact.  Brant  repeatedly  asserted  in  after¬ 
life,  in  speeches  delivered  by  him,  copies  of  which  are  yet  ex¬ 
tant,  that  on  their  first  arrival  in  Montreal,  General  Carleton 
proposed  to  them  to  enter  the  service.  In  a  speech  delivered 
by  the  Chief  in  the  year  1803,  recapitulating  the  history  of  the 
services  of  the  Mohawks  in  that  war,  the  following  passages 
occur,  touching  the  point  now  under  discussion  : — “  We  were 
“  living  at  the  former  residence  of  Guy  Johnson,  when  the 
“  news  arrived  that  war  had  commenced  between  the  king’s 
“  people  and  the  Americans.  We  took  but  little  notice  of  this 
“  first  report ;  but  in  a  few  days  we  heard  that  five  hundred 
“  Americans  were  coming  to  seize  our  superintendent.  Such 
w  news  as  this  alarmed  us,  and  we  immediately  consulted  to- 
“  gether  as  to  what  measures  were  necessary  to  be  taken.  We 
“  at  once  reflected  upon  the  covenant  of  our  forefathers  as  allies 
“  to  the  King,  and  said,  £  It  will  not  do  for  us  to  break  it,  let 
“  what  will  become  of  us.’  Indeed,  it  is  a  long  time  since  the 
“  Governor  (Sir  Guy  Carleton)  said  to  us  :  ‘I  exhort  you  to 
“  continue  your  adherence  to  the  King,  and  not  to  break  the 
“  solemn  agreement  made  by  your  forefathers  ;  for  your  own 
“  welfare  is  intimately  connected  with  your  continuing  the 
«  allies  of  his  Majesty.’  He  also  said  a  great  deal  more  to  the 
“  same  purport ;  and  on  this  our  minds  were  the  more  firmly 
“  fixed,  for  we  acknowledged  that  it  would  certainly  be  the 
«  best  in  the  end,  for  our  families  and  ourselves  to  remain  under 
«  the  King’s  protection,  whatever  difficulties  we  might  have  to 
“  contend  with.  ******  a  council  was  next  convened  at 
“  Montreal,  in  July,  1775,  at  which  the  Seven  Nations,  (or 
“  Caughnawagas,)  were  present,  as  well  as  ourselves  the  Six  Na- 
« tions.  On  this  occasion  General  Haldimand  told  us  what 
“  had  befallen  the  King’s  subjects,  and  said,  now  is  the  time  for 


90 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775. 

“  you  to  help  the  King.  The  war  has  commenced.  Assist  the 
“  King  now,  and  you  will  find  it  to  your  advantage.  Go  now 
“  and  fight  for  your  possessions,  and  whatever  you  lose  of 
“  your  property  during  the  war,  the  King  will  make  up  to  you 
“  when  peace  returns.  This  is  the  substance  of  what  General 
“  Haldimand  said.  The  Caughnawaga  Indians  then  joined 
“  themselves  to  us.  We  immediately  commenced  in  good 
“  earnest,  and  did  our  utmost  during  the  war.” 

The  speech  of  Brant,  from  which  the  preceding  extract  is 
taken,  was  written  in  the  Mohawk  language,  and  never,  by  him, 
rendered  into  English.  It  is  an  important  document,  develop¬ 
ing  a  new  fact  in  regard  to  the  conduct  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton, 
and  has  accordingly  been  translated  for  the  present  work.  Strict 
historical  accuracy  is  often  of  slow  attainment ;  but,  after  all  de¬ 
ductions  from  the  merits  of  General  Carleton,  afterward  Lord 
Dorchester,  enough  that  is  truly  excellent  and  great  will  remain 
to  leave  him  a  reputation  of  which  most  public  men  might  well 
be  proud. 


CHAPTER  V. 


Meeting  of  the  second  Continental  Congress — Measures  of  defence — Declaration — 
National  fast — Organization  of  an  Indian  department — Address  to  the  Six  Na¬ 
tions — Council  called  at  Albany — Preliminary  consultation  at  German  Flatts — 
Speeches  of  the  Oneidas  and  others — Adjourn  to  Albany — Brief  interview  with 
the  commissioners — Conference  and  interchange  of  speeches  with  the  Albanians — 
Proceedings  of  the  grand  council — Speeches  of  the  commissioners — Replies  of  the 
Indians — Conclusion  of  the  grand  council — Resumption  of  the  conference  with 
the  Albanians — Speech  of  the  Albany  Committee — Reply  of  the  Indians — Dis¬ 
closures  of  Guy  Johnson’s  proceedings  at  Oswego — Close  of  the  proceedings — 
Epidemic  among  the  Indians — Small  benefit  resulting  from  the  council — Proceed¬ 
ings  in  Tryon  County  resumed — Doubtful  position  of  New-York — Symptoms  of 
disaffection  to  the  cause  of  the  people — Sir  John  Johnson — Sheriff  White  deposed 
by  the  people — The  royal  authorities  superseded  by  appointments  from  the  peo¬ 
ple — Affray  at  Johnstown — First  gun  fired  at  Sampson  Sammons — White  recom¬ 
missioned  by  Tryon — His  flight — Labors  of  the  Committee — Opposition  of  the 
Tories — Designs  of  Sir  John  Johnson  and  Sir  Guy  Carleton — Letter  and  depu¬ 
tation  to  Sir  John — Prisoners  for  political  offences  sent  to  gaol — Letter  from  Pro¬ 
vincial  Congress — Mohawks  commence  fighting  at  St.  Johns — Speech  of  the  Ca- 
najoharies  in  explanation — Indians  apply  for  release  of  prisoners — Review  of  the 
progress  of  the  Revolution  in  other  parts  of  the  Colonies — Proceedings  of  Parlia¬ 
ment — Burning  of  Falmouth — Descent  upon  Canada — Ethan  Allen  taken — Ar¬ 
nold’s  expedition — Siege  of  GLuebec — Fall  of  Montgomery — Caughnawaga  and 
Delaware  Indians. 


The  second  Continental  Congress,  composed  of  delegates, 
assembled  at  Philadelphia  on  the  10th  of  May.  Hostilities  hav¬ 
ing  actually  commenced,  and  it  being  well  understood  that 
large  reinforcements  of  the  British  army  were  on  their  way 
from  England,  no  time  was  lost  in  preparing  for  the  public  de¬ 
fence.  Protesting  that  they  “  wished  for  a  restoration  of  the 
harmony  formerly  subsisting  between  the  mother  country  and 
the  Colonies,”  they  resolved  again  to  present  “  a  humble  and 
dutiful  petition  to  his  Majesty  prepared  addresses  to  the  peo¬ 
ple  of  Great  Britain  ;  to  those  of  Canada  ;  and  to  the  assembly 
of  Jamaica ;  voted  for  the  immediate  equipment  of  20,000  men  ; 
voted  to  raise  three  millions  on  bills  of  credit  for  the  prosecution 
of  the  war  ;  and,  on  the  nomination  of  John  Adams,  commis¬ 
sioned  George  Washington,  of  Virginia,  as  Commander-in- 
Chief.  On  the  4th  of  July  Congress  denounced  the  two  acts 
of  Parliament  of  the  preceding  session,  restraining  the  trade  and 
commerce  of  the  Colonies,  as  “unconstitutional,  oppressive, 
and  cruel and  on  the  6th  they  agreed  to  a  manifesto,  “  setting 
forth  the  causes  and  necessity  of  their  taking  up  arms.”  After 
a  spirited  but  temperate  preamble,  presenting  a  historical  view 


92 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775. 


of  the  origin,  and  progress,  and  conduct  of  the  Colonies,  and  of 
the  measures  of  the  British  government  since  the  peace  of  1763  ; 
and  after  an  eloquent  recapitulation  of  the  grievances  which 
had  produced  the  collision,  and  proclaiming  their  confidence  of 
obtaining  foreign  aid  if  necessary,  and  of  ultimate  success  ;  dis¬ 
avowing,  moreover,  any  intention  to  dissolve  the  connexion 
between  the  parent  country  and  the  Colonies;  the  declaration 
proceeded — “  We  most  solemnly,  before  God  and  the  world, 
“  declare,  that,  exerting  the  utmost  energy  of  those  powers 
“  which  our  beneficent  Creator  hath  bestowed  upon  us,  the 
“  arms  we  have  been  compelled  by  our  enemies  to  assume,  we 
“  will,  in  defiance  of  every  hazard,  with  unabating  firmness 
“  and  perseverance,  employ  for  the  preservation  of  our  liberties  ; 
“  being  with  one  mind  resolved  to  die  free-men  rather  than 
“  live  slaves.”  They  protested  that  they  would  lay  down 
their  arms  when  hostilities  should  cease  on  the  part  of  the 
aggressors,  and  not  before.  Reposing  their  confidence  in  the 
mercy  of  the  Impartial  Judge  and  Ruler  of  the  Universe,  and 
imploring  his  goodness  to  protect  and  carry  them  through  the 
conflict,  they  appointed  the  20th  of  July  to  be  observed  as 
a  day  of  public  humiliation,  fasting,  and  prayer  with  that  view. 
It  was  generally  observed,  and  was  the  first  national  fast  ever 
proclaimed  in  the  New  World.* 

But  amidst  all  the  arduous  duties  demanding  the  attention  of 
Congress,  the  importance  of  keeping  a  watchful  eye  upon  the 
Indians  was  universally  conceded.  The  position  of  the  Six 
Nations,  as  well  as  their  power  to  do  mischief,  could  not  but 
strike  the  observation  of  all.  They  had  served  as  an  useful 
barrier  between  the  English  settlements  and  the  French  in 
Canada,  in  former  wars,  and  were  often  actively  engaged  as 
auxiliaries.  Their  position,  and  their  utility,  would  be  now 
precisely  the  same  between  the  Americans  and  the  English 
in  Canada.  It  was  therefore  deemed  of  the  first  consequence, 
if  possible,  to  prevent  them  from  taking  sides  with  the  English — ■ 
not,  however,  with  a  view  to  their  employment  in  arms  by  our¬ 
selves  ;  since,  notwithstanding  the  disposition  manifested  by  the 
Congress  of  Massachusetts  to  employ  the  Indians,  and  the  ac¬ 
tual  engagement  of  the  Stockbridge  Indians  as  auxiliaries,  it  was, 


*  Holmes’s  Annals. 


1775.]  ADDRESS  TO  THE  SIX  NATIONS.  93 

nevertheless,  the  anxious  desire  of  the  Congress  to  keep  them  in 
a  position  of  neutrality  as  between  England  and  the  Colonies, 
and  at  peace  among  themselves,  and  with  all.  For  the  pur¬ 
pose  of  closer  observation  and  more  efficient  action  in  respect 
to  the  Indian  relations  of  the  country,  therefore,  an  Indian  De¬ 
partment,  with  three  sub-divisions,  Northern,  Middle,  and 
Southern,  was  established  on  the  12thof  July,  and  Commissioners 
were  appointed  for  each — “  with  power  to  treat  with  the  In- 
“  dians  in  their  respective  departments,  to  preserve  peace  and 
“  friendship,  and  to  prevent  their  taking  any  part  in  the  present 
“  commotions.”  The  Commissioners  of  the  Northern  Depart¬ 
ment  were,  Major  General  Philip  Schuyler,  Major  Joseph 
Hawley,  Mr.  Turbot  Francis,  Mr.  Oliver  Wolcott,  and  Mr. 
Yolkert  P.  Douw.  The  form  of  an  address  to  the  several 
tribes  of  Indians,  in  all  the  departments,  was  agreed  upon,  to  be 
altered  as  occasion  might  require  for  local  adaptation.  This 
address  was  framed  after  the  manner  of  Indian  speeches,  and 
contained  a  summary  history  of  the  Colonies,  and  of  the  rise 
and  progress  of  the  difficulties  between  them  and  the  parent 
country.  In  the  course  of  the  address,  the  Indians  were  in¬ 
formed  of  the  nature  and  objects  of  the  contest  then  begun, 
and  were  strongly  advised  to  the  preservation  of  neutrality. 
The  Congress  said — “  We  desire  you  will  hear  and  receive 
“  what  we  have  now  told  you,  and  that  you  will  open  a  good 
“  ear,  and  listen  to  what  we  are  now  going  to  say.  This  is  a 
“  family  quarrel  between  us  and  Old  England.  You  Indians 
“  are  not  concerned  in  it.  We  do  not  wish  you  to  take  up  the 
“  hatchet  against  the  King’s  troops.  We  desire  you  to  remain 
“  at  home,  and  not  join  on  either  side,  but  keep  the  hatchet 
“  buried  deep.  In  the  name  and  behalf  of  all  our  people,  we 
“  ask  and  desire  you  to  love  peace  and  maintain  it,  and  to  love 
u  and  sympathise  with  us  in  our  troubles  ;  that  the  path  may 
“  be  kept  open  with  all  our  people  and  yours,  to  pass  and  repass 
“  without  molestation.”  In  conclusion,  the  Congress  said — 
“  Let  us  both  be  cautious  in  our  behaviour  toward  each  other 
“  at  this  critical  state  of  affairs.  This  island  now  trembles  : 
“  the  wind  whistles  from  almost  every  quarter  *  *  *  let  us 
“  fortify  our  minds,  and  shut  our  ears  against  false  rumors  *  *  * 
“  let  us  be  cautious  what  we  receive  for  truth,  unless  spoken  by 
“  wise  and  good  men.  If  any  thing  disagreeable  should  ever 


94 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775. 

“  fall  out  between  us,  the  Twelve  United  Colonies,  and  you, 
“  the  Six  Nations,  to  wound  our  peace,  let  us  immediately  seek 
“  measures  for  healing  the  breach.  From  the  present  situation 
“  of  our  affairs,  we  judge  it  wise  and  expedient  to  kindle  up  a 
“  small  council  fire  at  Albany,  where  we  may  hear  each  other’s 
“voice,  and  disclose  our  minds  more  fully  to  one  another.”* 

Such  were  a  few  of  the  points  only  of  the  address,  which 
was  an  honest  and  earnest  attempt  to  prevent  the  savages  from 
taking  any  part  in  the  contest  whatever.  No  time  was  lost  by 
the  Commissioners  of  the  Northern  department,  in  the  adoption 
of  measures  pursuant  to  its  wise  spirit  and  policy.  For  this 
purpose  a  treaty  was  appointed  to  be  held  with  the  Six  Na¬ 
tions  at  Albany,  in  the  month  of  August,  and  the  tribes  were 
all  invited  to  attend.  Previous  to  the  day  of  meeting,  two  of 
the  Commissioners,  Mr.  Douw  and  Colonel  Francis,  met  a 
number  of  the  chiefs  and  warriors  in  a  preliminary  council  at 
the  German  Flatts,  which  was  not  well  attended.  This  con¬ 
ference  was  holden  on  the  15th  and  16th  days  of  August. 
Colonel  Francis  opened  the  council  by  stating  the  objects  for 
which  the  twelve  United  Colonies  had  invited  the  proposed 
general  meeting  at  Albany,  which  they  now  solicited  all  the 
Six  Nations  and  their  allies  to  attend.  They  added — “  When 
“  we  meet  you,  our  brethren  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  your 
“  allies,  at  Albany,  we  will  rekindle  the  council  fire  which  our 
“ancestors  and  yours  formerly  kindled  up  at  that  place,  and 
“  there  sit  down  and  converse  together  upon  the  present  situa- 
“  tion  of  the  twelve  United  Colonies,  and  disclose  to  you  their 
“  minds  thereon.  We  have  important  matters  to  communicate 
“  to  you,  our  brethren  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  your  allies, 
“  which  cannot  be  disclosed  until  the  council  fire  be  kindled  up 
“  at  Albany,  and  we  are  in  full  assembly.”  Observing  that  the 
council  was  thinly  attended,  Colonel  Francis  urged  them  in  his 
speech  to  send  a  general  invitation  to  all  the  Six  Nations  to  ap¬ 
pear  at  Albany ;  and  he  proposed  that  they  should  also  send 
belts  of  invitation  to  the  Caughnawagas  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Montreal,  together  with  the  Indians  of  the  Seven  Nations  on 
the  St.  Lawrence.  Colonel  Francis  concluded  his  “  talk  ”  as 
follows  : — 

“  Brothers  :  As  many  mischievous  and  evil-disposed  per- 

*  The  address  to  the  Indians  is  long,  and  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix. 


1775.]  COUNCIL  AT  GERMAN  FLATTS.  95 

sons  may  attempt  to  raise  up  in  your  minds  sentiments  that 
are  unfriendly  to  your  brethren  of  the  twelve  United  Colo¬ 
nies,  we  beg  you  will  shut  your  ears  and  fortify  your  minds 
against  any  such  evil  and  false  reports  ;  and  if  any  such 
liars  and  deceivers  should  appear  among  you,  and  endeavour 
to  poison  your  minds,  be  assured  they  are  as  much  your  ene¬ 
mies  as  the  enemies  of  your  brethren  of  the  twelve  United 
Colonies  together,  and  which  is  now  going  to  be  made  strong¬ 
er  at  Albany.”  A  Belt. 

To  this  Kanaghquaesa ,  an  Oneida  sachem,  replied  : — 

“  Brothers  :  You  have  now  opened  your  minds.  We 
have  heard  your  voices.  Your  speeches  are  far  from  being 
contemptible.  But  as  the  day  is  far  spent,  we  defer  a  reply 
until  to-morrow,  as  we  are  weary  from  having  sat  long  in 
council.  We  think  it  time  for  a  little  drink :  and  you  must 
remember  that  the  twelve  United  Colonies  are  a  great  body.” 

The  council  having  adjourned  over  to  the  16th,  Tiahog- 
wando ,  an  Oneida  sachem,  made  the  following  reply  to  the 
speech  of  the  Commissioners  : — 

“Brother  Solihoany,*  and  our  Albany  Brothers,  attend ! 
We  are  now  assembled  at  the  German  Flatts,  at  which  place 
you  kindled  up  a  council  fire,  and  yesterday  called  us  together, 
and  acquainted  us  from  whence  you  came,  and  by  whose  au¬ 
thority — namely,  by  that  of  the  twelve  United  Colonies — and 
you  opened  your  business  to  us. 

“  Brothers  :  Now  attend.  Through  the  mercy  of  God 
we  are  brought  to  this  day,  and  the  Six  Nations  are  now  in  full 
assembly  at  this  place  , where  we  smoke  a  pipe  in  friendship  and 
love.  We  are  glad  to  hear  your  voices.  You  are  come  to  in¬ 
vite  us  down  to  Albany,  to  a  council  fire  of  peace. 

“  Brothers  :  We  thank  you  for  this  invitation.  It  meets 
with  our  entire  approbation.  Here  we  are,  of  every  tribe  in 
the  Six  Nations.  It  shall  be  done  as  you  have  said. 

“Brothers:  You  have  desired  that  all  our  confederates 
should  receive  this  invitation.  This  cannot  be  done  short  of 
one  year,  as  we  extend  very  far,  and  could  not  possibly  call  the 
extremities  of  our  confederacy  to  this  intended  meeting.  But 
possess  your  minds  in  peace.  When  this  Congress  is  over, 
and  the  council  fire  is  raked  up,  we  shall  acquaint  all  our  allies 

♦  The  name  bestowed  upon  Colonel  Francis  by  the  Indians. 

1* 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


96 


[1775. 


with  what  has  passed.  This  is  the  answer  of  all  the  Six  Na¬ 
tions  who  are  now  here  represented  from  every  tribe. 

“Brothers,  attend!  Yesterday  you  said  you  were  sen¬ 
sible  our  confederacy  extended  to  Caughnawaga,  and  you  de¬ 
sired  our  assistance  to  forward  this  your  belt  of  invitation  to 
the  Caughnawagas  and  the  seven  tribes  in  that  quarter. 

“Brothers:  Possess  your  minds  in  peace.  We,  the  Six 
Nations,  are  put  to  difficulty  to  grant  this  request.  We  are 
much  embarrassed,  for  this  reason.  The  man  is  now  there  who 
will  vex  your  minds,  and  never  consent  to  their  coming  down, 
and  will  draw  hard  upon  their  minds  another  way.*  He  is  of 
your  own  blood. 

“  Brothers  :  Possess  your  minds  in  peace.  We,  of  the 
Six  Nations,  have  the  minds  of  the  Caughnawagas  and  the 
seven  tribes  in  that  quarter.  At  our  central  council-house, 
when  this  took  place,  they  addressed  us  of  the  Six  Nations  in 
the  following  manner: — ‘You  are  better  capable  of  maintain- 
‘  ing  peace  than  we  are  ;  therefore  we  deliver  up  our  minds  to 
‘  you.’  For  these  reasons  we  advise  you  to  reconsider  your 
petition  to  us,  seeing  we  are  so  embarrassed  we  cannot  grant 
it.  Perhaps  you  will  say  to  us,  when  your  intended  council 
fire  shall  be  over,  ‘  Brothers,  do  you  of  the  Six  Nations  ac- 
‘  quaint  all  your  confederates  and  allies  of  what  has  passed  at 
‘  this  council-fire  of  peace and  this  we  shall  do  with  great 
care  and  exactness.  Now,  Brothers,  you  see  how  we  are  em¬ 
barrassed,  and  therefore  give  you  this  advice.”  Belt  returned. 

To  this  Colonel  Francis  made  answer  : — 

“  Brethren  of  the  Six  Nations  :  It  gives  us  a  great  deal 
of  uneasiness  to  find  that  you  cannot  at  present  convey  this 
belt  to  our  friends  in  Canada.  We  have  heard  your  reasons, 
and  are  sorry  to  find  that  one  of  our  blood  is  already  there, 
endeavouring  to  draw  their  minds  from  us  when  we  mean  no¬ 
thing  but  peace  towards  them.  As  there  are  a  great  many 
Englishmen  in  Canada,  we  know  not  who  you  mean.  We 
shall  therefore  be  glad  to  have  the  particular  man  pointed  out.” 

To  this  request,  the  Mohawk  sachem,  Little  Abraham,  replied  : 

“  Brothers  :  We  take  it  for  granted  that  you  all  know  the 
very  man  we  mean.  We  said  he  was  of  your  blood.  We  see 
no  necessity  of  pointing  him  out  more  explicitly.” 

+  Guy  Johnson  was  doubtless  the  man  referred  to. 


COUNCIL  AT  ALBANY. 


97 


Imrmrir  “1 

/  to. ] 

The  times  being  critical,  and  the  people  of  the  valley  being 
exceedingly  suspicious  of  the  movements  of  the  Indians,  the 
latter  were  not  altogether  without  apprehension  that  some  evil 
might  befal  them  in  their  course  to  Albany.  Tiahogwando 
therefore  addressed  the  council  upon  that  point  as  follows : — 

“  Brother  Solihoany,  and  our  Albany  Brother :  We  take 
it  for  granted  you  have  called  us  to  a  council  of  peace  and  en¬ 
tire  friendship  ;  and  you  have  taken  us  by  the  hand.  As  there 
are  men  of  different  minds,  and  some  of  them  may  be  ill  dis¬ 
posed,  we  desire  you  will  admonish  your  own  people  that  they 
offer  us  no  abuse  in  the  way  down  to  your  council-fire  of  peace. 
If  this  caution  should  be  neglected,  some  misfortune  might 
happen  ;  as  all  people  do  not  meet  so  much  like  brothers  as  for¬ 
merly,  on  account  of  the  present  situation  of  affairs.  It  would 
be  unhappy  if  our  council-fire  should  be  crushed  by  any  mis¬ 
chief-makers.  We  have  given  you  this  caution,  that  while  we 
are  marching  along  in  peace  and  quietness,  we  might  not  be 
alarmed  by  a  blow  struck  in  our  rear.  We  therefore  desire  you 
would  begin,  even  at  this  council-lire,  to  publish  your  admo¬ 
nitions  to  unwise  and  ungovernable  people.  By  this  belt  we 
declare  to  you,  our  Brothers,  that  the  road  is  open  for  passing 
and  repassing,  and  free  from  all  embarrassments,  through  the 
Six  Nations,  as  it  has  been  for  a  long  time.  Therefore  we  de¬ 
sire  that  we  may  have  the  same  open  road  down  to  your  in¬ 
tended  council-fire  at  Albany.”* 

Colonel  Francis  replied  : — 

“Brethren  of  the  Six  Nations:  By  this  belt  you  de¬ 
sire  that  we  may  clear  the  road  to  Albany,  that  none  of  our 
people  may  injure  you.  The  road  shall  be  as  clear  for  you  to 
go  to  Albany,  as  it  is  for  us  to  go  to  the  country  of  the  Six  Na¬ 
tions.  The  twelve  United  Colonies  have  given  us  great 
power  over  the  white  people.  We  will  appoint  white  men, 
who  speak  your  language  and  love  your  nations,  to  see  you 
safe  down  to  Albany,  and  to  provide  provisions  for  you  on  the 
way.  We  shall  set  out  for  Albany  to-morrow  morning,  to  pre¬ 
pare  matters  for  kindling  up  the  great  council-fire  there.” 

The  Board  of  Commissioners  for  the  Northern  Department 
met  at  Albany,  on  the  23d  of  August,  (with  the  exception  of 

*  As  Mr.  Kirkland  was  in  attendance  upon  this  council,  the  Indian  speeches  were 
doubtless  interpreted  by  him. 


98 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775. 


Major  Hawley,  who  had  delined  his  appointment  in  conse¬ 
quence  of  ill  health,)  and  made  the  necessary  arrangements  for 
holding  the  treaty.  An  invitation  was  given  to  the  civil  au¬ 
thorities  of  Albany,  to  pay  the  sachems  and  warriors  a  compli¬ 
mentary  visit  in  company  with  the  Commissioners,  which  was  ac¬ 
cepted.  A  committee  of  the  principal  gentlemen  of  Albany  was 
likewise  appointed,  to  join  in  the  complimentary  visit  on  the 
24th.  On  reaching  the  quarters  of  the  chiefs,  they  were  ad¬ 
dressed  as  follows: — 

“Brethern  of  the  Six  Nations: — We,  the  deputies 
appointed  by  the  twelve  United  Colonies,  the  descendants  of 
Qmedar,  and  the  gentlemen  of  the  city  of  Albany,  congratulate 
you  on  your  arrival  here.  They  are  glad  to  see  you  well,  and 
thank  the  Great  God  that  he  suffers  us  to  meet.” 

In  the  course  of  this  interview,  the  sachems  intimated  a  de¬ 
sire  to  have  a  consultation  with  the  municipal  officers  of  the 
city  of  Albany  before  they  met  the  commissioners  in  formal 
council.  It  appears  that  there  had  been  some  diplomatic  pas¬ 
sages  between  the  Oneida  Indians  and  the  Albanians,  and  an 
interchange  of  messengers  ;  and  the  chiefs  were  now  desirous 
of  having  a  conference  with  them.  The  commissioners, 
anxious  to  humor  the  Indians,  assented  to  the  request ;  and 
the  Albanians  appointed  a  committee,  consisting  of  Walter 
Livingston,  Jeremiah  Van  Rensselaer,  and  Samuel  Stringer, 
to  make  the  arrangements.  The  interview  took  place  the 
same  evening,  when  JSeaghnagerat,  an  Oneida  chief,  opened 
the  proceedings  with  a  speech  of  very  unusual  length  for  an  In¬ 
dian.  He  commenced  by  an  expression  of  his  gratification  that, 
on  opening  the  ashes  to  rekindle  the  old  council-fire,  they  had 
found  some  of  the  sparks  remaining.  He  next  referred  to  the 
proceedings  of  a  previous  consultation  at  the  German  Flatts, 
touching  the  conduct  of  Guy  Johnson  in  removing  their  mis¬ 
sionaries,  and  other  matters.  The  meeting  referred  to  seems 
to  have  been  a  partial  council,  to  which  the  Albanians  had  sent 
a  deputation,  the  object  of  which  was,  by  the  exhibition  of  some 
ancient  belts,  to  remind  the  Indians  of  a  former  covenant  of 
peace  with  duedar,  and  to  dissuade  them  from  engaging  in 
the  existing  quarrel.  What  had  been  said  by  the  Albany  de¬ 
puties,  at  the  conference  referred  to,  but  of  which  no  record 
seems  to  have  been  preserved,  was  now  repeated  in  substance 


COUNCIL  AT  ALBANY. 


99 


1775.] 

by  the  Oneida  chief,  after  the  Indian  manner  of  conducting 
their  councils.  He  then  proceeded  to  reply  seriatim ;  from 
which  circumstance  it  is  probable  that  the  former  council-fire 
had  been  raked  up,  before  its  proceedings  were  brought  to  a 
close.  The  reply  now  made  was  decidedly  and  strongly  paci¬ 
fic.  The  chief  admitted  that  “  evil  birds  ”  had  been  busy  in 
circulating  unpleasant  rumors,  and  that  efforts  had  been  made 
to  make  them  swerve  from  their  neutrality  by  Guy  Johnson 
or  his  agents — at  least,  such  was  the  inference  from  the  speech  ; 
but  he  over  and  over  again  protested  the  determination  of  the 
Six  Nations  to  avoid  interfering  with  the  controversy,  and  only 
exhorted  the  Colonists  to  keep  the  path  into  their  country 
open,  so  that  they  could  pass  and  repass  without  molestation. 
In  regard  to  the  removal  of  their  missionary,  the  chiefs  said 
Guy  Johnson  had  done  it  pursuant  to  “  a  belt  ”*  received  from 
Governor  Gage.  He  expressed  the  greatest  respect  for  Mr. 
Kirkland ;  but  at  the  same  time,  under  the  circumstances  of 
the  case,  suggested  whether  it  would  not  on  the  whole  be  bet¬ 
ter  for  Mr.  K.  to  leave  them  for  the  present,  until  the  storm 
should  be  over  and  gone. 

The  speech  having  been  ended,  the  Albanian  Committee 
thanked  them  for  it,  and  promised  a  reply  after  the  grand  coun¬ 
cil  with  the  Commissioners  of  the  Twelve  Colonies  should  be 
terminated. 

That  council  commenced  its  sittings  on  the  day  following — 
August  25th.  The  Oneida  speaker  of  the  preceding  evening 
opened  the  council  very  appropriately,  after  which  the  Com¬ 
missioners,  before  proceeding  formally  to  business,  proposed  that 
they  should  all  sit  down  and  smoke  the  pipe  of  peace  together. 
The  suggestion  was  acceded  to,  and  the  calumet  passed  round. 
This  ceremony  having  been  ended,  the  Commissioners  opened 
their  mission  by  a  very  appropriate  and  effective  speech,  remind¬ 
ing  the  Indians  of  some  ancient  covenants  of  friendship  with 
the  Colonists,  and  repeating  to  them  a  portion  of  the  speech  of 
Can?iassateego,  an  old  and  popular  sachem  of  the  Six  Nations, 
whose  name  and  character  were  held  in  great  reverence  by 
them,  delivered  thirty  years  before  at  a  great  council  held  in 


*  An  order. 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


100 


[1775. 


Lancaster.*  The  exhortation  was,  to  union  among  themselves, 
and  peace  and  friendship  with  the  Colonists. 

The  council  was  then  adjourned  to  the  26th,  when  the 
Commissioners  presented  the  address  from  the  Congress,  of 
which  particular  mention  has  been  made  on  a  preceding  page. 
The  deliberations  of  Indian  councils  are  slow  procedures. 
Their  language  is  composed  of  long  and  intricate  compounds, 
and  the  necessity  of  deliberate  and  thorough  interpretations,  so 
that  the  matter  spoken  and  explained  be  fastened  upon  the 
memories  of  the  Indians,  who  possess  not  the  advantage  of 
written  language,  renders  the  process  tedious.  The  entire  sit¬ 
tings  of  two  days  were  therefore  required  for  the  delivery  and 
interpretation,  by  Mr.  Kirkland,  of  the  Congressional  “  talk ” 
with  which  the  Commissioners  were  charged.  At  the  close, 
one  of  the  chiefs  declared  that  the  address  contained  “nothing 
“  but  what  was  pleasant  and  good.”  But,  as  the  matters  pro¬ 
posed  were  of  high  importance,  they  requested  the  next  day  for 
separate  deliberation  among  themselves,  promising  on  the  suc¬ 
ceeding  day,  August  27th,  to  make  their  reply.  It  was  not, 
however,  until  the  31st  of  August  that  the  Indians  were  rea¬ 
dy  to  make  known  the  results  of  their  own  secret  councils. 
Their  answer  was  delivered  by  Little  Abraham ,  the  Mohawk 
sachem  of  the  Lower  Castle.  It  was  an  able  speech,  thoroughly 
pacific.  But  there  was  one  declaration  which  it  is  difficult  to 
reconcile  with  the  admitted  veracity  of  the  Indians,  since  it 
was  inconsistent  with  the  well-known  course  of  Guy  Johnson, 
and  the  covenant  which  had  then  already  been  made  by  Brant 
and  his  followers,  with  Sir  Guy  Carleton  and  General  Haldi- 
mand  at  Montreal.  We  allude  to  the  declaration  of  Little 
Abraham,  that  Johnson  had  advised  them  to  assume  and  pre¬ 
serve  a  neutral  position  at  the  recent  Oswego  council.  The 
proceedings  of  Brant  and  Guy  Johnson  at  Montreal  had  not 
then  probably  transpired  in  the  Mohawk  Yalley.  Still  Guy 
Johnson  must  have  dissembled,  or  spoken  with  a  c:  forked 
tongue,”  to  those  Indians  whom  he  supposed  friendly  to  the 
Colonies,  or  so  great  a  mistake  could  not  have  been  made  by 
Little  Abraham. 


*  A  brother  of  Cannassatcego  war  present  on  this  occasion,  and  well  remem¬ 
bered  his  words. 


COUNCIL  AT  ALBANY. 


101 


1775.] 

In  the  course  of  their  speech,  the  chiefs  expressed  a  strong  at¬ 
tachment  for  Sir  John  Johnson  as  the  son  of  their  old  friend,  Sir 
William,  who  was  bom  among  them,  and  of  Dutch  extraction 
by  his  mother/  They  desired  that  whatever  might  be  the 
cause  of  the  war,  Sir  John  might  be  left  unmolested.  The 
same  request  was  also  interposed  in  behalf  of  their  missionary, 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Stewart,  who,  they  said,  had  been  sent  to  them 
by  the  King  ;  and  also  because  he  never  “  meddled  with  civil 
affairs,”  but  was  intent  only  on  “  instructing  them  in  the  way  to 
heaven.” 

In  the  conclusion  of  his  speech,  Abraham  took  occasion  to 
refer  to  some  domestic  matters  between  themselves  and  the 
people  of  Albany.  He  charged  them  with  having  taken  two 
pieces  of  land  from  the  Mohawks,  without  paying  therefor  so 
much  even  as  a  pipe.  These  lands  the  Indians  desired  the 
Twelve  Colonies  to  restore,  and  put  them  into  peaceable  pos¬ 
session  again.  “  If  you  refuse  to  do  this,”  said  he,  “  we  shall 
“  look  upon  the  prospect  as  bad ;  for  if  you  conquer,  you  will 
“  take  us  by  the  arm  and  pull  us  all  off.”  In  thus  saying,  he 
spoke  with  the  spirit  of  prophecy  ! 

When  little  Abraham  had  ended,  Tiahogwando ,  an  Onei¬ 
da,  made  a  short  speech  on  the  subject  of  the  then  pending 
bloody  and  bitter  controversy  between  Connecticut  and  Penn¬ 
sylvania,  respecting  the  territory  of  Wyoming,  of  which'  a  full 
account  will  follow  in  its  proper  place.  The  Indians  avowed 
that  the  land  had  been  conveyed  by  them  to  Penn,  as  a  free 
gift— the  Great  Spirit  not  allowing  them  to  sell  that  country. 
In  the  course  of  their  speeches,  the  chiefs  requested  that  the 
Indian  trade  might  be  re-opened  with  them,  both  at  Albany  and 
Schenectady,  and  that  somebody  might  be  appointed  to  guard 
the  tree  of  peace  at  Albany,  and  keep  the  council  fire  burning. 

On  the  1st  of  September  the  Commissioners  made  their  re¬ 
ply,  conciliatory  in  its  character,  and  acceding  to  the  principal 
requests  of  the  Indians.  They  also  informed  the  chiefs  that 
they  had  appointed  General  Schuyler  and  Mr.  Douw  to  keep 
the  fire  burning.  Thus  ended  the  council  with  the  agents  of 
the  Colonies.  The  “unfinished  business”  with  the  Alba¬ 
nians  was  resumed  on  the  next  day — September  2d — for  which 

*  The  mother  of  Sir  John  was  a  German  lady,  but  in  the  Mohawk  Valley  the 
Germans  are  usually  called  E  Uich  to  this  day. 


102 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775. 

purpose  a  council  was  formed  in  the  Presbyterian  church. 
The  Commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  were  likewise  in  at¬ 
tendance.  After  the  preliminaries  of  form  had  been  gone 
through  with,  the  Indians  were  addressed  at  length  by  the 
Albany  Committee.  In  the  course  of  their  speech,  they  ad¬ 
verted  particularly  to  the  council  at  Oswego  and  the  proceed¬ 
ings  of  Guy  Johnson  at  that  place,  respecting  which,  they  said, 
they  had  received  no  certain  advices,  and  of  which  they  wished 
to  be  fully  and  explicitly  informed.  In  regard  to  the  land 
question  interposed  by  the  Indians,  the  Committee  said  they  pre¬ 
sumed  reference  was  had  to  the  lands  at  Ticonderoga.  That 
was  a  question  between  the  Indians  and  the  corporation  of  Al¬ 
bany  ;  whereas  they  were  a  committee  from  the  people,  and 
could  not  entertain  the  question.  They  reminded  the  Indians, 
however,  that  the  question  had  been  agitated  before,  and  set¬ 
tled  by  the  Colonial  Assembly.  They  also  gave  them  to  un¬ 
derstand  that  the  Indians  were  not  the  party  having  cause  of 
complaint  in  that  matter. 

The  reply  of  the  Indians  was  delivered  by  Little  Abraham. 
Waiving  the  land  question,  he  proceeded  to  answer  the  ques¬ 
tions  put  to  them  concerning  the  Oswego  council.  “  We  look 
“  upon  it,”  said  he,  “  that  God  will  punish  us  should  we  conceal 
“  any  thing  from  you.”  The  following  passages  are  quoted  from 
the  reply  of  Abraham  : — 

“Brothers:  The  transactions  of  that  treaty  were  very 
public.  The  Shawanese  were  there,  and  some  from  Detroit. 
Mr.  Johnson  told  us  that  the  fire  kindled  there  was  a  fire  of 
peace ;  that  all  the  white  people  were  the  King’s  subjects, 
and  that  it  seemed  they  were  intoxicated.  He  said  the  white 
people  were  all  got  drunk,  and  that  God’s  judgment  hung  over 
them  ;  but  he  did  not  know  on  which  side  it  would  fall.  Mr. 
Johnson  further  told  us,  that  the  present  council  fire  was  kin¬ 
dled  on  account  of  the  present  dispute,  and  desired  us  not  to 
interfere,  as  they  were  brothers  ;  and  begged  us  to  sit  still  and 
maintain  peace.  This  is  what  Colonel  Johnson  told  us  at  that 
council-fire.  He  also  said  he  had  his  eye  on  Mr.  Kirkland : 
that  he  was  gone  to  Philadelphia,  and  along  the  sea-coast :  that 
he  was  become  a  great  soldier  and  a  leader.  “  Is  this  your 
“  minister  ?”  says  he  ;  “  do  you  think  your  minister  minds  your 
11  souls  ?  No.  By  the  time  he  comes  to  Philadelphia,  he  will 


1775.]  COUNCIL  AT  ALBANY.  103 

“  be  a  great  warrior,  and  when  he  returns,  he  will  be  the  chief 
“  of  all  the  Five  Nations.” 

“  Brothers  :  There  were  present  five  people  of  Detroit, 
five  from  Caughnawaga,  and  two  of  the  Shawanese.  Colonel 
Johnson  told  them  that,  by  the  time  he  returned  from  Canada, 
they  should  have  all  their  men  there,  and  he  would  then  kin¬ 
dle  a  council-fire  ;  and  he  would  also  desire  them  not  to  take 
any  part  in  this  dispute,  as  it  was  a  quarrel  between  brothers. 
He  also  told  them  that  he  was  going  to  the  Governor  of  Cana¬ 
da,  who  was  of  a  different  opinion  from  him,  but  would  talk 
with  him.  And  he  further  said  that  he  would  tell  the  Caugh¬ 
nawaga  Indians  the  same  that  he  told  us,  and  for  that  purpose 
desired  that  two  of  each  nation  might  go  along  and  hear  it. 
He  likewise  desired  us  to  consider  which  way  we  would  have 
our  trade — whether  up  this  river  or  from  Canada.  He  at  the 
same  time  assured  us  that  we  should  not  suffer  from  want  of 
goods,  as  we  were  not  concerned,  nor  had  any  hand,  in  the 
present  dispute.  He  also  said  something  about  the  council- 
fires.  He  said  there  were  two  fires  which  you  should  keep 
your  eyes  upon ;  and  if  they  call  you  down  to  Albany,  do  not 
you  go  ;  for  they  will  deceive  you,  and  tell  you  a  great  many 
fine  stories.  We  are  very  glad  that  your  language  and  Colo¬ 
nel  Johnson’s  so  well  agrees.” 

This  report  of  the  proceedings  of  Guy  Johnson  at  Oswego 
was  certainly  unexpected,  and  entirely  at  variance  with  the 
tenor  of  his  conduct  previous  to  his  departure  from  the  Mohawk 
Valley,  and  during  his  progress  to  the  west.  It  is  barely  possi¬ 
ble  that  he  had  not  fully  made  up  his  mind  as  to  the  course  he 
might  ultimately  pursue,  and  that  his  purpose  was  not  definitive¬ 
ly  determined  upon,  until  after  his  meeting  with  Carleton  and 
Haldimand  at  Montreal.  And  it  is  abundantly  certain  that  his 
notions  of  Indian  neutrality,  even  had  he  entertained  them, 
were  very  speedily  abandoned. 

With  the  delivery  of  Abraham’s  last-mentioned  speech,  how¬ 
ever,  the  council  was  closed;  and  although  Schuyler  and 
Douw  had  been  appointed  to  keep  the  council  fire  burning,  yet 
the  ashes  were  soon  raked  up — never  to  be  opened  again  at 
Albany,  for  that  was  the  last  grand  Indian  council  ever  held  in 
that  city.* 

*  As  mentioned  in  the  Introduction  to  the  present  volume,  the  interesting  pro- 

18 


101 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1 


f*ty  *> 

I  i  o. 


The  result  was  highly  satisfactory  to  the  Commissioners,  and 
apparently  so  to  the  Indians,  who  had  been  well  provided  for 
during  the  three  weeks  occupied  at  the  German  Flatts  and 
Albany.  On  their  departure,  moreover,  they  were  handsomely 
supplied  with  presents,  and  they  took  their  leave  with  mani¬ 
festations  of  great  good-will. 

Most  unfortunately,  however,  soon  after  their  return  from 
Albany,  an  epidemic  disorder  appeared  among  them,  in  the 
form  of  a  highly  malignant  fever.  It  was  a  disease  which  they 
had  never  seen,  and  by  it  great  numbers  were  swept  away. 
The  Schoharie  canton  of  the  Mohawks,  in  particular,  suffered 
very  severely.  Indeed,  they  were  almost  exterminated.*  The 
small  number  who  survived,  imbibed  the  impression  that  the 
Great  Spirit  had  sent  the  pestilence  upon  them  in  anger  for  not 
having  taken  sides  with  the  King.  They,  therefore,  followed 
their  brethren  from  the  Mohawk  Valley,  who  had  escaped  to 
Canada  with  Guy  Johnson.  In  the  subsequent  invasions  of 
the  Tryon  County  settlements,  these  Schoharie  Indians,  who 
thus  deserted  by  an  impulse  of  superstition,  were  among  the 
most  forward  and  cruel. t  It  should  also  be  borne  in  mind, 
that,  after  all,  the  council  comprised  but  an  inadequate  and  par¬ 
tial  representation  of  the  Six  Nations,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Oneidas  and  the  lower  clan  of  the  Mohawks.  The  great  body 
of  the  Mohawk  warriors,  headed  by  Thayendanegea,  had  left 
the  country ;  and  the  most  influential  of  the  Onondagas,  Cay- 
ugas,  and  Senecas,  had  also  accompanied  Brant  and  Guy 
Johnson  to  Montreal ;  and  events,  at  no  very  distant  day,  proved 
that  the  Albany  treaty  had  been  held  to  very  little  purpose.  It 
is  not  consistent  with  the  nature  or  habits  of  Indians  to  re¬ 
main  inactive  in  the  midst  of  war. 

Still,  for  the  time  being,  those  proceedings  were  not  without 
benefit  to  the  cause  of  the  country.  The  people  of  Tryon 


ceedings  of  which  a  mere  outline  has  been  given  in  the  text,  have  never  before  been 
published  complete.  Their  importance — their  intrinsic  interest — and  the  fact  that 
it  was  the  last  grand  council  of  the  confederacy  ever  holden  in  Albany,  had  induced 
the  author  originally  to  arrange  the  whole  in  the  text.  But  their  great  length,  it  was 
thought,  would  too  seriously  obstruct  the  narrative.  Hence  they  have  been  trans¬ 
ferred  to  the  Appendix.  It  was  the  first  design  of  the  author  to  abridge  the 
speeches,  but  an  attempt  soon  proved  that  their  force  and  spirit  would  be  lost  in 
the  process.  See  Appendix. 

*  Letter  of  John  M.  Brown,  on  the  early  history  of  Schoharie.  f  Idem. 


SIR  JOHN  JOHNSON. 


105 


1775.] 

County  were  relieved,  by  the  stipulations  of  peace  and  neutral¬ 
ity,  from  apprehensions  of  immediate  danger  from  without; 
and  the  Committee  of  Safety  was  consequently  enabled  to  direct 
their  attention,  not  only  to  the  more  efficient  organization  of 
the  settlements  for  defence,  but  to  the  civil  government  of  the 
county. 

But,  notwithstanding  the  fine  spirit  manifested  thus  far  by  a 
majority  of  the  people  in  the  interior,  and  that  too  under  all 
the  disadvantages  we  have  been  contemplating — notwithstand¬ 
ing  the  decisive  tone  of  the  language  used  in  denouncing  the  op¬ 
pressions  of  the  Crown, — it  was  not  yet  exactly  certain  that  the 
Colony  of  New- York  would  range  itself  against  the  royal  au¬ 
thority.  Governor  Tryon,  who  was  popular  in  the  Colony, 
had  recently  been  recalled  from  North  Carolina,  and  again  ap¬ 
pointed  Governor  of  New-York ;  and  he  was  exerting  his  utmost 
powers  to  detach  her  from  the  cause  of  the  Union — seconded 
by  the  Asia,  man  of  war,  then  lying  in  the  harbour,  and  com¬ 
manding  the  city  of  New-York  by  her  guns.  The  captain  of 
the  Asia  had  threatened  to  destroy  the  town  should  General 
Lee,  who  was  then  approaching  with  an  army  from  the  east, 
be  allowed  to  enter  it ;  and  such  were  the  prevalence  of  terror 
and  the  power  of  intrigue,  that  disaffection  to  the  cause  of  the 
Union  began  to  exhibit  itself  openly  in  the  Provincial  Congress. 
Indeed,  avowals  of  a  design  to  place  themselves  under  the  royal 
standard  were  unequivocally  uttered.  These  untoward  ap¬ 
pearances  were  rendered  the  more  threatening  by  the  discovery 
of  a  secret  correspondence,  from  which  it  was  ascertained  that 
the  parent  government  was  preparing  to  send  a  fleet  into  the 
Hudson,  and  to  occupy  both  New-York  and  Albany  with  its 
armies.*  Of  these  designs  Sir  John  Johnson  was  probably 
well  aware,  and  the  hope  of  their  accomplishment  may  have  in¬ 
duced  him  to  linger  behind,  watching  the  signs  of  the  times, 
after  the  departure  of  his  brother-in-law  and  his  army  of  fol¬ 
lowers.  Sir  John  had  also  a  numerous  tenantry,  who  were 
mostly  loyalists  ;  and  the  Scotch  colonists,  settled  in  large  num¬ 
bers  in  Johnstown  and  its  neighbourhood,  of  whom  mention 
has  formerly  been  made,  being  loyalists  likewise,  constituted  for 
him  a  respectable  force  upon  which  he  could  rely  in  a  case  of 
emergency. 

*  Marshall’s  Life  of  Washington. 


106 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775. 


The  Dutch  and  German  population  of  the  valley,  however, 
were  chiefly  Whigs  ;  as  also,  by  this  time,  were  a  decided  ma¬ 
jority  of  the  entire  white  population,  not  only  of  the  Mohawk 
Valley,  but  of  Schoharie,  Cherry  Valley,  and  the  other  settle¬ 
ments  in  the  southern  part  of  that  widely-extended  county. 
The  general  Committee  executed  their  functions  with  equal 
diligence  and  vigour.  The  inhabitants  were  enrolled  and  or¬ 
ganized  into  militia ;  the  Committee  deposed  the  sheriff,  Alex  ■ 
ander  White,*  and  caused  Colonel  John  Frey  to  be  appointed 
in  his  place  ;  and,  in  one  word,  they  took  upon  themselves  both 
the  civil  and  military  jurisdiction  of  the  large  section  of  coun¬ 
try,  over  which  they  had  provisionally  assumed  the  govern¬ 
ment.  White  had  rendered  himself  particularly  odious  to  the 
Whigs  from  the  first.  Under  some  trifling  pretext,  he  had  ar¬ 
rested  a  Whig  by  the  name  of  John  Fonda,  and  committed  him 
to  prison.  His  friends,  to  the  number  of  fifty  men,  under  the 
conduct  of  Sampson  Sammons,  went  to  the  jail  at  night  and 
released  him  by  force.  From  the  prison  they  proceeded  to  the 
lodgings  of  the  sheriff,  and  demanded  his  surrender.  White 
looked  out  from  the  second  story  window,  and  probably  recog¬ 
nizing  the  leader  of  the  crowd,  inquired — ■“  Is  that  you,  Sam¬ 
mons?”  “Yes,”  was  the  prompt  reply;  upon  which  White 
discharged  a  pistol  at  the  sturdy  Whig,  but  happily  without 
injury.  The  ball  whizfced  past  his  head,  and  struck  in  the 
qill  of  the  door.  This  was  the  first  shot  fired  in  the  war  of  the 
Revolution  west  of  the  Hudson.  It  was  immediately  returned 
by  the  discharge  of  some  forty  or  fifty  muskets  at  the  sheriff, 
but  the  only  effect  was  a  slight  wound  in  the  breast — just  suf¬ 
ficient  to  draw  blood.  The  doors  of  the  house  were  broken, 
and  White  would  have  been  taken,  but  at  that  moment  a  gun 
was  fired  at  the  hall  by  Sir  John.  This  was  known  to  be  a 
signal  for  his  retainers  and  Scotch  partisans  to  rally  in  arms  ; 
and  as  they  would  muster  a  force  of  five  hundred  men  in  a 
very  short  time,  the  Whigs  thought  it  most  prudent  to  disperse. 
They  collected  again  at  Caughnawaga,  however,  and  sent  a 
deputation  to  Sir  John,  demanding  that  White  should  be  given 
up  to  them.t  This  demand,  of  course,  was  not  complied  with. 

*  The  first  liberty  pole  erected  in  the  Mohawk  Valley  was  at  the  German  Flatts, 
and  White,  with  a  band  ofloyalists,  had  cut  down  the  emblem  of  rebellion. 

J  MS.  narrative  of  Jacob  Sammons. 


1775.]  DEPOSITION  OF  SHERIFF  WHITE.  107 

After  his  dismissal,  as  already  mentioned,  by  an  act  of  the  peo¬ 
ple  “  in  their  sovereign  capacity,”  White  was  re-commissioned 
by  Governor  Tryon ;  but  the  County  Committee  would  not 
suffer  him  to  re-enter  upon  the  duties  of  the  office.  On  the  con¬ 
trary,  so  high  was  the  popular  indignation  against  him,  that  he 
was  obliged  to  fly — setting  his  face  toward  Canada,  accompa¬ 
nied  by  a  white  man  named  Peter  Bone,  and  two  or  three  In¬ 
dians.  He  was  pursued  to  Jessup’s  landing  on  the  Hudson 
River,  where  the  house  in  which  he  lodged  was  surrounded, 
and  the  fugitive  sheriff  taken  prisoner.  From  thence  he  was 
taken  to  Albany  and  imprisoned.*  Shortly  afterward  he  was 
released  on  his  parole,  and  left  the  country. 

The  exigencies  of  the  times  required  prompt  and  vigorous 
action  ;  and  the  Committee  seems  to  have  been  composed  of  ex¬ 
actly  the  right  description  of  men.  They  arrested  suspicious 
persons,  tried  them,  fined  some,  imprisoned  more,  and  executed 
others.  Their  duties  also  involved  the  preservation  of  the 
peace  in  a  critical  period,  among  a  mixed  population  of  border- 
men,  ever  more  or  less  disposed  to  impatience  under  legal  re¬ 
straint,  and  of  course  requiring  the  controlling  power  of 
a  strong  arm.  And  yet  these  high  duties  were  generally  dis¬ 
charged  with  great  satisfaction  to  the  public — the  loyalists  ex¬ 
cepted,  of  course — and  their  resolutions  and  decrees  were  submit¬ 
ted  to  by  their  constituents  with  alacrity.  Their  influence  was 
likewise  successfully  exerted  in  winning  friends  to  the  popular 
cause,  by  deciding  the  wavering  and  confirming  the  irresolute.! 

Added  to  these  multifarious  duties,  was  the  necessity  of 
keeping  a  vigilant  watch  over  the  motions  of  Sir  John  John¬ 
son,  whose  position  and  conduct  were  alike  equivocal,  and  the 
numerous  loyalists  by  whom  he  was  surrounded.  By  these 
people  every  possible  obstacle  was  thrown  in  the  way  of  the 
Committee,  and  no  method  of  annoying  and  embarrassing 
them  left  untried.  They  laboured  to  destroy  the  confidence  of 
the  people  in  the  Committee ;  called  public  meetings  them¬ 
selves,  and  chose  counter-committees  ;  now  attempted  to  cover 
the  Whig  Committees  with  ridicule,  and  now  again  charged 
them  with  illegal  and  tyrannical  conduct.!  The  consequence 
was,  mutual  exasperation — sometimes  between  near  neighbours; 


*  Narrative  of  Jacob  Sammons.  f  Campbell’s  Annals.  J  Idem. 


108 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775. 


and  the  reciprocal  engendering  of  hostile  feelings  between 
friends,  who  ranged  themselves  under  opposing  banners.  These 
incipient  neighbourhood  quarrels  occasioned,  in  the  progress  ot 
the  contest  that  ensued,  some  of  the  most  bitter  and  bloody 
personal  conflicts  that  ever  marked  the  annals  of  a  civil  war. 
Several  members  of  the  Committee  subsequently  acted  a  dis¬ 
tinguished  part  in  the  field  ;  many  of  them  sacrificed  their  es¬ 
tates  ;  and  some  of  them  fell.  Among  them,  Christopher 
P.  Yates,  the  first  Chairman,  accompanied  General  Mont¬ 
gomery  as  a  volunteer  to  Ticonderoga  and  Canada,  and  after¬ 
ward  raised  and  commanded  a  corps  of  rangers.*  The  fate 
of  Nicholas  Herkimer  is  well  known,  though  his  death  will 
be  invested  with  new  and  additional  interest  in  the  progress  of 
this  narrative.! 

In  regard  to  Sir  John,  matters  were  now  fast  approaching  to 
a  crisis.  On  the  7th  of  September  the  Committee  wrote  to  the 
Provincial  Congress  in  New-York,  denouncing  his  conduct 
and  that  of  his  associates — particularly  the  Highlanders,  who, 
to  the  number  of  two  hundred,  were  said  to  be  gathered  about 
him,  and  by  whom  the  Whigs  “  were  daily  scandalized,  pro- 
“  voked,  and  threatened.”  They  added — “  We  have  great  sus- 
u  picions,  and  are  almost  assured,  that  Sir  John  has  a  continual 
u  correspondence  with  Colonel  Guy  Johnson  and  his  party.”! 

No  sooner  had  the  Congress  of  The  Twelve  United 
Colonies  agreed  to  the  Declaration,  or  manifesto,  mentioned 
in  the  beginning  of  the  present  chapter,  proclaiming  to  the 
world  the  causes,  and  the  necessity  of  their  appeal  to  arms, 
than  it  was  felt,  on  all  hands,  even  by  the  timid  and  hesitating, 
that  England  and  the  Colonies  now  stood,  not  in  the  relation 

*  Campbell’s  Annals. 

f  The  following  extract  is  from  a  letter  of  the  State  Committee  of  Safety,  under 
date  of  December,  1775,  signed  by  John  M’Kesson,  Clerk  of  the  Provincial  Con¬ 
gress: — “I  was  directed  by  this  Congress  to  assure  you  of  the  high  esteem  and 
“  respect  they  have  for  your  vigilant,  noble-spirited  County  Committee.”  The  follow¬ 
ing  was  from  General  Schuyler  in  the  summer  of  1776: — “The  propriety  of  your 
“  conduct,  and  your  generous  exertions  in  the  cause  of  your  country,  entitle  you  to  the 
“  thanks  of  every  one  of  its  friends ;  please  to  accept  of  mine  most  sincerely.” 
Campbell’s  Jlnnals. 

|  It  was  afterward  ascertained  that  such  a  correspondence  was  carried  on 
through  the  Indians,  who  conveyed  letters  in  the  heads  of  their  tomahawks  and  in 
the  ornaments  worn  about  their  persons.  The  Indians  also  brought  powder  across 
from  Canada. — Campbell’s  Jnnals. 


SIR  JOHN  JOHNSON. 


109 


1775.] 

of  parent  and  children,  but  in  the  attitude  of  two  nations  legal¬ 
ly  at  war.  Hence  the  patriots  of  Tryon  County  began  to  look 
more  closely,  and  with  greater  assurance,  to  the  deportment  of 
Sir  John,  of  whose  designs,  as  has  been  seen,  they  had  from  the  first 
entertained  strong  suspicions.  The  movements  of  Sir  Guy  Carle- 
ton,  moreover,  Governor-general  of  Canada,  who  had  been  com¬ 
missioned  to  muster  and  arm  all  persons  within  that  province, 
and  to  wage  war  by  land  and  sea  against  “  all  enemies,  pirates,  or 
“  rebels,  either  in  or  out  of  the  province,”  to  “  take  them  and 
“  put  them  to  death,  or  preserve  them  alive,  at  his  discretion,” 
were  now  creating  great  uneasiness  on  the  northern  frontier, 
from  which  quarter  they  were  apprehending  a  formidable  inva¬ 
sion.  The  management  of  the  northern  department  having 
been  committed  to  Generals  Schuyler  and  Montgomery,  who 
were  now  directing  a  force  upon  Montreal  and  Quebec,  the 
Tryon  County  Committee  determined  to  probe  the  intentions  of 
Sir  John  Johnson  at  once  and  to  the  bottom.  For  this  pur¬ 
pose,  on  the  26th  of  October,  they  addressed  him  the  following 
letter  : — 


“  Tryon  County  Committee  Chamber , 

Oct.  26,  1775. 


“  Honorable  Sir, 

“  As  we  find  particular  reason  to  be  convinced  of  your 
opinion  in  the  questions  hereafter  expressed,  we  require  you, 
that  you’ll  please  to  oblige  us  with  your  sentiments  thereupon 
in  a  few  lines  by  our  messengers,  the  bearers  hereof,  Messrs. 
Ebenezer  Cox,  James  McMaster,  and  John  James  Klock,  mem¬ 
bers  of  our  Committee. 

«  We  want  to  know  whether  you  will  allow  that  the  inhabit¬ 
ants  of  Johnstown  and  Kingsborough  may  form  themselves 
into  companies,  according  to  the  regulations  of  our  Continent¬ 
al  Congress,  for  the  defence  of  our  country’s  cause ;  and 
whether  your  Honor  would  be  ready  himself  to  give  his  per¬ 
sonal  assistance  to  the  same  purpose. 

“  Also,  whether  you  pretend  a  prerogative  to  our  County 
court-house  and  gaol,  and  would  hinder  or  interrupt  the  Com¬ 
mittee,  to  make  use  of  the  same  public  houses,  to  our  want 
and  service  in  the  common  cause  ? 


110  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1775. 

“  We  don’t  doubt  you  will  comply  with  our  reasonable  re¬ 
quests,  and  thereby  oblige, 

“  Honorable  Sir, 

“  Your  obedient  and  humble  Servants. 

“  To  the  “  By  order  of  the  Committee, 

Honorable  Sir  John  Johnson ,  “  Nicholas  Herkimer, 

Johnson  Flail?  “  Chairman.” 

The  deputation  named  in  the  letter  waited  upon  Sir  John 
in  person,  to  receive  his  answer — the  substance  of  which  they 
reported  to  the  Committee  verbally  as  follows,  viz  : — 

“  1.  By  perusing  our  letter,  Sir  John  replied  that  he  thinks 
our  requests  very  unreasonable,  as  he  never  had  denied  the 
use  either  of  the  court-house  or  gaol  to  any  body,  nor  would 
yet  deny  it,  for  the  use  which  these  houses  have  been  built  for ; 
but  he  looks  upon  it  that  the  court-house  and  gaol  are  his  pro¬ 
perty  till  he  is  paid  £700— the  amount  of  which  being  out  of 
his  pocket  for  the  building  of  the  same. 

“  2.  In  regard  of  embodying  his  tenants  into  companies,  he 
never  did  forbid  them,  neither  should  do  it,  as  they  may  use 
their  pleasure ;  but  we  might  save  ourselves  the  trouble,  he 
being  sure  that  they  would  not. 

“  3.  Concerning  himself,  he  said,  that  before  he  would  sign 
any  association,  or  would  lift  his  hand  up  against  his  King,  he 
would  rather  suffer  that  his  head  shall  be  cut  off. 

“  Further  he  replied,  that  if  we  should  make  any  unlawful 
use  of  the  gaol,  he  would  oppose  it,  and  also  he  mentions,  that 
there  have  many  unfair  means  been  used  for  increasing  the  as¬ 
sociation  and  uniting  the  people  ;  for  he  was  informed  by  credi¬ 
ble  gentlemen  in  New- York  that  they  were  obliged  to  unite, 
otherwise  they  could  not  live  there;  and  that  he  was  informed 
by  good  authority,  that  likewise  two  thirds  of  the  Canajoharie 
and  German  Flatts  people  have  been  forced  to  sign  the  articles  ; 
and  in  his  opinion  the  Boston  people  are  open  rebels,  and  the 
other  Colonies  have  joined  them.” 

Immediately  on  receiving  this  report,  the  Committee  deter¬ 
mined  to  bring  the  question  of  the  occupancy  of  the  gaol  to  an 
issue.  They  therefore  directed  that  two  of  their  prisoners, 
named  Lewis  Clement  and  Peter  Bowen,*  who  had  been  sen- 

*  A  subsequent  document  induces  the  belief  that  these  prisoners  were  Indians, 
though  it  is  not  so  distinctly  stated. 


SIR  JOHN  JOHNSON. 


Ill 


1775.] 

«  _ 

tenced  to  certain  periods  of  confinement  for  political  offences, 

should  be  forthwith  conveyed  to  the  prison,  under  a  guard  com¬ 
manded  by  Captain  Jacob  Seeber,  with  instructions,  that 
should  the  gaoler  refuse  to  receive  them  into  close  confinement 
for  the  time  specified,  or  should  they  be  opposed  by  Sir  John, 
then  Captain  Seeber  was  to  bring  them  to  the  house  of  “  our 
“  voted  and  elected  new  high  sheriff,  John  Frey,  Esq.  who  shall 
‘■'immediately  inform  thereof  our  chairman  for  further  direc- 
“  dons.” 

Sir  John  did  not  allow  the  Committee  to  take  possession  of 
the  gaol,  and  they  were  obliged  to  fit  up  a  private  house  as  a 
temporary  prison  ;  while  some  of  their  prisoners  were  sent  to 
Albany,  and  others  as  far  as  Hartford  for  safe  keeping.*  The 
Committee  apprised  the  Provincial  Congress  of  their  proceed¬ 
ings  in  this  matter,  from  which  body  they  received  the  follow¬ 
ing  communication  in  reply : — 

“  Dec.  9th.  The  Congress  have  this  day  entered  into  the 
consideration  of  your  letter  of  the  28th  of  October,  and  are  of 
opinion  that  your  application  to  Sir  John  Johnson,  requesting 
an  answer  from  him  whether  he  would  allow  his  tenants  to 
form  themselves  into  companies,  and  associate  with  their 
brethren  of  your  County,  according  to  the  resolves  of  the  Con¬ 
tinental  Congress,  for  the  defence  of  our  liberties,  was  impro¬ 
per  with  respect  to  him,  and  too  condescending  on  your  part, 
as  it  was  a  matter  that  came  properly  within  your  province : 
and  to  which  we  doubt  not  but  you  are  competent,  as  you  have 
a  line  of  conduct  prescribed  to  you  by  Congress.  With  respect 
to  your  second  question,  whether  he  would  take  any  active  part 
in  the  controversy  at  present  existing  between  Great  Britain 
and  her  Colonies,  we  conceive  it  to  be  very  proper,  and  thank 
you  for  information  on  that  head. 

“  As  to  the  third  question,  we  conceive  that  he  has  no  claim 
nor  title  to  the  court-house  and  gaol  in  the  County,  as  we  are  cre¬ 
dibly  told  that  his  father,  Sir  William  Johnson,  did  in  his  lifetime 
convey  the  same  to  two  gentlemen  in  trust  for  the  use  of  your 
County.  However,  as  an  attempt  to  use  the  same  for  the  pur¬ 
pose  of  confining  persons  inimical  to  our  country  may  be  pro¬ 
ductive  of  bad  consequences,  we  beg  leave  to  recommend  to  you, 


*  Campbell’s  Annals. 

19 


112 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775. 

to  procure  some  other  place  which  may  answer  the  end  of  a 
gaol.  And  give  you  our  advice  not  to  molest  Sir  John  as  long 
as  he  shall  continue  inactive,  and  not  impede  the  measures  ne¬ 
cessary  to  be  carried  into  execution  from  being  completed. 

“  We  are  extremely  sorry  that  Mr.  White  has,  by  his  impru¬ 
dent  conduct,  rendered  himself  justly  offensive  to  you.  The 
best  advice  we  can  give  you  in  this  unpleasant  affair  is,  that  if  you 
are  of  opinion  that  his  continuing  in  his  office  will  be  danger¬ 
ous  to  your  liberties,  then  that  you  permit  the  office  to  be  ex¬ 
ercised  by  his  deputies.  And  that  you  draw  up  a  petition,  get 
as  many  persons  of  your  County  to  sign  it  as  possible,  and  pre¬ 
sent  it  to  the  Governor  of  the  Colony,  setting  forth  that  it  is 
very  disagreeable  to  the  people  in  general  that  he  should  exe¬ 
cute  that  office,  and  praying  that  he  may  be  displaced,  and  his 
place  supplied  by  a  person  who  would  be  acceptable  to  the  peo¬ 
ple  of  your  County. 

“  We  are  respectfully, 

“  Gentlemen, 

11  To  Nicholas  Herkimer ,  Esq.  “  Your  most  obedient 

Chairman ,  and  the  >  u  humble  Servants, 

Committee  of  Tryon  County.  )  “  By  order, 

Nathl.  Woodhull,  Pres.” 

The  first  act  of  positive  hostility  on  the  part  of  the  Indians, 
during  this  bitter  and  bloody  contest,  was  committed  in  the 
Autumn  of  the  present  year.  General  Schuyler  having  been 
obliged  temporarily  to  leave  the  northern  army  in  consequence 
of  ill  health,  the  command  devolved  upon  General  Montgome¬ 
ry,  who  had  advanced  a  second  time  upon  St.  Johns  and  cap¬ 
tured  the  fortress — Sir  Guy  Carleton  having  been  repulsed  by 
Colonel  Warner  at  Longueil,  in  his  attempt  to  cross  the  St. 
Lawrence  and  advance  to  its  succor.  It  appears  that,  either 
in  the  first  or  second  attack  upon  St.  Johns,  or  in  both,  the 
Americans  had  been  opposed  by  some  of  the  Mohawk  Indians 
— those,  doubtless,  who  had  accompanied  Guy  Johnson  to  Ca¬ 
nada.  Hence,  on  the  27th  of  October,  the  Tryon  County 
Committee  “unanimously  resolved,  that  a  letter  should  be 
“  sent  to  the  sachems  of  the  Canajoharie  Castle,  in  regard  to 
“  the  return  and  present  abiding  of  some  Indians  in  their 
“  Castle  from  Canada,  who  have  acted  inimically  against  us, 


HOSTILITY  OP  THE  INDIANS. 


113 


1775.] 


“  and  fought  against  our  united  forces  near  the  fort  St.  John, 
“  not  to  give  shelter  to  such  real  enemies  among  them.” 

No  copy  of  the  letter  written  pursuant  to  this  resolution  has 
been  preserved.  It  is  noted  among  the  papers  of  the  Commit¬ 
tee,  however,  that  the  sachems  and  warriors  of  Canajoharie 
Castle  appeared  before  them  in  person,  and  made  the  following 
answer  to  their  epistle  of  remonstrance  : — 

“  Brothers:  We  are  thankful  to  you  that  you  opened  to 
us  your  hearts,  and  we  comprehend  to  be  all  true  what  you 
wrote  to  us.  We  live  together,  Gentlemen,  and  we  shall  do  our 
endeavour  to  answer  you  upon  all  the  contents  of  your  letter, 
as  much  as  we  can  remember  thereof. 

“  Brothers  :  We  have  not  yet  forgotten  our  agreement 
made  in  Albany.  It  is  not  such  a  long  time  ago,  we  can  re¬ 
member  it  yet.  Although  we  have  not  put  it  in  writing,  it  is 
yet  in  our  memory.  We  can  remember  very  well  that  there 
have  been  twelve  Governors  with  whom  we  agreed,  and  we  made 
a  level  road  to  the  Six  Nations,  to  Boston,  and  to  Philadelphia. 

“  Brothers  :  We  have,  as  well  as  the  Senecas  and  others 
of  the  Six  Nations,  been  very  glad  to  make  that  road,  where 
we  went  and  shall  go.  It  is  all  peace  and  very  good.  The 
Nations  have  been  very  glad  for  the  making  of  that  good  road, 
and  it  is  all  peaceable.  But  we  are  afraid  you  make  the  first 
disturbance  on  the  sea-side — because  you  are  a  fighting  already. 
They  have  made  that  good  road,  but  they  will  not  hope  that 
we  should  spill  blood  upon  it.  You  said  in  your  letter  that 
you  cannot  keep  your  young  people  back,  but  we  think  you  are 
masters  of  them,  and  could  order  them.  Some  of  our  young 
people  are  now  in  Canada,  and  perhaps  they  are  killed  ;  but  if 
so  be,  our  hearts  will  not  be  sore  about  it. 

“  There  are  some  young  people,  among  them  here,  whom 
we  could  persuade  to  stay  and  not  to  meddle  themselves  with 
the  fighting  of  the  white  people  ;  but  some  went  yet  away,  and 
we  are  glad  to  see  them  back  again,  because  they  have  been 
debauched  to  go  away. 

“  Brothers  :  The  Six  Nations  are  now  speaking  about  that 
good  road,  and  are  glad  ;  but  if  they  shall  perhaps  pass  that  road 
and  see  some  blood  spilled  upon  it,  then  they  would  be  surprised. 

“  Brothers  :  We  have  made  a  very  strong  agreement  of 
friendship  together,  and  we  beg  you  will  not  break  it  for  sake 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


114 


[1775. 


of  some  wrong  done  by  some,  who  have  been  debauched.  You 
will  drop  it,  we  hope,  for  the  present.” 

The  Committee  replied  to  them  in  substance,  that  if  those  of 
their  young  men  who  had  first  spilt  the  blood  of  their  white 
brethren,  had  come  back  repenting  of  their  conduct,  they 
should  first  have  gone  to  the  Committee,  and  manifested  their 
sorrow  to  them.  Far  from  doing  so,  however,  one  of  them, 
named  William  Johnson,  had,  on  the  contrary,  boasted  of  his 
hostile  proceedings,  and  spoken  boldly  against  the  cause  of  the 
Americans. 

On  the  30th  of  October,  at  the  request  of  some  of  the  chiefs 
of  the  Mohawk  Castle,  John  Marbatt  was  deputed  to  hold  a 
conference  with  them,  in  reference  to  the  imprisonment  of  Cle¬ 
ment  and  Bowen.  Marbatt  says,  in  his  letter  to  General  Herki¬ 
mer,  Chairman  of  the  Committee  : — ■ 

“  The  heads  of  the  Mohawk  Castle  met  me  at  Abraham 
Quackenbush’s,  and  made  a  speech  to  me.  They  said  we 
were  all  brothers,  and  all  brought  up  together,  and  hoped  that 
we  might  remain  so.  They  said  they  were  very  sorry  for  their 
two  brothers,  Lewis  Clement  and  Peter  Bowen,  and  desired 
that  they  might  be  discharged.  It  was  so  hard  for  them  to  see 
their  brethren  in  confinement  that  they  could  not  rest.  Where¬ 
on  I  told  them  there  was  a  law  ;  and  if  any  of  our  brothers 
transgressed  the  law,  they  must  expect  to  be  punished  by  the 
law.  I  told  them  that  any  one  that  behaved  [well]  should  not  be 
disturbed  at  all.  But  they  begged  that  as  they  had  transacted 
this,  [offended]  before  the  law  took  effect,  they  might  be  dis¬ 
charged  ;  and  if  ever  they  transgressed  again,  they  had  nothing 
to  say  against  punishing  them.  They  told  me  that  they  want- 
ted  to  go  a  hunting,  and  could  not  go  from  home  contented 
until  this  matter  was  settled.  They  desired  me  to  give  them  an 
answer  against  next  Saturday.  Gentlemen,  I  hope  you  will 
settle  this  matter  for  peace’s  sake.  Your  compliance  will  much 
oblige  your  friend  and  humble  servant,”  &c. 

The  speech  from  the  Canajoharie  Indians,  just  recited, 
if  closely  scrutinised,  might  appear  somewhat  equivocal. 
Still,  it  was  not  belligerent ;  and,  when  taken  in  connexion 
with  the  preceding  letter,  the  presumption  is  reasonable,  that 
the  Mohawks  remaining  about  their  ancient  castles,  had  not 
yet  determined  to  swerve  from  their  engagement  of  neutrality. 


PROGRESS  OF  EVENTS. 


115 


1775.] 

Such  was  the  progress  of  the  Revolution,  in  the  County  of 
Tryon,  down  to  the  close  of  1775.  A  rapid  glance  at  contem¬ 
poraneous  events  not  already  noted,  occurring  elsewhere,  will 
close  the  history  of  the  year.  The  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  had 
aroused  all  New  England  to  arms  ;  and  by  the  time  of  Gene¬ 
ral  Washington’s  arrival  to  assume  the  command,  during  the 
first  week  in  July,  the  British  forces  were  so  effectually  shut  up 
in  Boston,  as  to  be  obliged  to  send  out  small  vessels  to  a  distance 
for  supplies.  To  cut  up  this  species  of  coast- wise  commerce, 
the  Colonies  of  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  and  Connecticut 
each  fitted  out  two  small  cruisers,  before  Congress  had  made  a 
suggestion  respecting  a  naval  armament.  The  first  avowal  of 
offensive  hostility  against  the  mother  country,  was  contained 
in  the  act  of  the  Massachusetts  Congress  for  fitting  out  a  naval  ar¬ 
mament  ;  and  among  the  first  fruits  was  the  capture,  by  Captain 
Manly  of  Marblehead,  of  a  large  British  ordnance  brig,  laden 
with  several  elegant  brass  pieces  of  artillery,  a  large  supply  of 
small  arms,  tools  and  utensils  of  all  warlike  descriptions,  &c. 
Three  days  afterward  Captain  Manly  captured  three  more 
British  ships  laden  with  military  stores.  South  Carolina  was 
at  the  same  time  making  vigorous  preparations  for  war,  but 
had  not  exceeding  3,000  lbs  of  gunpowder  within  the  province. 
By  fitting  out  a  fast  sailing  vessel,  however,  they  were  ena¬ 
bled  to  intercept  a  supply  vessel  off  St.  Augustine,  and  obtain 
a  large  and  timely  addition  to  their  stores — 15,000  pounds  of 
gunpowder  alone.  Meantime  the  affairs  of  the  Colonies  con¬ 
tinued  to  form  the  leading  and  most  exciting  topic  of  debate  in 
the  British  Parliament.  Lord  North,  who,  it  is  now  known, 
acted  throughout  this  great  struggle  more  in  obedience  to  the 
positive  requisitions  of  the  King,  than  in  accordance  with  his 
own  private  wishes,  insisted  upon  the  strongest  measures  of 
compulsion.  General  Conway,  Colonel  Lutterell,  Mr.  James 
Grenville,  the  Duke  of  Grafton,  and  Lord  Lyttleton,  spoke  in 
favor  of  concession  to  the  Colonies,  and  argued  in  favor  of  re¬ 
pealing  every  enactment  respecting  the  matters  in  dispute  with 
the  Colonies,  subsequent  to  the  year  1 763.  The  ministers  con¬ 
tended  that  they  might  as  well  acknowledge  the  independence 
of  the  Colonies  at  once.  Mr.  Burke,  during  this  season,  made 
his  great  speech  on  American  affairs,  and  introduced  his  con¬ 
ciliatory  bill,  proposing  “  a  renunciation  of  the  exercise  of  tax- 


116 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775. 


“  ation,  without  at  all  interfering  with  the  question  of  right. 
“  It  preserved  the  power  of  levying  duties,  for  the  regulation  of 
“  commerce  ;  but  the  money  so  raised  was  to  be  at  the  disposal 
u  of  the  several  general  assemblies.  The  tea  duty  was  to  be 
“  repealed,  and  a  general  amnesty  granted.”  This  proposition, 
though  regarded  with  more  favor  than  the  others,  was  rejected  ; 
and  the  Administration  was  sustained  in  the  policy  of  sending  a 
large  sea  and  land  force  against  the  Colonies,  accompanied  with 
offers  of  mercy  upon  a  proper  submission.*  The  Continental 
Congress,  however,  still  continued  its  efforts  to  prevent  a  final 
separation ;  and  another  address  to  the  King  was  adopted,  be¬ 
seeching  the  interposition  of  his  royal  authority  to  afford  relief 
from  their  afflicting  fears  and  jealousies,  and  restore  harmony  by 
the  adoption  of  such  measures  as  would  effect  a  permanent  recon¬ 
ciliation.  This  petition,  signed  by  John  Hancock,  was  presented 
in  Parliament  on  the  7th  of  December,  and  gave  rise  to  several 
motions  for  a  pacification — all  of  which  were  rejected.! 

The  military  operations  of  the  Autumn  were  chiefly  confined 
to  the  expedition  against  Canada.  Lord  Dunmore,  it  is  true, 
had  given  several  additional  impulses  to  the  Revolutionary 
spirit  in  Virginia,  by  the  manner  of  his  opposition ;  and  the 
enemy  had  still  farther  exasperated  the  people  of  New  England 
by  burning  the  town  of  Falmouth,  in  the  north-eastern  part  of 
Massachusetts.  Having  timely  notice,  the  people  fled  from  the 
town,  which  was  furiously  bombarded,  and  139  dwelling- 
houses  and  278  warehouses  were  burnt.  The  invasion  of  Ca¬ 
nada,  by  Generals  Schuyler  and  Montgomery,  has  already  been 
incidentally  mentioned.  General  Schuyler  had  issued  a  suitable 
proclamation  to  the  inhabitants  of  Canada,  on  entering  that  ter¬ 
ritory  ;  but  he  was  obliged  by  ill  health  to  relinquish  the  com¬ 
mand  to  General  Montgomery.  St.  John’s  surrendered  on  the 
3d  of  November ;  but  while  the  siege  was  pending,  Colonel 
Ethan  Allen,  with  thirty-eight  of  his  Green  Mountain  boys, 
was  captured,  and  sent  to  England  in  irons. f  Allen  deserved 
his  fate,  however,  for  his  rashness  and  disobedience  of  orders. 
Still,  he  was  very  near  capturing  Montreal  with  the  small 
party  he  had  led  in  advance,  as  was  subsequently  admitted  by 
one  of  the  British  officers. 

The  fort  at  Chamblee  fell  into  the  hands  of  Montgomery, 


*  Holmes’s  Annals,  Par.  Register. 


f  Idem. 


{  Idem. 


CAMPAIGN  IN  CANADA. 


117 


1775.] 

together  with  a  large  quantity  of  military  stores,  which  were 
of  great  use  ;  among  them  were  three  tons  of  powder.  Montreal 
was  next  taken  by  the  Provincials — General  Garleton  es¬ 
caping  in  a  boat  with  muffled  oars  to  Three  Rivers,  from 
whence  he  hastened  to  Quebec.  Montgomery,  with  his  little 
army,  was  swift  to  follow  him  thither ;  where  his  arrival  had 
been  anticipated  by  Colonel  Arnold,  with  upward  of  700  New 
England  infantry  and  riflemen,  with  whom  he  had  performed  the 
incredible  service  of  traversing  the  unexplored  forest,  from  the 
Kennebec  to  the  mouth  of  the  Chaudiere.  Uniting  the  forces 
of  Arnold  with  his  own,  Montgomery  laid  siege  to  Quebec  on 
the  1st  of  December.  His  artillery,  however,  was  too  light  to 
make  any  impression  upon  its  walls,  and  it  was  at  length  de¬ 
termined,  if  possible,  to  carry  the  town  by  a  combined  assault 
from  two  directions — one  division  to  be  led  by  Montgomery  and 
the  other  by  Arnold.  The  enterprise  was  undertaken  on  the 
31st  of  December,  and  the  year  closed  by  the  repulse  of  both 
divisions  and  the  fall  of  Montgomery. 

The  success  which  had  marked  the  American  arms  in  the 
early  part  of  the  Canadian  campaign,  made  a  strong  impres¬ 
sion  upon  the  Caughnawaga  Indians.  The  Canadians,  gene¬ 
rally,  were  exceedingly  averse  to  engaging  in  the  unnatural 
contest,*  and  were  strongly  inclined  to  favor  the  cause  of  the 
Colonies  ;  and,  notwithstanding  the  descent  of  Brant  and  the 
Mohawks  to  Montreal,  and  the  solicitations  of  Governor  Carle- 
ton,  the  Caughnawagas  sent  a  deputation  to  General  Washing¬ 
ton,  at  Cambridge,  as  early  as  the  month  of  August,  avowing 
their  readiness  to  assist  the  Americans  in  the  event  of  an  ex¬ 
pedition  into  Canada.!  This  assurance  was  fulfilled.  In  a 
letter  from  Sir  Guy  Carleton  to  General  Gage,  written  in 
August,  which  was  intercepted,  the  Canadian  Governor  said — 
“  Many  of  the  Indians  have  gone  over  to  them  (the  Americans), 
11  and  large  numbers  of  the  Canadians  are  with  them.”  “  I  had 
“  hopes  of  holding  out  for  this  year,  though  I  seem  abandoned 
“  by  all  the  world,  had  the  savages  remained  firm.  I  cannot 
“  blame  these  poor  people  for  securing  themselves,  as  they  see 
“  multitudes  of  the  enemy  at  hand,  and  no  succour  from  any 
“  part,  though  it  is  now  four  months  since  their  operations 
“  against  us  first  began.”}:  The  subsequent  reverses  of  the 

*  Letter  of  Washington  to  the  president  of  Congress,  Aug.  4th,  1775. 

f  Letter  of  Washington  to  Gen.  Schuyler.  {  Sparks. 


118 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1775. 

Americans,  however,  changed  the  masters  of  those  Indians,  and 
they  were  ere  long  found  warring  in  the  ranks  of  the  Crown. 

But  all  the  Indians  did  not  join  the  British  standard.  Not¬ 
withstanding  that  the  Delawares  had  been  engaged  in  the  Cre- 
sap  war,  the  year  before,  they  refused  the  solicitations  of  the 
British  emissaries  and  the  Senecas  to  take  up  the  hatchet  with 
them  in  this  contest.  A  meeting  of  Indians  was  held  in  Pitts¬ 
burgh,  to  deliberate  upon  the  question,  at  which  a  select  depu¬ 
tation  of  the  Senecas  attended.  Captain  White  Eyes ,  a  sensi¬ 
ble  and  spirited  warrior  of  the  Lenape,  boldly  declared  that  he 
would  not  embark  in  a  war,  to  destroy  a  people  born  on  the 
same  soil  with  himself.  The  Americans,  he  said,  were  his 
friends  and  brothers,  and  no  nation  should  dictate  to  him  or 
his  tribe  the  course  they  should  pursue.* 


Hecliewelder. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


Lord  Dunmore — Glance  at  the  South — Suspicious  conduct  of  Sir  John  Johnson— 
Conduct  of  the  Tories  in  Tryon  County — Gen.  Schuyler  directed  by  Congress 
to  march  into  that  County  and  disarm  the  Tories — Preliminary  mission  to  the 
Lower  Mohawks — Message  to  them — Their  displeasure  and  reply — March  of 
Schuyler — Meets  the  Indians  at  Schenectady — Interview  and  speeches — Advance 
of  Schuyler — Letter  to  Sir  John  Johnson — Interview — Negotiations  of  capitula¬ 
tion — Terms  proposed — Schuyler  advances  to  Caughnawaga — Joined  by  Tryon 
County  Militia — Farther  correspondence  with  Sir  John — Interview  with  the  In¬ 
dian  mediators — Terms  of  surrender  adjusted — Schuyler  marches  to  Johns¬ 
town — Sir  John,  his  household,  and  the  Highlanders,  disarmed — Troops  scour 
the  country  to  bring  in  the  loyalists — Disappointment  as  to  the  supposed  Tory 
Depot  of  warlike  munitions — Return  of  Schuyler  to  Albany — Resolution  of  Con¬ 
gress — Additional  trouble  with  Sir  John — Preparations  for  his  seizure — Expedi¬ 
tion  of  Col.  Dayton — Flight  of  the  Baronet  and  his  partisans  to  Canada — Their 
sufferings — And  subsequent  conduct — How  the  violation  of  his  parole  was  con¬ 
sidered. 

The  dawn  of  the  New  Year  was  lighted  up  by  the  confla¬ 
gration  of  Norfolk,  by  order  of  Lord  Dunmore,  the  royal  Go¬ 
vernor  of  Yirginia.  His  Lordship  had  previously  retired  with 
his  "adherents  to  the  fleet;  and  this  act  of  Vandalism  was  di¬ 
rected  by  way  of  retaliating  upon  the  Whigs  of  that  borough, 
for  having  refused  supplies  to  the  Liverpool  man  of  war.  The 
people  themselves  destroyed  the  buildings  nearest  the  water, 
in  order  to  deprive  the  ships  even  of  those  sources  of  supply. 
After  cruising  for  a  time  on  the  coast  of  Virginia,  and  being 
every  where  repulsed — some  of  his  ships  having  been  driven  on 
shore,  and  their  crews  captured  and  imprisoned  by  the  Colonists 
— his  Lordship  was  obliged  to  destroy  those  of  his  vessels  which 
were  not  sea-worthy,  and  seek  refuge  himself  in  Florida  and 
the  West  Indies.  Another  incident  adverse  to  the  royal  arms, 
was  the  defeat,  by  the  Provincials  under  General  Moore,  of 
General  M’Donald,  (commissioned  by  Governor  Martin,)  in  his 
attempts  to  bring  North  Carolina  to  obedience.  The  battle  re¬ 
sulting  in  this  defeat  was  gallantly  fought  at  Moore’s  Creek 
Bridge,  by  Colonels  Caswell  and  Lillington,  commanding 
about  1000  minute  men  and  militia.  A  large  quantity  of  arms 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Provincials  ;  and  the  defeat,  equally 
unexpected  and  decisive,  greatly  depressed  the  spirits  of  the 
loyalists  in  that  quarter. 

Resuming  the  history  of  the  Mohawk  Valley :  although  the 

20 


120 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1776. 


Autumn  of  the  preceding  year  had  passed  quietly  away  in  that 
region,  yet  no  small  degree  of  uneasiness  was  created,  early  in 
the  winter,  by  the  suspicious  conduct  of  Sir  John  Johnson  ; 
heightened,  as  will  appear  in  the  sequel,  by  false  representa¬ 
tions  sent  forth  by  a  man  who,  in  the  end,  proved  to  be  an  im¬ 
postor.  Such  were  the  spirit  of  the  times  moreover,  and  the 
jealousies  mutually  entertained,  that  it  is  more  than  probable 
the  measures  of  Sir  John  were  concerted  in  consequence  of 
apprehensions  honestly  indulged,  and  in  all  likelihood  awaken¬ 
ed  by  the  same  or  a  kindred  imposture.  At  all  events  Sir  John 
was  actively  engaged  in  defensive  preparations,  with  a  view,  as 
it  was  believed,  of  throwing  up  fortifications  around  the  baro¬ 
nial  hall.  His  adherents,  as  we  have  seen,  were  numerous, 
particularly  among  the  Scotch  Highlanders,  by  several  hun¬ 
dreds  of  whom  he  was  surrounded  ;  and  reports  became  rife, 
that,  in  addition  to  these,  the  works  he  was  erecting  were  to  be 
garrisoned  by  three  hundred  Indians,  to  be  let  loose  upon  the 
settlements  as  opportunities  might  occur. 

It  was  undoubtedly  true  that  the  Tories  of  that  region  were 
preparing  actively  to  espouse  the  royal  cause,  and  enlistments 
for  the  King’s  service,  it  is  very  likely,  were  secretly  making. 
Information  to  this  effect  was  laid  before  Congress  in  Decem¬ 
ber.  It  was  also  declared,  bY  a  man  named  Connell,  that  a 
considerable  quantity  of  arms  and  ammunition,  and  other  war¬ 
like  articles,  had  been  collected  and  concealed  by  the  Tories  at 
Johnstown,  to  be  used  when  the  proper  moment  for  action  ar¬ 
rived.  The  facts  disclosed  by  Connell  were  supported  by  his 
deposition  ;  whereupon  a  resolution  was  adopted  by  Congress, 
directing  General  Schuyler  to  be  informed  of  these  circum¬ 
stances,  and  requesting  him  to  adopt  the  most  speedy  and  effec¬ 
tual  measures  for  securing  the  said  arms  and  military  stores ; 
for  disarming  the  loyalists,  apprehending  their  leaders,  and 
taking  such  measures  in  general  as  might  be  judged  necessary 
to  ensure  the  tranquility  of  the  frontier.*  This  resolution  was 
received  by  General  Schuyler  at  Albany  early  in  January,  and 
no  time  was  lost  in  concerting  measures  for  its  execution. 


*  The  sum  of  forty  dollars  was  appropriated  by  Congress  for  this  object;  and 
the  Special  Committee  having  the  subject  in  charge,  were  directed  to  count  the  gold 
and  silver  in  the  treasury,  and  forward  the  same  to  General  Schuyler  under  a  guard  ! 
—  Vide  Jour.  Con. 


1776.]  EXPEDITION  TO  TRYON  COUNTY.  121 

General  Schuyler  having  at  that  time  no  troops  at  his  disposal, 
was  under  the  necessity  of  communicating  with  the  sub-com¬ 
mittee  of  safety  of  Albany  County,  for  which  purpose,  in  order 
that  a  knowledge  of  the  business  with  which  he  was  charged 
might  not  transpire,  he  previously  administered  to  them  the 
oath  of  secrecy.  They  were  at  first  embarrassed  in  devising  a 
pretext  for  the  preparations  it  was  necessary  to  make  for  the 
expedition  ;  but  the  opportune  arrival  of  a  letter  and  an  affida 
vit,  (probably  from  Connell,)  from  Tryon  County,  containing 
accounts  exactly  suited  to  the  emergency,  afforded  ample  rea¬ 
sons  for  a  call  upon  the  militia.  General  Schuyler  at  first 
supposed  that  a  force  of  three  hundred  men,  with  the  assistance 
they  would  be  certain  to  receive  from  the  Whigs  of  Tryon 
County,  would  be  amply  sufficient.  It  was  determined,  how¬ 
ever,  in  order  to  produce  a  deeper  effect  upon  the  loyalists 
against  whom  they  were  proceeding,  to  march  with  a  force  of 
seven  hundred  men. 

Nevertheless,  in  order  to  preserve  the  good-will  of  the  Indians 
of  the  Lower  Mohawk  Castle,*  and  guard  against  taking  them 
by  surprise  or  giving  them  unnecessary  alarm,  Mr.  Bleecker, 
the  Indian  interpreter,  residing  at  Albany,  was  despatched  to 
the  Castle  on  the  15th,  charged  with  a  belt  and  the  following 
message  to  the  Indians : — 

“  Brothers  :  I  am  sent  by  the  Commissioners  of  the  United 
Colonies,  to  acquaint  you  that  the  brethren  of  Albany  have 
received  information  that  several  persons  in  and  about  Johns 
town  are  busy  in  enlisting  men  to  cut  our  throats,  and  are  ma¬ 
king  other  hostile  preparations  to  assist  in  enslaving  this  coun 
try,  and  to  prevent  and  stop  up  the  road  of  communication  to 
the  Westward.  Your  Albany  Brothers,  on  this  alarming  occa¬ 
sion,  have  collected  their  warriors,  and  are  now  sending  them 
up  the  river  in  order  to  inquire  into  the  truth  of  the  report,  and 
act  thereupon  as  they  may  judge  needful. 

“  Brothers  :  Be  not  alarmed  at  these  preparations  ;  nothing 
is  intended  against  you ;  our  own  safety  and  liberty  impel  us 
to  this  measure  ;  you  can  rest  perfectly  satisfied  that  we  will 
invariably  pursue  our  friendly  disposition  towards  you,  and  ex- 

*  The  Mohawks  of  the  Lower  Castle,  with  Little  Abraham,  had  not  been  drawn 
away  by  Thayendanegea  and  Guy  Johnson. 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


122 


[1 


/  /  o. 


pect  that  you  will,  agreeable  to  the  promises  you  made  us  at 
Albany,  take  no  part  in  the  present  struggle. 

“  Brothers  :  We  promised  you  last  Summer  that  Sir  John 
and  his  family  should  not  be  molested  while  he  took  no  mea- ' 
sures  against  us.  We  are  yet  of  that  mind  ;  and  if  he  has  acted 
as  an  honest  man,  he  need  not  fear  any  danger. 

“  Brothers  :  Lest  the  preparations  and  march  into  your 
country  should  alarm  the  Six  Nations,  we  desire  that  you  \yill 
send  some  of  your  young  men  with  this  speech  to  the  end  of 
the  House  of  the  Six  Nations,  that  no  uneasiness  may  take 
place  in  their  minds.” 

The  Indians  were  by  no  means  pleased  with  the  proposed 
invasion  of  the  Valley  ;  anticipating,  probably,  an  injurious  ef¬ 
fect  upon  their  own  people,  and  perhaps  injury  to  Sir  John,  to 
whom  they  were  sincerely  attached.  After  due  deliberation, 
Mr.  Bleecker  was  sent  back  with  a  belt  containing  the  follow¬ 
ing  reply  to  the  Commissioners,  or,  in  other  words,  to  General 
Schuyler  : — 

“  Brothers  :  This  belt  we  present  to  the  Commissioners  of 
the  twelve  United  Colonies  and  our  Brothers  of  Albany,  and 
desire  them  that  the  troops  that  were  coming  up  should  not 
come  up  so  speedily  ;  that  perhaps  a  mode  might  be  pointed 
out  to  have  it  settled  in  an  easier  manner  ;  that  perhaps,  in  case 
the  troops  came  up,  it  might  be  a  means  to  stop  up  the  road, 
and  perhaps  create  an  uneasiness  in  their  minds,  as  they  and 
Sir  John  were,  as  it  were,  one  blood ;  and  that  the  General 
should  do  all  in  his  power  to  have  it  settled  without  the  troops 
going  up  ;  that  he  was  a  wise  man,  and  should  set  his  thoughts 
a  thinking  to  have  it  settled,  by  appointing  three  or  four  per¬ 
sons  to  treat  with  Sir  John  about  it ;  that  they  would  retain 
the  belt  sent  by  the  Commissioners  till  such  time  as  they  heard 
from  the  Commissioners,  and  in  case  the  troops  did  not  come, 
then  they  would  send  the  belt  forward  to  the  other  nations ; 
but  if  they  came  up,  then  they  would  keep  the  same  in  their 
hands ;  that  three  of  their  nation  should  immediately  go 
to  Sir  John,  and  desire  him  to  remain  silent  and  be  at  peace  ; 
and  that  in  case  there  were  any  in  Johnstown  that  were 
Tories,  they  would  settle  them,  and  make  them  remain  peace¬ 
able.  That  all  the  uneasiness  in  the  minds  of  Sir  John,  and 
t'ne  others  in  Johnstown,  originates  from  accounts  that  they 


1776.]  INTERVIEW  WITH  THE  INDIANS.  123 

receive  from  people  in  Albany ;  that  they  daily  have  accounts 
from  thence  that  the  New  England  people  are  coming  up  to  de¬ 
stroy  Sir  John  and  his  possessions.” 

Accompanying  this  message,  the  Squaws  also  took  the  sub¬ 
ject  in  hand,  and  charged  the  interpreter  with  a  belt  with  the 
following  message  on  their  own  behalf: — 

“  Brothers,  the  Commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  and 
the  people  of  Albany :  This  belt  we  present  you,  and  hereby 
renew  the  covenant  that  was  made  last  summer  ;  and  we  beg 
that  no  disturbance  shall  be  made  up  here,  and  that  the  said 
covenant  may  not  thereby  be  broken  :  that  in  case  the  troops 
were  to  come  up,  it  might  create  great  uneasiness,  as  they  and 
Sir  John  were  of  one  blood  ;  and  that  in  case  Sir  John  was  dis¬ 
turbed,  it  might  touch  their  blood,  and  we  beg  some  other  mode 
may  be  pointed  out  whereby  this  uneasiness  may  be  settled.” 

General  Schuyler,  however,  did  not  wait  for  the  return  of 
his  messenger  from  the  Indians,  but  proceeded  to  Schenectady 
on  the  16th,  at  the  head  of  a  strong  division  of  militia,  and  ac¬ 
companied  by  General  Ten  Broeck,  Colonel  Varick,  and  se 
veral  other  officers.  The  militia  turned  out  with  great  alacrity, 
notwithstanding  the  severity  of  the  weather  and  the  badness  of 
the  roads.  On  the  evening  of  his  arrival  at  Schenectady, 
General  Schuyler  was  met  by  a  deputation  of  the  Mohawks, 
headed  by  Little  Abraham,  who,  in  a  very  haughty  tone,*  ad¬ 
dressed  him  as  follows  : — 

“  We  intended  to  have  gone  down  to  Albany  in  order  to 
speak  to  you  ;  but  thank  God  that  he  has  given  us  an  oppor¬ 
tunity  to  meet  you  here,  as  we  have  some  matters  to  commu¬ 
nicate  to  you.” 

To  which  General  Schuyler  replied  with  corresponding  bre¬ 
vity  : — 

“  I  am  very  glad  to  see  you  here,  and  I  shall  be  glad  to  hear 
what  the  Brothers  have  to  say,  as  my  ears  are  always  open  to 
them.” 

Whereupon  Abraham  proceeded  to  address  the  General  and 
his  associates  as  follows  : — 

*  General  Schuyler’s  official  report,  from  which  document  the  whole  narrative  of 
this  expedition  is  drawn.  This  document,  it  is  believed,  has  never  yet  been  pub¬ 
lished  entire,  and  has  only  recently  been  discovered  at  Washington,  by  Peter 
Force,  Esq.  who  obligingly  favored  the  author  with  the  use  of  it. 


124 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1776. 


tc  Brothers  :  You  lately  sent  to  our  place  four  men,  who  ar¬ 
rived  to  us  last  Sunday  morning.*  They  told  us  they  were 
sent  up  to  us  by  you  to  inform  us  of  those  military  preparations 
which  were  making  down  in  this  quarter.  By  them  you  let 
us  know  that  you  thought  it  not  prudent  to  send  armed  men 
amongst  us  without  previously  notifying  us.  Likewise,  Bro¬ 
thers,  your  messengers  informed  us  of  the  reasons  of  your  com¬ 
ing  in  this  manner.  You  informed  us  that  you  had  heard  that 
there  were  a  number  of  men  embodied  at  Sir  John’s,  about 
Johnstown.  You  told  us  likewise,  that  as  soon  as  they  had 
completed  their  body,  they  intended  to  destroy  the  settlements 
up  and  down  the  river.  You  informed  us  that  you  were  com¬ 
ing  up  to  inquire  into  the  truth  of  the  report,  and  who  it  was 
that  gave  out  commissions,  and  what  were  their  designs.  At 
the  same  time  you  assured  us  that  no  harm  was  intended 
against  us,  the  Six  Nations,  as  we  had  last  summer  publicly  en¬ 
gaged  that  we  would  take  no  part  against  you  in  your  dispute 
with  the  great  King  over  the  Great  Water. 

“  Brothers  :  You  told  us  that  you  would  come  to  search 
into  the  truth  of  the  report,  and  you  assured  us  also  that  you 
would  not  be  the  first  aggressor,  and  that  it  should  be  our  own 
fault  if  any  blood  was  spilt.  You  told  us  that  you  would  ac¬ 
quaint  the  Lower  Castle  first  of  the  design,  that  they  should  send 
up  to  the  Upper  Castle,  and  they  to  the  Oneida,  and  they  to 
Onondaga,  and  so  through  the  whole  Six  Nations. 

“  Brothers  :  We  thanked  your  messengers  for  the  speech 
delivered  to  us,  and  we  would  consider  of  it  for  some  time  to 
return  them  an  answer  accordingly.  Brothers,  a  small  number 
of  us  who  take  care  of  the  news  met  in  council  on  this  occa¬ 
sion.  We  thanked  your  messengers  for  informing  us  first 
of  your  designs.  We  said  we  knew  the  agreement  which  was 
entered  into  with  the  whole  twelve  United  Colonies.  At  that 
meeting  you  remember  it  was  agreed  to  remove  all  obstacles 
out  of  the  way  of  the  path  of  peace,  to  keep  it  so  that  we  might 
pass  and  repass  without  being  annoyed. 

“  Brothers  :  you  told  us  that  you  came  to  inquire  into  the 


*  The  Mohawk  chief  seems  here  to  refer  to  an  embassy  to  their  castle  a  few 
days  previous  to  that  performed  by  Mr.  Bleecker,  not  mentioned  by  General  Schuy¬ 
ler.  Or,  perhaps,  a  wrong  date  was  given  to  the  message  transmitted  by  the  inter¬ 
preter.  . 


1776.]  SPEECH  OP  LITTLE  ABRAHAM.  125 

truth  of  the  report,  which  might  be  done  by  4  or  6  without 
any  danger  in  making  the  inquiry.  We  proposed  your  send¬ 
ing  up  six  persons  to  inquire  into  the  truth  of  this  matter,  as  it 
would  be  a  shame  to  interrupt  them,  as  no  person  would  be  so 
mean  to  give  them  any  obstruction.  As  for  sending  your  belt 
forward,  we  thought  to  retain  it  until  we  had  heard  whether 
our  proposal  had  been  accepted  or  no.  And  we  desire  that  you  ' 
would  consider  of  this  matter,  and  keep  your  troops  at  home, 
and  let  us  know  your  mind  ;  and  if,  after  considering  of  our  pro¬ 
posals,  you  do  not  agree  to  them,  that  you  will  then  let  us  know 
what  you  intend  to  do.  They  likewise  sent  word  to  you  that 
when  they  had  heard  from  you,  whether  you  accepted  of  our 
proposals,  we  would  then  do  as  you  desire  in  sending  up 
the  news. 

“  Brothers  :  We  expected  an  answer  to  our  proposals ; 
but  none  arrived  until  we  were  informed  by  a  woman  who 
returned  from  Albany,  that  those  preparations  were  actually 
making,  and  that  troops  were  actually  marching  in  the  country. 
We  then,  Brothers,  took  the  matter  into  consideration,  and  de¬ 
termined  it  was  best  for  a  party  to  meet  you,  and  you  see  us 
this  day,  Brothers,  arrived.  We  come,  Brothers,  to  beg  of  you 
that  you  take  good  care  and  prudence  of  what  you  are  going 
about.  We  beg  of  you,  Brothers,  to  remember  the  engagement 
which  was  made  with  the  twelve  United  Colonies  at  our  inter¬ 
view  last  summer,  as  we  then  engaged  to  open  the  path  of 
peace,  and  to  keep  it  undefiled  from  blood.  At  the  same  time 
something  of  a  different  nature  made  its  appearance.  You  as¬ 
sured  us,  Brothers,  that  if  any  were  found  in  our  neighborhood 
inimical  to  us,  you  would  treat  them  as  enemies.  The 
Six  Nations  then  supposed  that  the  son  of  Sir  William  was 
pointed  at  by  that  expression.  We  then  desired  particularly 
that  he  might  not  be  injured,  as  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  in¬ 
jure  the  cause  ;  and  that  therefore  he  might  not  be  molested. 
The  Six  Nations  then  said  they  would  not  concern  themselves 
with  your  operations  in  other  parts,  but  particularly  desired  that 
this  path  might  be  free  from  blood.  And  now,  Brothers,  we 
repeat  it  again  ;  we  beg  of  you  to  take  good  care  and  not  to  spill 
any  blood  in  this  path,  and  the  more  especially,  Brothers,  as  it 
is  but  of  this  day  that  the  Six  Nations  had  so  agreeable  an  in¬ 
terview  with  the  Colonies,  and  our  chiefs  are  now  hunting  in 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


126 


[1776. 


the  woods,  and  not  dreaming  that  there  is  any  prospect  that 
this  path  is  or  will  be  defiled  with  blood. 

u  We  informed  you,  Brothers,  that  we  had  heard  of  a  woman, 
that  you  were  advancing,  and  that  you  had  cannon.  We  then 
took  it  into  consideration.  We  thought  it  strange  that  cannon 
should  be  brought  into  the  country,  as  the  twelve  United  Colo¬ 
nies  had  so  lately  opened  the  path  of  peace.  As  you  will  re¬ 
member  that  this  path  was  opened  last  Spring,  and  the  Six  Na¬ 
tions  agreed  to  keep  it  open.  We  then  thought  what  could  in¬ 
fluence  the  twelve  United  Colonies  to  open  this  path,  and  from 
the  present  appearance  it  is  as  if  with  a  design  that  the  cannon 
should  pass  free  from  all  obstruction. 

“  Brothers,  attend  !  It  was  your  request,  and  a  matter 
agreed  upon  by  the  twelve  United  Colonies,  that  we  should 
mind  nothing  but  peace  ;  therefore,  Brothers,  as  we  mean  to 
observe  that  agreement,  we  have  expressed  ourselves  as  above, 
and  as  Brothers  :  we  mind  nothing  but  peace.  We  look  upon 
ourselves  as  mediators  between  the  two  parties  :  therefore, 
Brothers,  as  your  messengers  declared  that  you  would  not  be 
the  aggressors,  we  informed  Sir  John  of  this,  and  earnestly 
begged  of  him  not  to  be  the  aggressor,  or  the  means  of  spilling 
blood  ;  and  at  the  same  time  assured  him,  that  if  we  found  that 
he  should  be  the  aggressor,  we  would  not  pay  any  farther  at¬ 
tention  to  him ;  and  likewise  told  him,  that  if  our  Brothers  of 
the  United  Colonies  were  the  aggressors,  we  should  treat  them 
in  the  same  manner.  This  is  what  we  told  Sir  John,  as  we 
look  upon  ourselves  to  be  the  mediators  between  both  parties, 
and,  as  we  have  said  before,  desired  him  not  to  be  the  aggressor. 
To  which  Sir  John  replied,  that  we  knew  his  disposition  very 
well,  and  that  he  had  no  mind  to  be  the  aggressor.  He  assured 
us  that  he  would  not  be  the  aggressor,  but  if  the  people  came 
up  to  take  away  his  life,  he  would  do  as  well  as  he  could,  as 
the  law  of  nature  justified  every  person  to  stand  in  his  own 
defence. 

“  According  to  the  news  we  have  heard,  it  is  as  though  Sir 
John  would  shut  up  the  path  of  peace  in  that  quarter  ;  but  it 
s  impossible  he  should  do  it,  as  he  had  but  a  mere  handful  of 
friends ;  but,  Brothers,  if  this  company,  who  now  are  passing 
by,  should  go  up,  and  any  thing  bad  should  happen,  we  shall 
look  on  you  as  shutting  up  the  path. 


SPEECH  OF  LITTLE  ABRAHAM. 


127 


1776.] 

“  It  has  been  represented  to  you,  Brothers,  that  it  seems  that 
Sir  John  is  making  military  preparations,  and  that  he  is  making 
a  fort  round  his  house ;  but,  Brothers,  as  we  live  so  near  him, 
we  should  certainly  know  it  if  any  thing  of  that  nature 
should  be  done,  especially  as  we  go  there  so  frequently  on  ac¬ 
count  of  our  father,  the  minister,  who  sometimes  performs  di¬ 
vine  service  at  that  place.  We  have  never  seen  any  hostile 
preparations  made  there  ;  there  is  no  cannon,  or  any  thing  of 
that  kind,  and  all  things  remain  in  the  same  situation  it  was  in 
the  lifetime  of  Sir  William. 

“  Brothers  :  We  would  not  conceal  any  thing  from  you. 
It  would  not  be  right  to  use  deceit,  neither  do  we  mean  to  do 
it.  The  minds  of  our  counsellors  are  very  much  grieved ;  and 
aggrieved  at  that  part  of  the  disposition  of  those  whom  we  may 
call  our  warriors  ;  there  are  some  among  us  o,f  different  minds, 
as  there  are  among  you,  Brothers.  Our  counsellors,  remem¬ 
bering  the  covenant  we  last  Summer  made  with  our  Brethren, 
the  Twelve  Colonies,  have  all  along  strongly  urged  our  war¬ 
riors  to  peace,  and  have  checked  them  when  a  contrary  dispo¬ 
sition  appeared.  Our  minds  are  very  much  aggrieved  to  find 
any  of  our  warriors  of  different  sentiment.  We  have  hitherto 
been  able  to  restrain  them,  and  hope  still  to  be  able  to  do  it,  for 
matters  are  not  now  carried  to  extremity ;  but  if  they  are,  our 
warriors  will  not  be  restrained,  because  they  will  think  them¬ 
selves  deceived  if  this  military  force  comes  into  the  country. 

“  We  have  declared  to  you,  Brothers,  that  we  would  not  de¬ 
ceive.  and  that  we  mean  to  declare  our  minds  to  you  openly 
and  freely.  We,  the  sachems,  have  all  along  inculcated  to  the 
warriors  sentiments  of  peace,  and  they  have  hitherto  been 
obedient  to  us,  though  there  have  been  frequent  rumours  that 
they  should  be  disturbed  ;  yet  we  have  hitherto  been  able  to 
calm  their  minds.  But  now,  Brothers,  so  large  a  party  coming, 
alarms  the  minds  of  our  warriors.  They  are  determined,  Bro¬ 
thers,  to  go  and  be  present  at  your  interview  with  Sir  John, 
and  determined  to  see  and  hear  every  thing  that  should  be 
there  transacted  ;  and  if  it  shall  then  appear  that  this  party  shall 
push  matters  to  extremes,  we  then  cannot  be  accountable  for 
any  thing  that  may  happen.  But  as  for  us,  Brothers,  the 
counsellors  are  fully  determined  ever  to  persevere  in  the  path  of 
peace. 


21 


128 


l 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1776. 


“  Brothers,  attend  !  Though  I  have  finished  what  I  had 
purposed  to  say,  yet  I  will  add  one  thing  more.  When  the 
news  of  your  approach  arrived  at  our  town,  it  caused  great 
confusion  ;  some  were  ready  to  take  to  their  arms,  observing 
that  those  reports  respecting  the  unfriendly  disposition  of  the 
Colonies  were  now  verified.  I  begged  of  them,  Brothers,  to 
possess  their  minds  in  peace  for  a  few  days.  I  told  them  that 
1  myself  would  go  to  Albany,  and  inquire  into  the  truth  of  the 
matter  ;  I  was  so  conscious  of  my  own  innocency,  that  no  hos¬ 
tile  appearance  could  deter  me,  however  formidable.  I  there¬ 
fore  desired  them  to  sit  still  until  my  return,  which  might  be  in 
two  days  if  I  went  to  Albany.  This,  Brothers,  is  the  present 
situation  of  our  people.  They  are  waiting  to  see  what  news  I 
bring.” 

“  Brothers  :  When  1  made  this  request  to  the  warriors  that 
they  should  sit  still  till  my  return,  they  told  me  that  they 
would,  which  they  are  now  in  expectation  of,  and  will  do  no¬ 
thing  till  I  get  back.  But,  Brothers,  after  my  return  I  will  re¬ 
peat  to  them  the  speech  you  will  now  make  to  me,  and  if  any 
of  our  people  should  still  persist  to  be  present  at  your  inter 
view  with  Sir  John,  we  hope,  Brethren,  you  will  not  think 
hard  of  us  as  counsellors,  as  it.  is  not  in  our  power  to  rule  them 
as  we  please.  If  they  should  go ,  and  any  thing  evil  should 
happen ,  we  beg  to  know ,  Brothers ,  what  treatment  we  may 
expect  ivho  remain  at  home  in  peace. 

“  Brothers  :  This  is  all  we  have  to  say.  This  is  the  bu¬ 
siness  which  has  brought  us  down,  and  we  now  expect  an  an¬ 
swer  to  carry  home  to  our  people.” 

To  which  General  Schuyler  delivered  the  following  answer: 

“  Brothers  of  the  Mohawk  Nation  :  We,  the  Commis¬ 
sioners  appointed  by  the  Congress,  and  your  Brothers  of  Albany 
and  Schenectady,  have  paid  great  attention  to  the  speech  you 
have  delivered  us.  We  now  desire  you  to  open  your  ears,  and 
attentively  listen  to  what  we  have  to  say  in  answer. 

“  Brothers  :  It  pleased  us  to  hear  you  declare  that  you 
would  speak  your  minds  freely.  We  assure  you  that  we  shall 
do  the  same,  and  hide  nothing  from  you  of  what  is  in  our 
thoughts. 

“  Brothers  :  We  were  in  hopes  that  the  message  which  we 
sent  you  by  Mr.  Bleecker  would  have  eased  your  minds,  and 


gen.  schuyler’s  reply. 


129 


1776.] 

have  convinced  you  that  no  hostile  intentions  existed  against 
you  or  any  other  Indians ;  for  if  they  had,  we  would  not  have 
sent  you  that  message,  neither  would  we  have  supplied  you 
with  powder,  as  we  did  last  Summer  and  again  the  other  day. 

“Brothers:  We  are  extremely  sorry  that  you  have  not 
complied  with  our  request,  to  send  the  speech  which  we  sent 
you  by  Mr.  Bleecker,  to  the  Six  Nations  in  the  manner  which 
we  required. 

“  Brothers  :  You  told  us  that  five  or  six  men  would  have 
been  sufficient  to  go  to  Johnstown  and  inquire  what  was  trans¬ 
acting  there,  and  that  these  people  would  be  in  no  danger,  as 
it  would  be  a  shame  to  interrupt  them.  We  acknowledge, 
Brothers,  that  it  would  have  been  a  shame  if  we  had  sent  them 
and  they  had  been  interrupted ;  but  we  have  full  proofs  that 
many  people  in  Johnstown,  and  the  neighbourhood  thereof, 
have  for  a  considerable  time  past  made  preparations  to  carry 
into  execution  the  wicked  designs  of  the  King’s  evil  coun¬ 
sellors. 

Brothers  :  It  is  very  true  that  last  Summer  the  United 
Colonies  promised  that  the  path  to  the  Indian  country  should 
be  kept  open.  They  again  repeat  that  promise  ;  and  although 
it  is  by  the  special  order  of  Congress  that  this  body  of  troops 
are  now  marching  up,  yet  it  is  not  to  shut  the  path,  but  to  keep 
it  open,  and  to  prevent  the  people  in  and  about  Johnstown  from 
cutting  off  the  communication  between  us  and  our  brethren  of 
the  Six  Nations,  and  our  other  brethren  living  up  the  river. 

“  Brothers  :  Although  we  have  before  observed  that  the 
people  living  in  and  about  Johnstown  are  making  hostile  pre¬ 
parations  against  us,  yet  we  will  not  shed  a  drop  of  their  blood 
unless  they  refuse  to  come  to  an  agreement  by  which  we  may 
be  safe,  or  unless  they  oppose  us  with  arms.  We  do  not  mean 
that  any  of  our  warriors  should  set  their  foot  on  any  of  the 
lands  you  possess,  or  that  of  the  Six  Nations,  unless  our  ene¬ 
mies  should  take  shelter  there ;  for  those  we  are  resolved  to 
follow  wherever  they  go.  We  again  repeat,  that  we  have  no 
quarrel  with  you,  and  we  do  expect  that  you  will  not  interfere 
in  this  family  contest,  but  stand  by  as  indifferent  spectators, 
agreeable  to  the  engagement  of  the  Six  Nations  made  to  us  last 
Summer  at  their  own  request. 

“  Brothers  :  We  assured  you  last  Summer,  that  as  we  had 


130 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1776. 

no  quarrel  with  any  Indians,  we  would  not  touch  a  hair  of  their 
heads ;  yet  when  our  warriors  were  at  St.  Johns,  they  were  at¬ 
tacked  by  Indians.  Two  of  your  tribe,  and  some  others,  were 
killed.  You  have  never  blamed  us  for  it,  because  you  well 
knew  that  our  lives  are  dear  to  us  ;  we  have  a  right  to  kill  any 
man  who  attempts  to  kill  us.  You  ought,  therefore,  not  to  be 
surprised  if  we  take  every  precaution  to  prevent  being  destroyed 
by  the  friends  of  the  King’s  evil  counsellors. 

“  Brothers  :  In  a  little  time  we  may  be  called  upon  to  go 
and  fight  against  our  enemies  to  the  eastward,  who  are  em¬ 
ployed  by  the  King’s  evil  counsellors  ;  and  can  you  think  it 
prudent  that  we  should  leave  a  set  of  people  who  are  our  ene¬ 
mies,  in  any  part  of  the  country,  in  such  a  situation  as  to  be 
able  to  destroy  our  wives  and  children,  and  burn  our  houses 
in  our  absence  ?  Would  you  leave  your  wives  and  children  in 
such  a  situation  ?  The  wisdom  by  which  you  have  conducted 
your  affairs  convinced  us  that  you  would  not;  and  yet  so  cau¬ 
tious  are  we  that  no  blood  may  be  shed,  that  we  shall  send  a 
letter  to  Sir  John,  inviting  him  to  meet  us  on  the  road  between 
this  place  and  his  house,  which  if  he  does,  we  make  no  doubt 
but  every  thing  will  be  settled  in  an  amicable  manner  ;  and  that 
he  may  be  under  no  apprehensions,  we  do  now  assure  you  that 
if  we  do  not  come  to  an  agreement,  he  will  be  permitted  safely 
to  return  to  his  own  house. 

“Brothers  :  We  thank  you  that  you  have  concealed  no¬ 
thing  from  us,  and  we  assure  you  that  we  scorn  deceit  as  much 
as  you  do  ;  and  therefore  we  shall  now  speak  our  minds  freely 
on  what  you  have  said  respecting  the  conduct  which  your 
warriors  mean  to  hold.  We  have  no  objection,  nay,  we  wish 
that  you  and  they  should  be  present,  to  hear  what  we  shall  pro¬ 
pose  to  Sir  John  and  the  people  in  and  about  Johnstown  who 
are  our  enemies  ;  but  we  beg  of  you  to  tell  your  warriors,  that 
although  we  have  no  quarrel  with  them,  yet  if  we  should  be 
under  the  disagreeable  necessity  of  fighting  with  our  enemies, 
and  your  warriors  should  join  them  and  fight  against  us,  that 
we  will  do  as  we  did  at  St.  Johns,  repel  force  by  force. 

“Brothers  :  You  have  asked  us,  if  your  warriors  should 
go  and  if  any  thing  evil  should  happen,  what  treatment  you 
may  expect  who  remain  at  home  in  peace  ? 

“  Brothers  :  In  the  treaty  held  at  Albany  last  Summer,  you 


gen.  schuyler’s  reply. 


131 


1776.] 

and  your  warriors  were  present,  and  you  and  they  jointly 
promised  to  remain  neuter  and  not  to  interfere  in  this  quarrel. 
Should  your  warriors,  therefore,  now  take  up  arms  against  us, 
we  must  consider  it  as  a  breach  of  the  treaty  so  far  as  it  re¬ 
spects  the  lower  Mohawk  Castle  ;  of  which  breach  we  shall 
complain  to  our  Brethren,  the  other  nations,  and  at  the  same 
time  lay  the  matter  before  our  great  council  at  Philadelphia, 
whose  determination  thereupon  will  be  our  future  guide. 

“  Brothers  :  We  are  surprised  that  the  least  doubt  should 
remain  on  your  minds  with  respect  to  our  friendly  intentions 
towards  you,  after  the  many  instances  we  have  given  you  of 
our  love  and  friendship ;  but  we  must  impute  it  to  the  wicked 
insinuations  of  our  mutual  enemies,  who  wish  for  nothing  so 
much  as  to  see  the  ancient  covenant  which  has  so  long  subsist¬ 
ed  between  us  broken. 

“  Brothers  :  You  have  observed  that  you  would  pay  no 
regard  to  that  party  that  should  be  the  first  aggressor.  We 
cannot  be  the  aggressors ;  for  if  our  enemies  in  and  about 
Johnstown  had  had  no  evil  intentions  against  us,  we  should  never 
have  even  come  thus  far  with  an  army.  Whoever  takes  up  arms 
against  another,  although  he  has  not  yet  struck,  must  be  consider¬ 
ed  as  the  aggressor,  and  not  he  who  tries  to  prevent  the  blow. 

“  Brothers  :  We  have  now  freely  and  fully  disclosed  to  you 
our  minds.  We  hope  you  will  remember  what  we  have  said, 
and  repeat  it  to  your  Brothers,  counsellors,  and  warriors  ;  and, 
lest  you  should  not  be  able  to  recollect  every  part  of  this 
speech,  you  may  have  your  Brothers  Ka-ragh-qua-dirhon,  and 
Ti-ze-de-ron-de-ron,  [Deane  and  Bleecker,]  interpreters,  to  at¬ 
tend  you  if  it  be  agreeable  to  you. 

“  Brothers  :  Your  women  have  sent  us  a  belt.  We  beg 
you  to  assure  them  of  our  regard,  and  to  entreat  them  to  pre¬ 
vent  your  warriors  from  doing  any  thing  that  would  have  the 
least  tendency  to  incur  our  resentment,  or  interrupt  that  har¬ 
mony  which  we  wish  may  subsist  to  the  end  of  time.” 

To  this  the  Indians  made  the  following  brief  reply  : — 

“  Brother  Schuyler  the  Great  Man,  attend  !  We 
have  this  evening  heard  what  you  have  to  say,  and  we  are  glad 
of  it,  and  thank  you  for  it. 

“  Every  thing  that  has  been  said  to  us,  Brother,  has  been 
perfectly  agreeable  to  us. 


132 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1776. 

“  I  shall  not  attempt,  Brother,  to  make  a  particular  reply  to 
every  thing  that  has  been  said  to  us.  Indeed,  it  would  not  be 
proper  at  this  time. 

“  We  are  very  glad,  Brother,  that  you  have  determined  to 
write  to  Sir  John,  requesting  an  interview  with  him  in  hopes  of 
an  amicable  agreement. 

“  Brother  :  You  mention  that  it  would  be  agreeable  to  you 
that  the  warriors  and  counsellors,  or  sachems,  should  attend. 

“  Brother  :  We,  the  sachems,  will  attend,  though  we  should 
do  it  at  the  risk  of  our  lives, 

“  Brother  :  We  should  be  glad  if  you  would  inform  us  of 
the  time  and  place  of  your  interview  with  Sir  John.  You 
likewise  told  us,  that  if  it  was  agreeable  to  us,  that  your  inter¬ 
preters  should  attend  to  recapitulate  the  speech  you  have  made, 
which  likewise  is  agreeable  to  us  ;  and  we  desire  that  they  may 
go  with  us,  for  by  that  means  all  mistakes  may  be  prevented. 

“  Brother  :  You  may  depend  on  it  that  we  will  use  our 
utmost  influence  with  our  warriors  to  calm  their  minds.  You 
may  depend  on  it,  likewise,  that  our  sisters  will  use  their  ut¬ 
most  influence  for  the  same  purpose.” 

General  Schuyler  assured  them  again  of  his  pacific  inten¬ 
tions,  and  that  nothing  unpleasant  should  happen  to  them.  He 
also  informed  them,  that  if  they  desired  to  attend  the  expedition 
to  Johnstown,  or  to  be  present  at  the  intended  interview  with 
Sir  John,  as  mediators,  they  should  be  protected  in  that  charac¬ 
ter.  With  this  understanding  they  took  their  departure  the 
same  night.  A  letter,  of  which  the  following  is  a  copy,  was 
at  the  same  time  despatched  to  Sir  John  Johnson  : — 

General  Schuyler  to  Sir  John  Johnson. 

“  Schenectady,  Jan.  16,  1776. 

“  Sir, 

ct  Information  having  been  received  that  designs  of  the  most 
dangerous  tendency  to  the  rights,  liberties,  property,  and  even 
lives  of  those  of  his  Majesty’s  faithful  subjects  in  America  who 
are  opposed  to  the  unconstitutional  measures  of  his  ministry, 
have  been  formed  in  a  part  of  the  County  of  Tryon,  I  am  or¬ 
dered  to  march  a  body  of  men  into  that  County,  to  carry  into 
execution  certain  resolutions  of  my  superiors,  and  to  contravene 
those  dangerous  designs. 


1776.]  CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  SIR  JOHN.  133 

“  Influenced.  Sir,  by  motives  of  humanity,  I  wish  to  comply 
with  my  orders  in  a  manner  the  most  peaceable,  that  no  blood 
may  be  shed.  I  therefore  request  that  you  will  please  to  meet 
me  to-morrow,  at  any  place  on  my  way  to  Johnstown,  to  which 
I  propose  then  to  march.  For  which  purpose  I  do  hereby  give 
vou  my  word  of  honour,  that  you,  and  such  persons  as  you 
may  choose  should  attend  you,  shall  pass  safe  and  unmolested 
to  the  place  where  you  may  meet  me,  and  from  thence  back  to 
the  place  of  your  abode. 

“  Rutgers  Bleecker  and  Henry  Glen,  Esqrs.  are  the  bearers 
hereof,  gentlemen  who  are  entitled  to  your  best  attention,  which 
I  dare  say  they  will  experience,  and  by  whom  I  expect  you 
will  favour  me  with  an  answer  to  this  letter. 

“  You  will  please  to  assure  Lady  Johnson,  that  whatever 
may  be  the  result  of  what  is  now  in  agitation,  she  may  rest 
perfectly  satisfied  that  no  indignity  will  be  offered  her. 

“  I  am,  Sir, 

“  To  “  Your  humble  Servant, 

“  Sir  John  Jolmson,  Baronet  .”  “  Ph.  Schuyler.” 

General  Schuyler  resumed  his  march  on  the  morning  of  the 
17th — his  forces  constantly  increasing,  until  before  nightfall 
they  numbered  upward  of  three  thousand.  Having  proceeded 
about  sixteen  miles  from  Schenectady,  the  expedition  was  met 
by  Sir  John,  attended  by  several  of  his  leading  friends  among 
the  Scotchmen,  and  two  or  three  others.  The  result  of  the  in¬ 
terview  was  the  proffer,  by  General  Schuyler,  of  the  following 
terms  to  Sir  John  and  his  retainers : — 

“  Terms  offered  by  the  Honourable  Philip  Schuyler,  Esq., 
Major-general  in  the  army  of  the  thirteen  United  Colonies,  and 
commanding  in  the  New-York  department,  to  Sir  John  John¬ 
son,  Baronet,  and  all  such  other  persons  in  the  County  of  Try- 
on  as  have  evinced  their  intentions  of  supporting  his  Majesty’s 
ministry,  to  carry  into  execution  the  unconstitutional  measures 
of  which  the  Americans  so  justly  complain,  and  to  prevent 
which  they  have  been  driven  to  the  dreadful  necessity  of  having 
recourse  to  arms. 

“  First :  That  Sir  John  Johnson  shall,  upon  his  word  of 
honour,  immediately  deliver  up  all  cannon,  arms,  and  other 
military  stores,  of  what  kind  soever,  which  may  be  in  his  own 


134 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1776. 


possession,  or  which  he  has  caused  to  be  delivered  into  the 
possession  of  any  persons  whatsoever,  either  directly  or  indi¬ 
rectly,  or  that  to  his  knowledge  may  be  concealed  in  any  part 
of  the  said  County  :  That  he  shall  distinguish  all  such  mili¬ 
tary  stores  of  what  kind  soever  as  belong  to  the  Crown,  or 
were  furnished  with  the  design  of  arming  the  Indians  or  the 
inhabitants  of  Tryon  County,  from  those  which  may  be  private 
property,  in  order  that  a  proper  inventory  may  be  taken  of  the 
last  articles,  that  the  same  may  be  restored,  or  the  value  of 
them  refunded,  when  this  unhappy  contest  shall  be  over. 

“  Secondly  :  General  Schuyler,  out  of  personal  respect  for 
Sir  John,  and  from  a  regard  to  his  rank,  consents  that  Sir  John 
shall  retain  for  his  own  use  a  complete  set  of  armor,  and  as 
much  powder  as  may  be  sufficient  for  his  domestic  purposes. 

“  Thirdly  :  That  Sir  John  Johnson  shall  remain  upon  his 
parole  of  honour  in  any  part  of  Tryon  County  which  he  may 
choose,  to  the  eastward  of  the  district  of  unless  it 

should  appear  necessary  to  the  Honourable  the  Continental 
Congress  to  remove  him  to  some  other  part  of  this,  or  any 
other  Colony ;  in  which  case  he  is  immediately  to  comply  with 
such  orders  as  they  may  think  proper  to  give  for  that  purpose. 

“  Fourthly  :  That  the  Scotch  inhabitants  of  the  said  County 
shall,  without  any  kind  of  exception,  immediately  deliver  up 
all  arms  in  their  possession,  of  what  kind  soever  they  may  be ; 
and  that  they  shall  each  solemnly  promise  that  they  will  not  at 
any  time  hereafter,  during  the  continuance  of  this  unhappy 
contest,  take  up  arms  without  the  permission  of  the  Continent¬ 
al  Congress,  or  of  their  general  officers  ; — and  for  the  more 
faithful  performance  of  this  article,  the  General  insists  that  they 
shall  immediately  deliver  up  to  him  six  hostages  of  his  own 
nomination. 

“  Fifthly :  That  such  of  the  other  inhabitants  of  Tryon 
County  as  have  avowed  themselves  averse  to  the  measures  of 
the  United  Colonies,  shall  also  deliver  up  their  arms,  of  what 
kind  soever  they  may  be,  and  enter  into  the  like  engagement 
as  is  stipulated  in  the  .preceding  article,  both  with  respect  to 
their  future  conduct  and  the  number  of  hostages. 

“  Sixthly :  That  all  blankets,  strouds,  and  other  Indian  arti¬ 
cles  belonging  to  the  Crown,  and  intended  as  presents  to  the 
Indians,  shall  be  delivered  up  to  a  commissary  appointed  by 


1776.]  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  SIR  JOHN.  135 

General  Schuyler,  in  the  presence  of  three  or  more  of  the  Mo¬ 
hawk  chiefs,  in  order  that  the  same  may  be  dispensed  amongst 
the  Indians,  for  the  purpose  of  cementing  the  ancient  friendship 
between  them  and  their  brethren  of  the  United  Colonies,  for 
which  sole  purpose  they  ought  to  have  been  furnished. 

“  Seventhly :  If  Sir  John  Johnson,  and  the  people  referred  to 
in  the  aforegoing  articles,  shall  justly  abide  by,  and  perform 
what  is  thereby  required  of  them,  the  General,  in  behalf  of  the 
Continental  Congress,  doth  promise  and  engage,  that  neither 
Sir  John  Johnson  nor  any  of  those  people  shall  be  molested  by 
any  of  the  other  inhabitants  of  the  said  County,  or  by  any  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  thirteen  United  Colonies  ;  but  that,  on  the 
contrary,  they  will  be  protected  in  the  quiet  and  peaceable  en¬ 
joyment  of  their  property : — the  sole  intent  of  this  treaty  being 
to  prevent  the  horrid  effects  of  a  civil  and  intestine  war  betwixt 
those  who  ought  to  be  brethren.  That  all  the  arms  which 
shall  be  delivered  up  in  consequence  of  the  preceding  articles 
shall  be  valued  by  sworn  appraisers.  That  if  the  Continental 
Congress  should  have  occasion  for  them,  they  may  be  taken. 
If  not,  they  will  be  delivered  to  the  respective  proprietors  when 
this  unhappy  contest  shall  be  at  an  end.” 

In  the  course  of  the  interview,  Sir  John  assured  General 
Schuyler  that  the  Indians  would  support  him,  and  that  numbers 
of  them  were  already  at  Johnson  Hall  for  that  purpose.  He 
was  assured,  in  return,  that  though  averse  to  the  shedding  of 
blood,  if  the  proffered  terms  were  not  acceded  to,  force  would 
be  opposed  to  force  without  distinction  of  persons,  and  that  the 
consequences  of  resistance  would  be  of  the  most  serious  descrip¬ 
tion.  In  conclusion,  Sir  John  begged  until  the  evening  of  the 
following  day  to  consider  of  the  propositions,  which  request 
was  granted,  and  the  Baronet  took  his  leave. 

In  about  an  hour  after  his  departure,  Abraham,  and  another 
of  the  Mohawks,  made  their  appearance  at  General  Schuyler’s 
quarters.  On  being  informed  of  what  Sir  John  had  said  re¬ 
specting  the  Indians  being  in  arms  at  the  Hall  for  his  defence, 
Abraham  pronounced  the  story  untrue,  and  repeated  his  assur¬ 
ances  that  the  Mohawks  would  interfere  in  no  other  way  than 
as  mediators.  The  General  replied  that  he  hoped  they  would 
not,  but  he  at  the  same  time  assured  them  with  emphasis,  that 

22 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


136 


[1776. 


if  they  should  do  so.  he  should  not  hesitate  a  moment  in  de¬ 
stroying  every  one  who  opposed  him  in  arms. 

On  the  following  day,  (the  18th,)  General  Schuyler  moved 
forward  to  Caughnawaga,  four  miles  from  Johnstown,  where  he 
was  joined  by  Colonel  Herkimer  and  the  Tryon  County  mili¬ 
tia.  At  about  6  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  Sir  John’s  answer  to 
the  terms  proposed  to  him  was  received,  as  follows 

“  Terms  proposed  by  Sir  John  Johnson,  Baronet,  and  the 
people  of  Kingsborough  and  the  adjacent  neighborhood,  to  the 
Honorable  Philip  Schuyler,  Esq.  Major  General  in  the  army 
of  the  thirteen  United  Colonies,  and  commanding  in  the  New- 
York  Department. 

“  First :  That  Sir  John  Johnson  and  the  rest  of  the  gentle¬ 
men  expect  that  all  such  arms  of  every  kind  as  are  their  own 
property  may  remain  in  their  possession ;  all  the  other  arms 
shall  be  delivered  up  to  such  person  or  persons  as  may  be  ap¬ 
pointed  for  that  purpose  ;  as  to  military  stores  belonging  to  the 
Crown,  Sir  John  has  not  any. 

“  Secondly  :  Answered  in  the  first. 

“  Thirdly  :  Sir  John  expects  that  he  will  not  be  confined  to 
any  certain  County,  but  be  at  liberty  to  go  where  he  pleases. 

“  Fourthly :  The  Scotch  inhabitants  will  deliver  up  their 
arms  of  what  kind  soever  they  may  be,  and  they  will  each 
solemnly  promise  that  they  will  not  at  any  time  hereafter,  during 
the  continuance  of  this  unhappy  contest,  take  up  arms  without 
the  permission  of  the  Continental  Congress  or  of  their  general 
officers.  Hostages  they  are  not  in  a  capacity  to  give — no  one  man 
having  command  over  another,  or  power  sufficient  to  deliver 
such.  Therefore  this  part  of  the  article  to  be  passed  over,  or  the 
whole  included — women  and  children  to  be  required,  being  a  re¬ 
quisition  so  inhuman  as  we  hope  the  General  will  dispense  with.” 

“  Fifthly  :  Answered  in  the  fourth. 

“  Sixthly  :  Sir  John  has  not  any  blankets,  strouds,  or  other 
presents,  intended  for  the  Indians. 

“  Seventhly  :  If  the  above  proposals  are  agreed  to  and  signed 
by  the  General,  Sir  John  and  the  people  referred  to  will  rely  on 
the  assurances  of  protection  given  by  the  General. 

[Signed]  “  John  Johnson, 

“  Allan  M‘Donell.” 

“  To  the  Hon.  Philip  Schuyler.,  Major-general .” 


1776.]  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  SIR  JOHN.  137 

This  answer  was  in  all  respects  unsatisfactory,  as  will  appear 
by  the  annexed  letter  from  General  Schuyler  in  reply : — 

General  Schuyler  to  Sir  John  Johnson,  Baronet. 

“  Caughnawaga,  Jan.  18th,  8  o’clock,  P.  M.,  1776. 

1  Gentlemen, 

“  Messrs.  Adams  and  M‘Donell  have  delivered  me  your  an 
swer  to  my  proposals  of  yesterday’s  date.  The  least  attention 
to  the  articles  I  offered,  when  compared  with  yours,  must  con¬ 
vince  you  that  you  omitted  replies  to  several  of  them,  and  con  ■ 
sequently  that  what  you  have  sent  me  is  very  imperfect,  and 
also  unsatisfactory.  I  waive  pointing  out  some  of  the  inconsis¬ 
tencies  in  your  proposals,  as  the  whole  are  exceptionable  except¬ 
ing  the  last. 

“  I  must  therefore  obey  my  orders,  and  again  repeat,  that,  in 
the  execution  of  them,  I  shall  strictly  abide  by  the  laws  of  hu¬ 
manity  ;  at  the  same  time  assuring  you,  that  if  the  least  resist¬ 
ance  is  made,  I  will  not  answer  for  the  consequences,  which 
may  be  of  a  nature  the  most  dreadful. 

“  If  Lady  Johnson  is  at  Johnson  Hall,  I  wish  she  would  re¬ 
tire,  (and  therefore  enclose  a  passport,)  as  I  shall  march  my 
troops  to  that  place  without  delay. 

“  You  may,  however,  still  have  time  to  reconsider  the 
matter,  and  for  that  purpose  I  give  you  until  12  o’clock  this 
night — after  which  I  shall  receive  no  proposals ;  and  I  have 
sent  you  Mr.  Robert  Yates,  Mr.  Glen,  and  Mr.  Duer,  to  receive 
the  ultimate  proposals  you  have  to  make.  This  condescension 
I  make  from  no  other  motive  than  to  prevent  the  effusion  of 
blood,  so  far  as  it  can  be  effected  without  risking  the  safety  of 
the  County,  or  being  guilty  of  a  breach  of  the  positive  orders 
I  have  received  from  the  Honorable  Continental  Congress. 

“  I  am,  Gentlemen, 

11  With  due  respect, 

1  Your  humble  Servant, 

“  Ph.  Schuyler.” 

u  To  Sir  John  Johnson  and  Mr.  Allan  M-DoneUP 

Immediately  after  the  preceding  letter  had  been  despatched 
to  the  Hall,  the  sachems  of  the  Lower  Castle,  with  all  their 
warriors  and  several  from  the  Upper  Castle,  called  upon  Ge- 


138 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1776. 


neral  Schuyler,  having  come  to  his  quarters  directly  from  the 
residence  of  the  Baronet.  They  informed  the  General  that 
Sir  John  had  related  to  them  the  substance  of  the  terms  of 
surrender  that  had  been  proposed.  Sir  John,  they  said,  had 
declared  to  them  that  all  he  desired  was  protection  for  his  fami¬ 
ly  and  friends  from  insult  and  the  outrages  of  riotous  people, 
and  protested  that  he  had  no  unfriendly  intentions  against  the 
country.  The  Indians  therefore  begged  the  General  to  accept 
the  terms  as  offered  by  Sir  John.  The  General  told  the  chiefs 
that  he  could  not  accept  of  those  terms,  and  pointed  out  the  ob¬ 
jections.  He  likewise  informed  them  of  the  tenor  of  the  letter 
he  had  just  transmitted  to  the  Hall.  The  Indians  were  appa¬ 
rently  contented  with  those  reasons  and  with  the  course  adopt¬ 
ed,  but  begged  that,  should  the  answer  of  Sir  John  be  still  un¬ 
satisfactory,  the  General  would  give  him  until  4  o’clock  in  the 
morning,  that  they  might  have  time  to  go  and  “  shake  his 
head,”  as  they  expressed  it,  “  and  bring  him  to  his  senses.” 
They  likewise  begged  it  as  an  additional  favor,  that  General 
Schuyler  would  not  remove  Sir  John  out  of  the  country. 
They  apologized  for  the  threats  of  their  own  warriors,  alleg¬ 
ing  that  it  was  attributable  to  the  circumstance  of  their  not 
being  present  at  the  treaty  of  Albany ;  and  again  repeated  the 
assurance  that  they  would  never  take  arms  against  the  Colo¬ 
nies.  In  reply,  General  Schuyler  complimented  the  Indians  for 
their  pacific  intentions,  and  informed  them  that  he  should  ac¬ 
cede  to  their  request,  although  the  conduct  of  Sir  John  had 
been  so  censurable  that  he  should  be  justified  in  holding  him  a 
close  prisoner.  His  reasons  for  granting  the  request,  the  Gene¬ 
ral  told  them,  were  two-fold  : — first,  to  show  the  love  and 
affection  of  the  Americans  for  the  Indians,  and  to  convince 
them  that  they  could  obtain,  by  asking  as  a  favor,  that  which 
they  could  not  obtain  by  demanding  as  a  right.  Secondly,  that 
by  leaving  Sir  John  amongst  them,  they  might,  by  their  exam¬ 
ple  and  advice,  induce  him  to  alter  his  conduct. 

The  extension  of  the  time  until  4  o’clock  was  unnecessary 
however,  the  following  answer  from  Sir  John  having  been  re¬ 
ceived  at  12  o’clock,  at  midnight : — 

“  Answers  to  the  terms  proposed  by  the  Honorable  Philip 
Schuyler,  Esq.  Major-general  in  the  army  of  the  thirteen 
United  Colonies,  and  commanding  in  the  New- York  Depart- 


177G.]  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  SIR  JOHN.  139 

mentj  to  Sir  John  Johnson,  Baronet,  the  inhabitants  of  Kings- 
borough,  and  the  neighborhood  adjacent. 

“  First  and  second  articles  agreed  to,  except  a  few  favorite 
family  arms. 

“  Third  :  Sir  John  Johnson  having  given  his  parole  of  honor 
not  to  take  up  arms  against  America,  and  conceiving  the  design 
of  this  military  operation  to  be  with  no  other  view  than  that  of 
removing  the  jealousies  of  which  his  countrymen  are  unhap¬ 
pily  and  unjustly  inspired  with  against  him,  can  by  no  means 
think  of  submitting  to  this  article  in  its  full  latitude,  though, 
for  the  sake  of  preserving  peace  and  removing  any  suspicions 
of  undue  influence,  he  consents  not  to  go  to  the  westward  of  the 
German  Flatts  and  Kingsland  Districts.  To  every  other  part 
of  the  continent  to  the  southward  of  this  County,  he  expects  the 
privilege  of  going. 

“  Fourthly :  Agreed  to,  excepting  that  part  of  the  article 
which  respects  the  giving  hostages.  After  the  Scotch  inhabit¬ 
ants  have  surrendered  arms,  the  General  may  take  any  six 
prisoners  from  amongst  them  as  he  chooses,  without  resistance. 
They  expect,  however,  that  the  prisoners  so  taken,  will  be 
maintained  agreeable  to  their  respective  ranks,  and  that  they 
may  have  the  privilege  of  going  to  any  part  of  the  province  of 
New  Jersey  or  Pennsylvania,  which  the  General,  or  the  Conti¬ 
nental  Congress  may  appoint.  They  likewise  expect,  from  the 
General’s  humanity,  that  provision  will  be  made  for  the  main¬ 
tenance  of  the  prisoner’s  wives  and  children,  agreeable  to  their 
respective  situations  in  life.  Yet,  for  the  sake  of  promoting  the 
harmony  of  the  country,  they  will  not  break  off  this  treaty 
merely  on  that  account,  provided  the  General  thinks  he  can¬ 
not  exert  a  discretionary  power  in  this  matter  ;  in  which  case , 
they  rely  upon  the  General’s  influence  with  the  Continental 
Congress,  which  they  cannot  persuade  themselves  will  be  inat¬ 
tentive  to  the  voice  of  humanity,  or  to  the  feelings  of  parents 
who  may  be  torn  from  their  families.  Those  to  whose  lot  it 
may  fall  to  be  taken  prisoners,  it  is  expected  will  be  allowed  a 
few  days  to  settle  their  business,  and,  if  gentlemen,  to  wear  their 
side  arms. 

“  Fifth :  Neither  Sir  John  Johnson  nor  the  Scotch  gentle¬ 
men,  can  make  any  engagement  for  any  other  persons  than 
those  over  whom  they  may  have  influence.  Neither  can  they 


140 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1776. 

possibly  know  the  names  of  all  such  persons  who  have  shown 
themselves  averse  to  the  measures  of  the  United  Colonies. 
They  give  their  word  and  honor,  that,  so  far  as  depends  on 
them,  the  inhabitants  shall  give  up  their  arms,  and  enter  into 
the  like  engagement  with  the  Scotch  inhabitants.  The  Gene¬ 
ral  has  it  more  in  his  power  to  discover  those  who  are  obnoxious, 
and  to  make  as  many  as  he  pleases  prisoners.  Neither  shall 
they  adopt  the  quarrel  of  any  such  persons  as  their  own. 

“  Sixth  :  Sir  John  gives  his  word  of  honor  that  he  has  no 
blankets,  strouds,  or  other  presents,  belonging  to  the  Crown, 
intended  for  the  Indians ;  and  therefore  this  requisition  cannot 
be  complied  with. 

“  Seventh  :  If  the  above  proposals  are  agreed  to,  and  signed 
by  the  General,  Sir  John  and  the  people  referred  to  will  rely  on 
the  assurances  of  protection  given  by  the  General.  But  as  it 
will  be  impossible  for  the  arms  to  be  collected  till  Saturday 
next  at  twelve  o’clock,  all  the  men  referred  to  in  the  above 
articles  will  be  then  paraded  in  Johnstown,  and  ground  their 
arms  in  the  presence  of  such  troops  as  the  General  may 
appoint.” 

[Signed.]  “  John  Johnson, 

“  Allan  M'Donell.” 

“  Johnson  Hall,  January  18th,  1776.” 

The  Indians  were  yet  present  at  the  quarters  of  General 
Schuyler  when  this  despatch  was  received  from  Sir  John,  and, 
on  being  informed  that  matters  were  likely  to  terminate  amica¬ 
bly,  they  retired  with  warm  expressions  of  gratification.  The 
following  letter  was  thereupon  despatched  to  the  Hall : — 

General  Schuyler  to  Sir  John  Johnson. 

“  Caughnawaga,  January  19,  1776. 

«  General  Schuyler’s  feelings  as  a  gentleman  induce  him  to 
consent  that  Sir  John  Johnson  may  retain  the  few  favorite  fa¬ 
mily  arms — he  making  a  list  of  them. 

“  The  General  will  also  consent  that  Sir  John  Johnson  may 
go  as  far  to  the  westward  as  the  German  Flatts  and  Kingsland 
Districts  in  this  County,  and  to  every  other  part  of  this  Colony 
to  the  Southward  and  Eastward  of  said  Districts,  provided  he 
does  not  go  into  any  seaport  town.  The  General,  however, 


THE  TORIES  DISARMED. 


141 


L77G.] 

believes,  that  if  Sir  John’s  private  business  should  require  his 
going  to  any  of  the  other  ancient  English  Colonies,  he  will  be 
permitted  the  indulgence  by  applying  to  Congress  for  leave. 

“  The  General  will  take  six  of  the  Scotch  inhabitants  prison¬ 
ers,  since  they  prefer  it  to  going  as  hostages.  It  has  been  the 
invariable  rule  of  Congress,  and  that  of  all  its  officers,  to  treat 
prisoners  with  the  greatest  humanity,  and  to  pay  all  due  defer¬ 
ence  to  rank.  He  cannot  ascertain  the  places  to  which  Con¬ 
gress  may  please  to  send  them.  For  the  present  they  will  go 
to  Reading  or  Lancaster  in  Pennsylvania.  Nor  can  he  make 
any  promises  with  respect  to  the  maintenance  of  the  women 
and  children.  His  humanity  will  certainly  induce  him  to 
recommend  to  Congress  an  attention  to  what  has  been  request¬ 
ed  on  that  head.  General  Schuyler  expects  that  all  the  Scotch 
inhabitants,  of  whatsoever  rank,  who  are  not  confined  to  their 
beds  by  illness,  will  attend  with  their  arms,  and  deliver  them  on 
Saturday  at  12  o’clock.  If  this  condition  be  not  faithfully  per¬ 
formed,  he  will  consider  himself  as  disengaged  from  any  en¬ 
gagements  entered  into  with  them. 

“  General  Schuyler  never  refused  a  gentleman  his  side-arms. 

“  The  prisoners  that  may  be  taken  must  be  removed  to  Al¬ 
bany  immediately,  where  the  General  will  permit  them  to  re¬ 
main  a  reasonable  time  to  settle  their  family  affairs. 

“If  the  terms  General  Schuyler  has  offered  on  the  17th inst. 
are  accepted  with  the  above  qualifications,  fair  copies  will  be 
made  out  and  signed  by  the  parties,  one  of  which  will  be  de¬ 
livered  to  Sir  John  and  Mr.  M£Donell,  signed  by  the  General. 
To  prevent  a  waste  of  time,  the  General  wishes  Sir  John  and 
Mr.  M‘Donell  immediately  to  send  an  answer. 

“  He  remains,  with  due  respect, 

“  Sir  John’s  and  Mr.  M‘Donell’s  humble  Servant, 

“Ph.  Schuyler.” 

These  terms  were  acceded  to  by  Sir  John,  and  on  the  same 
day  General  Schuyler  marched  to  Johnstown — having  pre¬ 
viously  detailed  several  detachments  of  his  troops  to  scour  the 
country,  and  bring  in  the  disaffected  not  comprehended  in  the 
arrangements  with  the  Baronet.  On  the  same  afternoon  Sir 
John  delivered  up  the  arms  and  ammunition  in  his  possession — - 
the  quantity  of  both  being  much  smaller  than  was  expected. 


142 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1776. 

On  Saturday,  the  20th,  General  Schuyler  paraded  his  tfoops  at 
12  o’clock  at  noon,  to  receive  the  surrender  of  the  Highlanders, 
who,  to  the  number  of  between  two  and  three  hundred, 
marched  to  the  front  and  grounded  their  arms.  These  having 
been  secured,  the  Scotchmen  were  dismissed  with  an  exhorta¬ 
tion  to  remain  peaceable,  and  with  an  assurance  of  protection 
if  they  did  so. 

The  General’s  attention  was  next  directed  to  the  discovery 
and  capture  of  the  secret  depot  of  arms  and  ammunition,  of 
which  information  had  been  given  by  Connell.  Two  of  the 
persons  named  in  his  affidavit  were  taken,  but  they  denied, 
most  unequivocally,  all  knowledge  upon  the  subject.  Connell 
was  then  produced  to  confront  them  ;  but  they  still  persisted  in 
maintaining  their  innocence,  and  denounced  him  as  a  perjured 
villain.  Connell  was  then  sent  with  a  number  of  officers  to 
point  out  the  spot,  where,  as  he  alleged,  the  arms  were  con¬ 
cealed.  He  conducted  them  to  a  pond  of  water,  containing  a 
small  island,  or  mound,  in  the  middle,  within  which  he  declared 
the  arms  were  buried.  The  snow  and  ice  were  forthwith  re¬ 
moved,  and  the  mound  dug  down.  Connell  had  particularly 
described  the  manner  in  which  the  arms  had  been  deposited 
under  ground  ;  but  it  was  soon  discovered  that  the  earth  had 
not  recently  been  disturbed,  if  ever ;  and  in  the  end  it  was 
ascertained,  to  the  satisfaction  of  all,  that  the  fellow  was  a  base 
impostor.  General  Schuyler  returned  to  Caughnawaga  that 
evening.  On  the  two  following  days  upward  of  a  hundred 
Tories  were  brought  in  from  different  parts  of  the  country. 
Colonel  Herkimer  was  left  in  charge  to  complete  the  disarming 
of  the  disaffected  and  receive  the  hostages,  and  the  General, 
with  his  miscellaneous  army,  marched  back  to  Albany.  In  his 
letters  to  Congress,  and  also  to  General  Washington,  he  spoke 
of  the  anxiety  and  trouble  he  had  experienced  in  preventing 
so  large  a  body  of  men,  collected  on  the  sudden,  without  dis¬ 
cipline,  and  withal  greatly  exasperated,  from  running  into  ex¬ 
cesses.  In  these  efforts,  however,  he  succeeded  much  better 
than,  under  the  circumstances,  was  reasonably  to  have  been 
anticipated.  Before  his  return,  Mr.  Dean,  the  Indian  interpre¬ 
ter,  was  despatched  by  the  General  with  a  belt  and  a  talk  to 
the  Six  Nations,  which  has  not  been  preserved.  Thus  ended 
the  expedition  to  Johnstown. 


FLIGHT  OF  SIR  JOHN. 


143 


1776.] 

General  Schuyler  transmitted  a  full  report  of  his  proceedings 
to  Congress,  by  whom  a  special  resolution  was  passed,  thank¬ 
ing  him  for  the  fidelity,  prudence,  and  expedition  with  which 
he  had  performed  such  a  meritorious  service.  A  second  reso¬ 
lution  was  also  adopted,  so  curiously  constructed,  and  containing 
such  an  ingeniously-inserted  hint  to  the  officers  and  militia-men 
accompanying  General  Schuyler  on  this  expedition,  as  to  render 
it  worthy  of  preservation.  It  was  in  the  words  following : — 

“  Resolved ,  That  the  cheerfulness  and  ready  assistance  of 
those  who  accompanied  General  Schuyler  in  his  march  to  the 
County  of  Tryon,  and  their  useful  services  in  that  expedition, 
discovered  such  a  patriotic  spirit,  that  it  is  hoped  none  of  them 
will  allow  their  countrymen  to  entertain  a  suspicion  that  any 
ignoble  motive  actuated  them,  by  requiring  a  pecuniary  reward, 
especially  when  they  were  employed  in  suppressing  a  mischief 
in  their  own  neighborhood.” 

The  resolutions  were  enclosed  to  General  Schuyler  in  a  flat¬ 
tering  letter  from  President  Hancock,  in  which,  among  other 
things,  he  says  : — “  It  is  with  great  pleasure  I  inform  you  that 
the  prudence,  zeal,  and  temper,  manifested  in  your  late  expedi¬ 
tion,  met  with  the  warmest  approbation  of  Congress.” 

For  some  unexplained  reason,  Sir  John  Johnson  did  not  ob¬ 
serve  the  compact  of  neutrality,  nor  the  obligations  of  his  pa¬ 
role.  Or,  if  he  kept  himself  within  the  letter,  his  conduct  was 
such  as  to  re-awaken  the  suspicions  of  the  people,  and  was  con¬ 
sidered  by  General  Schuyler  a  virtual  violation  of  the  spirit  of 
the  parole  he  had  given,  to  take  no  part  against  the  Colonies. 
In  fact,  the  information  received  by  General  Schuyler  con¬ 
vinced  him  that  Sir  John  was  secretly  instigating  the  Indians 
to  hostilities,  and  was  thus  likely  to  produce  much  mischief  on 
the  frontiers.  To  prevent  such  a  calamity,  it  was  thought  ad¬ 
visable  by  Schuyler  to  secure  the  person  of  Sir  John,  and  once 
more  to  quell  the  rising  spirit  of  disaffection  in  the  neighbor¬ 
hood  of  Johnstown,  especially  among  the  Highlanders.  For 
this  purpose,  in  the  month  of  May  following  the  events  already 
narrated  in  the  present  chapter,  Colonel  Dayton,  with  a  part  of 
his  regiment  then  on  its  way  to  Canada,  was  dispatched  by 
General  Schuyler  to  prosecute  this  enterprise.*  There  were, 


♦  Sparks’s  Life  and  Writings  of  Washington  Note  in  vol.  iv.  p.  409 — 410. 

23 


144 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[177G. 

however,  large  numbers  of  loyalists  in  Albany,  with  whom 
Sir  John  was  then  and  subsequently  in  close  correspondence. 
It  is  therefore  not  surprising  that  he  received  timely  notice 
of  these  preparations  for  his  second  arrest,  in  anticipation  of 
Dayton’s  arrival.  Such  was  the  fact ;  and,  hastily  collecting 
a  large  number  of  his  tenants  and  others,  disaffected  toward  the 
cause  of  the  Colonists,  the  Baronet  was  prepared  for  instant 
flight  on  the  approach  of  the  Continentals.  This  purpose  was 
successfully  executed.  Colonel  Dayton  arrived  at  Johnstown 
in  the  evening,  whereupon  Sir  John  and  his  retainers  imme¬ 
diately  took  to  the  woods  by  the  way  of  the  Sacandaga.*  Not 
knowing  whether  his  royalist  friends  were  in  possession  of 
Lake  Champlain  or  not,  the  fugitives  dared  not  venture  upon 
that  route  to  Montreal ;  and  Sir  John  was  accordingly  obliged 
to  strike  deeper  into  the  forests  between  the  head  waters  of  the 
Hudson  and  the  St.  Lawrence.  Having  but  a  brief  period  of 
preparation  for  their  flight,  the  party  was  but  ill  supplied  for 
such  a  campaign.  Their  provisions  were  soon  exhausted ; 
their  feet  became  sore  from  travelling ;  and  several  of  their  num¬ 
ber  were  left  from  time  to  time  in  the  wilderness,  to  be  picked 
up  and  brought  in  afterward  by  the  Indians  sent  out  for  that 
purpose. 

After  nineteen  days  of  severe  hardship,  the  Baronet  and  his 
partisans  arrived  at  Montreal  in  a  pitiable  condition — having 
encountered  all  of  suffering  that  it  seemed  possible  for  man  to 
endure.  Such  was  the  precipitation  of  his  departure  from  the 
parental  hall,  and  such  his  deficiency  of  the  means  of  transpor¬ 
tation,  that  an  iron  chest,  containing  the  most  valuable  of  his 
family  papers,  was  hastily  buried  in  the  garden.  The  family 
Bible,  containing  the  only  record  of  the  marriage  of  his  father 
and  mother,  and  of  course  the  only  written  evidence  of  his  own 
legitimacy,  was  also  left  behind.t  Such  of  the  papers  as  were 

*  There  is  some  reason  to  suppose  that  an  expedition,  led  by  the  Mohawk  In¬ 
dians,  was  sent  from  Montreal  on  purpose  to  bring  Sir  John  away,  or  rescue  him 
from  the  espionage  of  the  Americans.  In  one  of  Brant’s  speeches,  delivered  long 
afterward,  when  rehearsing  the  exploits  of  the  Mohawks  in  the  Revolutionary  war, 
the  following  passage  occurs  : — “We  then  went  in  a  body  to  a  town  then  in  the 
“  possession  of  the  enemy,  and  rescued  Sir  John  Johnson,  bringing  him  fearlessly 
“  through  the  streets.”  Brant,  at  the  time  of  this  rescue,  as  will  presently  be  seen, 
was  himself  in  England — as  also  was  Guy  Johnson. 

1  After  the  confiscation  of  the  property  of  Sir  John,  the  furniture  of  the  hall  was 
sold  by  auction  at  Fort  Hunter.  The  late  Lieut.  Governor  of  New-York,  John 


1776.]  COMMISSIONED  IN  THE  BRITISH  ARMY.  145 

found,  were  examined  by  Colonel  Dayton,  in  compliance  with 
his  orders  ;  “  and  Lady  Johnson  was  removed  to  Albany,  where 
“  she  was  retained  as  a  kind  of  hostage  for  the  peaceable  con- 
“  duct  of  her  husband.  She  wrote  to  General  Washington, 
“  complaining  of  this  detention,  and  asking  his  interference  for 
“  her  release  ;  but  the  Commander-in-Chief  left  the  matter  with 
“General  Schuyler  and  the  Albany  Committee.”*  Colonel 
Dayton  was  stationed  several  weeks  at  Johnstown  with  his 
troops,  and  for  the  time  being  secured  the  tranquillity  of  the 
country. 

Sir  John  was  immediately  commissioned  a  Colonel  in  the 
British  service,  and  raised  a  command  of  two  battalions,  com¬ 
posed  of  those  who  accompanied  him  in  his  flight,  and  othei 
American  loyalists  who  subsequently  followed  their  example. 
They  were  called  the  Royal  Greens.  In  the  month  of  January 
following,  he  found  his  way  into  New- York,  then  in  posses¬ 
sion  of  the  British  forces.  From  that  period  he  became  not 
only  one  of  the  most  active,  but  one  of  the  bitterest  foes  of  his 
own  countrymen  of  any  who  were  engaged  in  that  contest — 
and  repeatedly  the  scourge  of  his  own  former  neighbors.  He 
was  unquestionably  a  loyalist  from  principle,  else  he  would 
scarcely  have  hazarded,  as  he  did,  and  ultimately  lost,  domains 
larger  and  fairer  than  probably  ever  belonged  to  a  single  pro¬ 
prietor  in  America,  William  Penn  only  excepted.  But  the  im¬ 
mediate  cause  of  his  breaking  his  pledge  of  honor  is  not  known. 
Unexplained  as  it  ever  has  been,  the  act  has  always  been  re¬ 
garded  as  a  stain  upon  the  Baronet’s  character.  It  was  held  as 
such  by  the  Provincial  Congress  of  New- York,  as  will  be  seen 
by  the  annexed  extract  from  a  letter  addressed  by  that  body  to 
General  Washington  immediately  after  his  flight : — “  We  ap- 
“  prehend  no  doubt  can  exist  whether  the  affair  of  Sir  John 


Taylor,  purchased  several  articles  of  the  furniture ;  and  among  other  things,  the 
Bible  mentioned  in  the  text.  Perceiving  that  it  contained  the  family  record,  which 
might  be  of  great  value  to  Sir  John,  Mr.  Taylor  wrote  a  civil  note  to  Sir  John,  offer¬ 
ing  its  restoration.  Some  time  afterward,  a  messenger  from  the  Baronet  called  for 
the  Bible,  whose  conduct  was  so  rude  as  to  give  offence.  “  I  have  come  for  Sir 
William’s  Bible,”  said  he,  “and  there  are  the  four  guineas  which  it  cost.”  The 
Bible  was  delivered,  and  the  runner  was  asked  what  message  Sir  John  had  sent. 
The  reply  was — “  Pay  four  guineas,  and  take  the  book  !” — Letter  of  John  Taylor 
Cooper  ( grandson  of  the  Lt.  Governor )  to  the  author. 

*  Sparks. 


146 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1776. 

11  Johnson  is  within  your  immediate  cognizance.  He  held  a 
“  commission  as  Brigadier-General  of  the  militia,  and,  it  is  said, 
“  another  commission  as  Major-General.  That  he  hath  shame- 
“  fully  broken  his  parole  is  evident,  but  whether  it  would  be 
C£  more  proper  to  have  him  returned  or  exchanged,  is  entirely 
“  in  your  Excellency’s  prudence.”  His  estates  were,  of  course, 
confiscated  by  the  Provincial  Congress  of  New- York,  and  in 
due  time  sold  under  the  direction  of  the  Committee  of  that  body 
having  such  matters  in  charge. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


History  of  Brant  resumed — Advanced  to  the  chieftaincy  of  the  Confederacy — Mode 
of  appointing  chiefs  and  sachems — Embarks  for  England — Arrives  in  London — 
Received  with  marked  consideration — Becomes  acquainted  with  James  Boswell 
and  others — Agrees  to  espouse  the  Royal  cause,  and  returns  to  America — Steals 
through  the  country  to  Canada — Curious  supposed  letter  to  President  Wheelock 
-Battle  of  the  Cedars — Cowardice  of  Major  Butterfield — Outrages  of  the  In¬ 
dians —  Story  of  Capt.  M‘Kinstry,  who  was  saved  from  the  stake  by  Brant — In¬ 
dignation  of  Washington,  the  people,  and  Congress — Resolutions  of  retaliation 
— Mutual  complaints  of  treatment  of  prisoners — Murder  of  Gen.  Gordon — In¬ 
dignation  at  the  outrage — Indian  deputation  at  Philadelphia — Speech  to  them — 
Congress  resolves  upon  the  employment  of  an  Indian  force — Schuyler  opposed — 
Review  of  the  incidents  of  the  war  elsewhere — Destitution  of  the  Army — Eva¬ 
cuation  of  Boston  by  the  English — Disastrous  termination  of  the  Canadian  cam¬ 
paign — Deplorable  condition  of  the  army — Humanity  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton — 
--Glance  at  the  South — Declaration  of  Independence — Spirit  of  Tryon  County 
— Cherry  Valley — Fortifications  at  Fort  Stanwix — American  army  moves  to 
New-York — Arrival  of  the  British  fleet  and  army — Battle  of  Long-Island — 
Washington  evacuates  New-York — Battle  of  White  Plains — Retreats  across 
New-Jersey — Followed  by  Cornwallis — Defeat  of  Arnold  on  Lake  Champlain 
• — Fall  of  Rhode  Island — Battle  of  Trenton. 


The  progress  of  events  renders  it  necessary  again  to  intro¬ 
duce  the  Indian  hero  of  the  war  of  the  Revolution  more  promi¬ 
nently  upon  the  stage  of  action.  Thayendanegea  had  now  been 
advanced  to  the  situation  of  principal  war-chief  of  the  confede¬ 
racy  * — an  officer,  according  to  the  ancient  usages  of  the  Six 
Nations,  uniformly  taken  from  the  Mohawks.t  How,  or  in 
what  manner,  Brant  arrived  at  that  dignity,  history  does  not 
inform  us.  Hendrick,  the  last  of  the  Mohawk  chiefs  who 
bore  the  royal  title  of  King,  fell  under  Sir  William  Johnson 
at  Lake  George  twenty  years  before.  He  was  succeeded  by 
Little  Abraham,  whose  name  has  frequently  occurred  in  the 
preceding  pages,  and  who  has  been  designated  by  some  writers 
as  the  brother  of  Hendrick.  But  whether  such  was  the  fact 
or  not,  no  farther  mention  of  his  name  occurs  in  the  history  of 
the  war.  He  was  uniformly  friendly  to  the  Colonists  ;  and 

*  I  am  aware  that  the  dignity  of  “Principal  Chief”  has  been  denied  to  Captain 
Brant  by  several  writers,  and  expressly  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Stewart,  who  says  he  was 
not  a  war-chief  by  birth,  and  not  so  often  in  command  as  has  been  supposed.  It 
will  be  seen,  however,  toward  the  close  of  this  work,  from  the  speech  of  a  Seneca 
chief,  that  Thayendanegea  was  the  head  chief  of  the  confederacy — Mr.  S.  to  the 
contrary  notwithstanding. 

f  David  Cusick’s  sketches  of  the  Ancient  History  of  the  Six  Nations.  Cusick 
was  himself  an  Indian  of  the  Tuscarora  tribe. 


148  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1776. 

as  lie  refused  to  leave  the  valley  with  Thayendanegea  and  the 
majority  of  the  nation  who  accompanied  Guy  Johnson  in  his 
flight — preferring  to  remain  with  the  tribe  at  the  Lower  Castle 
— it  is  not  improbable  that  Brant  assumed  the  superior  chief 
taincy  from  the  force  of  circumstances.  Sir  William  Johnson 
informs  us,  that  the  sachems  of  each  tribe  of  the  Six  Nations 
were  usually  chosen  in  a  public  assembly  of  the  chiefs  and 
warriors,  whenever  a  vacancy  happened  by  death  or  otherwise. 
They  were  selected  from  among  the  oldest  warriors  for  their 
sense  and  bravery,  and  approved  of  by  all  the  tribe — after 
which  they  were  selected  as  sachems.  Military  services  were 
the  chief  recommendations  to  this  rank  ;  but  in  some  instances 
a  kind  of  inheritance  in  the  office  was  recognized.*  We  have 
seen  that  Thayendanegea  was  descended  from  a  family  of 
chiefs,  and  his  birth  may  have  contributed  to  his  elevation. 
His  family  and  official  connexion  with  the  Johnsons,  whose 
name  continued  so  potent  with  the  Indians,  likewise,  without 
doubt,  facilitated  his  advancement.  But  Mr.  Stewart,  denying 
that  the  family  of  Thayendanegea  was  remarkable  for  any  pre¬ 
eminence  in  their  village,  represents  his  influence  to  have  been 
acquired  by  his  uncommon  talents  and  address  as  a  counsellor 
and  politician  ;  by  which  means  he  subdued  all  opposition  and 
jealousy,  and  at  length  acquired  such  an  ascendancy  that,  even 
in  the  hour  of  action  and  danger,  he  was  enabled  to  rule  and 
direct  his  warriors  as  absolutely  as  if  he  had  been  born  their 
General. 

This  inquiry,  however,  is  of  no  great  importance.  The 
fact  that  he  had  now  become  the  chief  sachem  is  unquestion¬ 
able  ;  and  from  this  point  of  the  present  history,  Joseph  Thay¬ 
endanegea  becomes  one  of  the  principal  personages  engaged  in 
its  progress.  He  was  ordinarily  called  by  his  other  name  of 
Joseph  Brant,  or  “Captain  Brant” — the  title  of  “Captain” 
being  the  highest  military  distinction  known  to  the  Indians ; 
and  that,  moreover,  being  the  military  rank  actually  conferred 
upon  him  in  the  army  of  the  Crown.  In  much  of  his  correspond¬ 
ence,  when  wishing  to  be  formal  and  writing  to  distinguished 
men,  he  was  accustomed  to  write  his  name  “  Joseph  Brant — 
Thayendanegea  the  latter  being  his  legitimate  Indian  name. 

*  Letters  of  Sir  William  Johnson  to  Arthur  Lee — vide  London  Philosophical 
Transactions. 


1776.]  HIS  FIRST  VISIT  TO  ENGLAND.  149 

\ 

It  has  been  seen,  in  a  preceding  chapter,  that  Thayenaanegea 
had  accompanied  Guy  Johnson  from  the  Mohawk  Yalley, 
first,  westwardly  to  Ontario,  thence  back  to  Oswego,  and  thence 
to  Montreal,  where  his  services,  and  those  of  his  warriors,  were 
courted  by  Generals  Carleton  and  Haldimand,  and  an  agree¬ 
ment  was  speedily  made  that  they  were  to  take  up  the  hatchet  in 
the  cause  of  the  King.  For  the  prosecution  of  a  border  war¬ 
fare,  the  officers  of  the  Crown  could  scarcely  have  engaged  a 
more  valuable  auxiliary.  Distinguished  alike  for  his  address, 
his  activity,  and  his  courage — possessing,  in  point  of  stature 
and  symmetry  of  person,  the  advantage  of  most  men  even 
among  his  own  well-formed  race — tall,  erect,  and  majestic, 
with  the  air  and  mien  of  one  born  to  command,* — having,  as 
it  were,  been  a  man  of  war  from  his  boyhood,t — his  name  was 
a  tower  of  strength  among  the  warriors  of  the  wilderness.  Still 
more  extensive  was  his  influence  rendered,  by  the  circumstance 
that  he  had  been  much  employed  in  the  civil  service  of  the  In¬ 
dian  department,  under  Sir  William  Johnson,  by  whom  he  was 
often  deputed  upon  embassies  among  the  tribes  of  the  confe¬ 
deracy,  and  to  those  yet  more  distant,  upon  the  great  lakes  and 
rivers  of  the  north-west,  by  reason  of  which  his  knowledge  of 
the  whole  country  and  people  was  accurate  and  extensive. 

Wffiether,  after  the  compact  with  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  the  chief 
again  visited  the  Indian  country  of  the  Six  Nations  during  the 
summer  of  1775,  is  unknown.  Probably  not ;  since,  in  the  au¬ 
tumn  of  that  year  or  early  in  the  following  winter,  he  embarked 
on  his  first  visit  to  England.  What  was  the  precise  object  of  this 
visit  does  not  appear.  It  is  very  probable,  however,  that,  not¬ 
withstanding  the  agreement  so  hastily  formed  at  Montreal,  the 
sagacious  chieftain  may  have  judged  it  prudent  to  pause,  before 
committing  himself  too  far  by  overt  acts  of  hostility  against 
the  Colonies.  The  Oneidas  were  evidently  inclining  to  es¬ 
pouse  the  Colonial  side  of  the  controversy,  if  any ;  the  River 
Indians  had  already  ranged  themselves  on  the  same  side ; 
Captain  White-Eyes  of  the  Delawares,  had  determined  upon 
neutrality  ;  and  the  Caughnawagas,  or  at  least  some  of  their 
leading  chiefs,  were  in  the  camp  with  Washington.  To  all 

*  Letter  of  General  P.  B.  Porter  to  the  author. 

|  He  was  but  thirteen  years  old  when  in  the  battle  of  Lake  George. 


150  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1776. 

which  may  be  added  the  fact,  that  at  that  time  the  American 
arms  were  carrying  every  thing  before  them  in  Canada. 
These  circumstances  were  certainly  enough  to  make  the  chief¬ 
tain  hesitate  as  to  the  course  dictated  by  true  wisdom.  His 
predilections,  doubtless,  from  the  first,  inclined  him  to  espouse 
the  cause  of  the  King.  Nay,  he  maintained  through  life,  that 
the  ancient  covenants  of  his  people  rendered  it  obligatory  upon 
him  so  to  do.  In  addition  to  which  were  the  strong  ties  of 
blood,  of  association,  and  of  gratitude,  by  which  he  was  bound 
to  the  family  and  the  interests  of  the  Johnsons.  Still,  the  bril¬ 
liant  successes  with  which  the  Americans  had  opened  the  cam¬ 
paign  in  Canada  presented  another  view  of  the  case,  which 
was  certainly  entitled  to  grave  consideration.  Thus  situated, 
the  chief  may  have  found  his  position  so  embarrassing  as  to 
induce  him  to  visit  the  parent  country,  and  go  himself  into  the 
presence  of  “  The  Great  King,”  as  the  British  monarch  was 
styled  by  the  Indians,  before  he  should  finally  determine 
whether  actually  to  take  the  field  or  not.  By  making  the  voy¬ 
age,  he  would  have  the  additional  advantage  of  studying  the 
resources  and  the  power  of  the  parent  country,  and  would 
thereby  be  the  better  able  to  determine  for  himself  whether 
success  was  likely  to  crown  his  Majesty’s  arms  in  the  end,  or 
whether,  by  an  over-scrupulous  observance  of  an  ancient  sti¬ 
pulation  of  alliance,  he  should  not,  with  his  people,  be  rushing 
upon  certain  destruction. 

But  whether  he  thus  reasoned  or  not,  it  is  certain  that  he 
sailed  for  England  toward  the  close  of  the  year  1775,  and 
reached  London  early  in  1776,  accompanied  by  Captain  Tice, 
an  officer  of  English  extraction,  born  in  America,  who  had  re¬ 
sided  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Mohawk  nation. 

Only  a  very  brief  account  of  this,  his  first  visit  to  England, 
has  been  found.*  It  has  always  been  said,  however,  that  he 
was  not  only  well  received,  but  that  his  society  was  courted  by 
gentlemen  of  rank  and  station — statesmen,  scholars,  and  di¬ 
vines.  He  had  little  of  the  savage  ferocity  of  his  people  in  his 
countenance  ;  and  when,  as  he  ordinarily  did,  he  wore  the 
European  dress,  there  was  nothing  besides  his  color  to  mark 
wherein  he  differed  from  other  men.  Upon  his  first  arrival  in 


*  London  Magazine  for  July,  1776. 


1776.]  HIS  FIRST  VISIT  TO  ENGLAND.  151 

the  British  capital,  he  was  conducted  to  the  inn  called  “  The 
Swan  with  two  Necks”  Other  lodgings  were  soon  provided  for 
him,  more  suitable  to  his  rank  as  an  Indian  king ;  but  he  said 
the  people  of  the  inn  had  treated  him  with  so  much  kindness 
and  civility,  that  he  preferred  remaining  there  during  his  stay 
in  London  ;  and  he  accordingly  did  so. 

Although  he  was  dressed  in  the  European  habit,  he  was  not 
unprovided  with  a  splendid  costume  after  the  manner  of  his 
own  nation,  in  which  he  appeared  at  Court,  and  upon  visits  of 
state  and  ceremony.  James  Boswell  was  at  that  period  in  his 
glory,  and  an  intimacy  appears  to  have  been  contracted  between 
him  and  the  Mohawk  chief,  since  the  latter  sat  for  his  picture 
at  the  request  of  this  most  interesting  of  egotists.  He  also  sat, 
during  the  same  visit,  to  Romney,  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
artists  of  his  day,  for  the  Earl  of  Warwick.  He  was,  of 
course,  painted  in  his  native  dress,  and  the  picture  was  greatly 
prized.*  The  tomahawk  worn  by  him  in  London,  was  a  very 
beautiful  article,  polished  to  the  highest  degree ;  upon  which 
was  engraved  the  first  letter  of  his  Christian  name,  with  his 
Mohawk  appellation,  thus  : — “  J.  Tliayendanegea” 

He  did  not  remain  in  England  many  months,  but,  in  com¬ 
pany  with  Captain  Tice,  sailed  on  his  return  toward  the  close 
of  March  or  early  in  April,!  and  arrived  on  the  coast  near  the 
harbor  of  New- York  after  a  very  short  passage.  Having  fully 
determined  to  fulfil  his  stipulations  with  General  Carleton,  and 
take  up  the  hatchet  in  the  cause  of  the  Crown,  he  was  cau¬ 
tiously  and  privately  landed  somewhere  in  the  neighborhood  of 
New-York,  whence  he  performed  a  very  hazardous  journey  to 
Canada — having,  of  course,  to  steal  his  way  through  a  hostile 
population,  until  he  could  hide  himself  in  the  forests  beyond 
Albany.  He  had  taken  the  precaution,  however,  in  England, 
to  provide  evidence  of  the  identity  of  'his  body  in  case  of  dis¬ 
aster,  or  of  his  fall  in  any  of  the  battles  he  anticipated,  by  pro¬ 
curing  a  gold  finger  ring,  with  his  name  engraven  thereon  at 
length,  t 

\ 

*  The  frontispiece  of  the  present  volume  is  from  the  last-mentioned  picture. 

f  The  London  Universal  Magazine  for  July  of  1776,  states  that  he  embarked  for 
America  in  May.  But  there  must  have  been  a  mistake  in  the  date,  since  Brant,  as 
will  soon  appear,  was  in  the  battle  of  the  Cedars,  above  Montreal,  in  that  month. 

J  This  ring  he  wore  until  his  death.  It  was  kept  as  a  precious  relic  by  his  widow 


152 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1776. 


What  were  the  particular  arguments  addressed  to  the  Mo¬ 
hawk  in  the  British  capital,  or  by  what  process  he  became  im¬ 
pressed  with  the  idea  that  the  arms  of  the  King  would,  in  the 
end,  be  victorious  in  the  Colonies,  is  not  known.  It  is  certain, 
however,  that  whatever  doubts  he  might  have  entertained,  were 
most  effectually  dispelled  ;  since,  on  taking  leave,  it  was  under¬ 
stood  that  he  pledged  himself  heartily  to  embrace  the  Royal 
cause,  and  promised  to  take  the  field  with  three  thousand  war¬ 
riors  of  his  race.* 

It  is  no  more  than  justice,  however,  to  allow  Captain  Brant 
to  speak  for  himself,  in  regard  to  the  principle  by  which  he  was 
governed  in  his  decision.  In  a  letter  written  by  him  to  Sir 
Evan  Nepean,  the  Under  Secretary  of  State,  when  in  England 
after  the  peace  of  1783,  he  said  : — “  When  I  joined  the  English 
“  in  the  beginning  of  the  war,  it  was  purely  on  account  of  my 
“  forefathers’  engagements  with  the  King.  I  always  looked 
11  upon  these  engagements,  or  covenants  between  the  King  and 
“  the  Indian  nations,  as  a  sacred  thing :  therefore  I  was  not  to 
“  be  frightened  by  the  threats  of  the  rebels  at  that  time  ;  I  as- 
“  sure  you  I  had  no  other  view  in  it,  and  this  was  my  real  case 
“  from  the  beginning.” 

By  u  threats  ”  in  this  letter  to  the  Under  Secretary,  Brant 
probably  meant  no  more  than  the  efforts  made  by  the  Ameri¬ 
cans  to  prevent  his  joining  the  Royal  standard,  and  to  preserve 
the  neutrality  of  the  Indians.  In  connexion  with  these  efforts, 
there  is  a  scrap  of  unwritten  history,  which,  whether  true  or 
not,  is  characteristic  of  the  shrewdness  and  dry  sarcastic  humor 

for  four  years,  when  it  was  lost.  Strange  as  it  may  seem,  however,  during  the  last 
Summer,  (1836,)  the  identical  ring  was  found  by  a  little  girl  in  a  ploughed  field 
near  Wellington  Square,  while  the  venerable  Indian  queen  was  on  a  visit  to  her 
daughter,  the  accomplished  lady  of  Colonel  Kerr.  The  aged  widow  of  the  old 
chief  was  overjoyed  at  once  more  possessing  the  memento,  after  it  had  been  lost  si* 
and  twenty  years. 

*  It  appears  that  Colonel  Guy  Johnson  must  have  visited  England  at  the  same 
time,  or  nearly  the  same  time,  with  Brant.  Perhaps  they  went  together,  although 
Johnson  did  not  return  so  soon.  General  Washington  announced  his  arrival  at 
Staten  Island,  from  England,  on  the  6th  of  August,  1776,  in  a  letter  written  to  the  Pre¬ 
sident  of  Congress  on  the  8th.  In  Dunlap’s  History  of  the  American  Stage,  Guy 
Johnson’s  name  is  given,  in  1778,  as  one  of  the  managers  of  the  old  Theatre  Royal, 
John-street.  The  players  were  all  amateurs,  officers  of  the  British  army ;  and  the 
avails  of  their  performances  were  appropriated  for  benevolent  purposes.  The  un¬ 
fortunate  Major  Andre  was  one  of  the  actors  and  the  scene  painter.  A  drop-cur¬ 
tain,  painted  by  him,  was  used  many  years  after  his  death. 


BATTLE  OP  THE  CEDARS. 


153 


1776.] 

of  the  chief.  It  is  related,  that  during  the  early  part  of  the  year 
1775,  while  it  was  yet  considered  doubtful  which  side  the  Mo¬ 
hawks  would  espouse,  and  when  it  was  of  course  very  desira¬ 
ble  to  ascertain  the  views  of  Brant  upon  the  subject,  President 
Wheelock  was  applied  to  as  a  medium  of  communication  with 
his  former  pupil.  The  Doctor,  according  to  the  tradition,  wrote 
him  a  long  epistle  upon  the  aspect  of  the  times,  and  urged 
upon  Brant  those  considerations  which  appeared  most  likely  to 
win  him  over,  or  rather  to  secure  his  neutrality,  if  not  his 
friendship,  to  the  Colonists.  Brant  replied  very  ingeniously. 
Among  other  things,  he  referred  to  his  former  residence  with 
the  Doctor — recalled  the  happy  hours  he  had  passed  under  his 
roof — and  referred  especially  to  his  prayers  and  the  family 
devotions,  to  which  he  had  listened.  He  said  he  could  never 
forget  those  prayers ;  and  one  passage,  in  particular,  was  so 
often  repeated,  that  it  could  never  be  effaced  from  his  mind.  It 
was,  among  other  of  his  good  preceptor’s  petitions,  “  that  they 
“  might  be  able  to  live  as  good  subjects — to  fear  God,  and  ho- 
“  nor  the  King.” 

If  doubt  had  existed  among  the  Colonists  before,  as  to  the  di¬ 
rection  of  the  channel  in  which  ran  his  inclinations,  there  was 
surely  none  after  the  perusal  of  this  letter.  But  scenes  of  a 
more  stirring  character  now  demand  the  attention. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  memorable  Canadian  campaign, — 
so  brilliantly  commenced,  so  successfully  prosecuted  for  many 
months,  and  yet  so  disastrously  terminated, — while  the  shatter¬ 
ed  remains  of  the  American  forces  were  retiring  before  the 
troops  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  the  former  experienced  a  sad  dis¬ 
aster  at  “the  Cedars,”  a  point  of  land  extending  far  into  the  St. 
Lawrence,  about  forty  miles  above  Montreal,  which  was  occu¬ 
pied  by  Colonel  Bedell  with  three  hundred  and  ninety  Provin¬ 
cial  troops  and  two  field-pieces.  General  Carleton  directed  a 
descent  upon  this  post  from  the  British  station  at  Oswegatchie, 
under  the  command  of  Captain  Forster,  at  the  head  of  one 
company  of  regular  troops  and  a  body  of  Indians  numbering 
nearly  six  hundred.  The  latter  were  led  by  Thayendanegea. 
On  the  appearance  of  the  enemy  before  the  American  works, 
Colonel  Bedell  repaired  immediately  to  Montreal  for  assistance, 
leaving  the  Cedars  in  charge  of  Major  Butterfield.  Colonel 
(afterward  General)  Arnold,  who  was  then  in  command  of 


154  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1776. 

Montreal — not  yet  evacuated  by  the  Americans — forthwith  de¬ 
tached  Major  Sherburne  with  one  hundred  men,  to  proceed  to 
the  Cedars,  and  prepared  to  follow  himself  with  a  much  larger 
force.  Meantime,  however,  Major  Butterfield,  who,  it  was  be¬ 
lieved,  might  have  easily  defended  the  position,  was  intimidated 
by  a  threat  from  the  enemy,  that,  should  the  siege  continue  and 
any  of  the  Indians  be  slain,  in  the  event  of  an  eventual  sur¬ 
render  it  would  be  impossible  for  the  British  commander  to 
prevent  a  general  massacre,  and  consented  to  a  capitulation,  by 
which  the  whole  garrison  became  prisoners  of  war.  Major 
Sherburne  approached  on  the  day  following,  without  having 
received  any  information  of  the  change  of  circumstances  un¬ 
til  within  four  miles  of  the  post,  where,  on  the  20th  of  May, 
he  was  attacked  by  the  Indians,  and  after  a  sharp  conflict  com¬ 
pelled  to  -surrender  at  discretion.  No  sooner  had  Arnold  re¬ 
ceived  information  of  these  events,  than  he  marched  against 
the  foe,  then  at  Yaudreuil,  at  the  head  of  seven  hundred  men, 
with  a  view  of  chastising  the  enemy  and  recovering  the  prison¬ 
ers.  “  When  preparing  for  an  engagement,  he  received  a  flag 
“  accompanied  by  Major  Sherburne,  giving  him  the  most  posi- 
“  tive  assurances  that  if  he  persisted  in  his  design,  it  would  be 
“  entirely  out  of  the  power  of  Captain  Forster  to  prevent  his 
“  savages  from  pursuing  their  horrid  customs,  and  disencum- 
<£  bering  themselves  of  their  prisoners  by  putting  every  man  to 
u  death.  This  massacre  was  already  threatened,  and  Major 
“  Sherburne  confirmed  the  information.  Under  the  influence 
“  of  this  threat,  Arnold  desisted  from  his  purpose,  and  con- 
“  sented  to  a  cartel,  by  which  the  prisoners  were  delivered  up 
“  to  him  ;  he  agreeing,  among  other  things,  not  only  to  deliver 
££  as  many  British  soldiers  in  exchange  for  them,  but  also  that 
“  they  should  immediately  return  to  their  homes.”* 

This  disaster,  or,  perhaps,  more  correctly  speaking,  the  con¬ 
duct  of  the  officers  to  whose  cowardice  it  was  imputed,  was  a 
source  of  deep  mortification  to  General  Washington,  and  he 
gave  utterance  to  his  vexation  in  several  letters  written  soon 
afterward.  Nor  was  Butterfield  alone  blamed — Colonel  Bedell 
being  placed  in  the  same  category  of  condemnation.!  The 

*  Marshall’s  Life  of  Washington. 

f  “  If  the  accounts  of  Colonel  Bedell’s  and  Major  Butterfield’s  conduct  be  true,  they 
have  certainly  acted  a  part  deserving  the  most  exemplary  notice.  I  hope  you  will 


155 


1776.]  CASE  OF  col.  m'kinstry. 

Commander-in-Chief  was  likewise  incensed  at  the  conduct  of 
Captain  Forster,  in  resorting  to  deceptive  and  very  unjustifia¬ 
ble  means,  to  procure  hostages  for  ratifying  a  treaty  of  exchange. 

The  name  of  Captain  Brant  is  not  mentioned  in  any  of  the 
books,  in  connexion  with  these  transactions  at  the  Cedars. 
There  is  positive  evidence,  however,  that  he  was  not  only 
there,  but  that  he  exerted  himself  efficiently  after  the  surrender 
of  Major  Sherburne,  to  control  the  Indians  and  prevent  the 
massacre  of  the  prisoners.  Among  these  latter,  was  Captain  John 
M'Kinstry,*  who  commanded  a  company  on  that  occasion. 
From  his  account  of  the  battle,  Major  Sherburne  fell  into  an 
ambuscade,  and  the  fighting  was  severe.  Captain  M‘Kinstry’s 
command  was  engaged  sharply  with  a  body  of  Indians,  before 
whom  his  troops  were  several  times  compelled  to  retire.  Ral 
lying,  however,  with  spirit,  the  Indians  were  repeatedly  driven 
back  in  turn;  and  the  respective  parties  were  thus  successively 
driven  by  each  other,  back  and  forth,  according  to  the  doubt¬ 
ful  and  varying  fortunes  of  the  hour,  until  the  Americans  were 
overpowered  by  numbers,  and  compelled  to  surrender  ;  Captain 
M'Kinstry,  being  wounded,  fell  by  the  side  of  a  tree,  and  was 
there  taken.  He  subsequently  ascertained  that  he  had  been 
marked  as  a  victim  by  the  Indians,  who  had  actually  made  the 
usual  preparations  for  putting  him  to  death  by  the  torture  of 
fire  ;  and  that  he  was  rescued  by  the  personal  exertions  of  Cap¬ 
tain  Brant,  who,  in  connexion  with  some  humane  English  offi¬ 
cers,  made  up  a  purse,  and  purchased  an  ox,  which  the  Indians 
roasted  for  their  carousal  instead  of  the  gallant  prisoner.  Cap¬ 
tain  M‘Kinstry  was  treated  with  kindness  while  a  prisoner,  and 
contracted  an  intimacy  with  Brant  which  continued  until  the 
chieftain’s  death.  Brant  never  visited  the  Hudson,  after  the 
Revolution,  without  spending  a  few  days  with  Colonel  M‘Kin- 
stry  at  the  Manor  ;t  and  at  the  time  of  his  last  visit,  about  the 
year  1805,  in  company  with  his  friend,  who,  like  himself,  was 
a  member  of  the  brotherhood,  he  attended  the  Freemason’s 

take  proper  measure?,  and  have  good  courts  appointed  to  bring  them,  and  every 
other  officer,  that  has  been,  or  shall  be,  guilty  of  misconduct,  to  trial ;  that  they  may 
be  punished  according  to  their  offences.  Our  misfortunes  at  the  Cedars  were  occa¬ 
sioned,  as  it  is  said,  entirely  by  their  base  and  cowardly  behavior,  and  cannot  be  as¬ 
cribed  to  any  other  cause.” — Letter  of  Washington  to  General  Schuyler,  June  10,  1776. 

*  Late  Colonel  M'Kinstry,  of  Livingston’s  Manor. 

f  Letter  to  the  author,  from  George  M‘Kinstry,  Esq.  of  Claverack. 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


156 


[1776. 


Lodge  in  the  city  of  Hudson,  where  his  presence  attracted  great 
attention. 

But  to  return.  The  conduct  of  Major  Butterfield  at  the  Ce¬ 
dars  was  likewise  severely  denounced  in  Congress,  and  his 
capitulation  pronounced  by  resolution  “  a  shameful  surrender.” 
Due  credit  was  at  the  same  time  awarded  to  Major  Sherburne, 
for  the  bravery  displayed  by  himself  and  his  troops,  who  only 
“  surrendered  at  last  on  absolute  necessity.”  Notwithstanding, 
moreover,  the  interposition  of  Captain  Brant  to  prevent  a  mas¬ 
sacre,  and  the  rescue  of  Captain  M'Kinstry,  such  outrages  were 
reported  to  Congress  as  to  call  forth  a  series  of  indignant  reso¬ 
lutions  upon  the  subject.  In  the  preamble  to  these  resolutions, 
it  was  stated  that,  immediately  after  the  surrender,  the  prisoners 
were  delivered  over  to  the  Indians  ;  their  baggage  plundered, 
their  clothes  taken  from  them,  and  several  of  their  number 
killed  ;  and  one  of  them,  who  had  only  been  wounded,  roasted 
alive.  From  the  circumstance  that  Captain  M‘Kinstry  had 
been  wounded,  and  designated  for  the  torture,  though  rescued, 
as  we  have  already  seen,  by  Captain  Brant,  it  is  quite  probable 
that  Congress  was  misinformed  as  to  the  actual  consummation 
of  such  a  purpose  in  the  person  of  any  prisoner.  Assuming 
the  fact,  however,  the  enemy’s  conduct  was  denounced  in  the 
strongest  terms — Congress  asserting  the  right  of  demanding 
indemnification  for  the  wrongs  inflicted  upon  the  prisoners  in 
their  persons  and  property ;  and  in  regard  to  the  murder  of 
prisoners  by  the  Indians,  requiring  that  the  authors  of  those 
murders  be  delivered  into  their  hands  for  condign  punishment, 
as  a  condition  precedent  to  an  exchange  of  prisoners.  In  re¬ 
gard  to  the  torturing  of  prisoners,  a  resolution  was  also  adopted, 
denouncing,  “  as  the  sole  means  of  stopping  the  progress  of 
human  butchery,”  a  retaliation  of  punishment,  of  the  same  kind 
and  degree,  to  be  inflicted  upon  a  like  number  of  prisoners  of 
the  enemy,  in  every  case  of  outrage  thereafter  to  occur. 

These  resolutions  were,  in  effect,  a  refusal  to  confirm  the 
treaty  for  the  exchange  of  prisoners  entered  into  by  General 
Arnold,  and  were  so  considered,  by  the  commanding  officers  in 
Canada.  The  consequence  was,  the  indulgence  of  much  crimi¬ 
nation  and  recrimination,  on  the  .part  both  of  the  American 
and  British  commanders.  Indeed,  complaints  of  the  cruel 
treatment  of  the  prisoners  falling  into  their  hands  had  been 


CRUELTY  TO  PRISONERS. 


157 


L77G/J 

preferred  against  the  enemy  several  months  before,  particularly 
in  the  case  of  Colonel  Ethan  Allen  and  his  fellow-captives. 
Allen  had  been  captured  by  General  Prescott,  by  whom,  in  ad¬ 
dition  to  other  indignities,  he  had  been  heavily  ironed,  and  sent 
like  a  common  felon  to  England.  Prescott  was  afterward 
taken  by  the  Americans  and  treated  with  considerable  rigor, 
in  retaliation  for  the  ill-usage  of  Allen.  This  produced  a  re¬ 
monstrance  from  General  Howe,  who,  on  being  reminded  of 
the  case  of  Allen,  disclaimed  any  responsibility  in  regard  to 
that  transaction,  inasmuch  as  it  was  an  occurrence  in  a  district 
beyond  the  boundaries  of  his  particular  command.  The  af¬ 
fair  of  the  Cedars  excited  the  strongest  feelings  of  indignation, 
not  only  in  Congress  and  among  the  people,  but  in  the  army. 
“  The  inhuman  treatment  of  the  whole,  and  murder  of  part,  of 
“  our  people,  was  certainly  a  flagrant  violation  of  that  faith, 
“  which  ought  to  be  held  sacred  by  all  civilized  nations,  and 
“was  founded  in  the  most  savage  barbarity.”*  Soon  after¬ 
ward  the  account  was  in  part  balanced,  by  a  diabolical  outrage 
committed  by  an  American  scouting  party  in  the  neighbor¬ 
hood  of  St.  John’s.  It  was  the  deliberate  assassination,  by  the 
lieutenant  at  the  head  of  the  party,  of  Brigadier-General  Gor¬ 
don  of  the  British  army.  General  Gordon  was  riding  alone, 
and  in  full  uniform,  from  Laprairie  to  St.  John’s.  The  lieu¬ 
tenant  and  his  party  were  in  ambush  within  the  British  lines, 
and  as  the  General  passed,  the  former  wantonly  and  barbarously 
shot  him  through  the  body.  Although  the  wound  was  mortal, 
the  General  rode  on,  and  speedily  reached  St.  John’s,  where  he 
expired.!  This  painful  incident  aroused  as  warm  a  burst  of 
indignation  among  the  British  officers,  as  the  affair  of  the  Ce¬ 
dars  had  done  among  the  Americans.  General  Carleton 
availed  himself  of  the  occurrence  to  issue  a  violent,  though  art¬ 
ful  proclamation,  which  was  pronounced  by  Washington,  in  a 
letter  to  the  President  of  Congress,  to  be  “  highly  unbecoming 
“  the  character  of  a  soldier  and  gentleman.”  Although  the 
prisoners  were  not  exchanged,  under  the  arrangement  made 
with  Arnold,  yet  Carleton  set  the  American  captives  at  liberty, 
on  condition  of  their  returning  to  their  own  homes,  there  to  re¬ 
main  as  prisoners.  Each  of  the  prisoners  was  furnished  with 
a  copy  of  his  insidious  proclamation. 

*  Letter  of  Washington  to  the  President  of  Congress,  July  15,  1776. 

f  Note  in  vol.  iv.  of  Sparks’s  Life  and  Correspondence  of  Washington. 


158 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1776. 


It  was  not  supposed  that  any  considerable  numbers  of  the 
Indians  of  the  Six  Nations  participated  in  the  battle  of  the 
Cedars,  other  than  the  Mohawks  and  their  kindred  tribe,  the 
Caughnawagas,  or  the  Seven  Nations  of  Canada,  as  they  chose 
to  call  themselves.  Indeed,  the  Six  Nations  were  at  that  stage 
of  the  contest  far  from  being  unanimous  in  opposition  to 
the  Colonies  ;  and  at  the  very  time  of  these  occurrences,  a  de¬ 
putation  from  four  of  the  nations  was  at  Philadelphia,  on  a 
peaceable  mission  to  Congress.  The  arrival  of  this  deputation 
was  announced  to  that  assembly  on  the  24th  of  May.  On  the 
11th  of  June  they  were  presented  to  the  House,  preparatory  to 
their  departure,  and  addressed  by  the  President  as  follows :  — 

“Brothers:  We  hope  the  friendship  that  is  between  you 
and  us  will  be  firm,  and  continue  as  long  as  the  sun  shall 
shine  and  the  waters  run,  that  we  and  you  may  be  as  one  people, 
and  have  but  one  heart,  and  be  kind  to  one  another  as  brethren. 

“  Brothers  :  The  King  of  Great  Britain,  hearkening  to  the 
evil  counsel  of  some  of  his  foolish  young  men,  is  angry  with 
us,  because  we  will  not  let  him  take  away  from  us  our  land, 
and  all  that  we  have,  and  give  it  to  them ;  and  because  we  will 
not  do  every  thing  that  he  bids  us  ;  and  hath  hindered  his  peo¬ 
ple  from  bringing  goods  to  us,  but  we  have  made  provision  for 
getting  such  a  quantity  of  them,  that  we  hope  we  shall  be  able 
to  supply  your  wants  as  formerly. 

“Brothers:  We  shall  order  all  our  warriors  and  young 
men  not  to  hurt  you  or  any  of  your  kindred ;  and  we  hope  you 
will  not  suffer  any  of  your  young  men  to  join  with  our  enemies, 
or  to  do  any  wrong  to  us,  that  nothing  may  happen  to  make 
any  quarrel  between  us. 

“Brothers:  We  desire  you  to  accept  a  few  necessaries, 
which  we  present  you  with,  as  tokens  of  our  good-will  toward 
you.” 

The  presents  having  been  delivered,  the  Indian  deputies 
expressed  a  desire  to  give  a  name  to  the  President  of  Congress 
Permission  for  that  purpose  having  been  granted,  a  chief  of  tho 
Onondagas  arose,  and  saluted  the  President  by  the  name  of 
Ka-ran-dua-an,  or  the  Great  Tree  ;  by  which  name  John  Han¬ 
cock  was  afterward  known  among  the  Six  Nations. 

Although  it  would  appear  upon  the  surface  of  these  resolu¬ 
tions,  that  Congress  was  yet  persevering  in  the  humane  policy 
of  keeping  the  Indians  in  a  state  of  neutrality,  yet  candor  and 


EMPLOYMENT  OF  INDIANS. 


159 


1776.] 

truth  require  a  different  record.  Much  as  sound  moralists  had 
condemned  the  employment  of  this  species  of  force  in  civilized 
warfare,  and  strongly  as  Congress  had  exerted  its  influence  the 
preceding  year  to  prevent  the  Indians  from  taking  the  field  in 
behalf  of  either  of  the  combatants,  that  policy  was  abandoned. 
On  the  25th  of  May,  1776,  the  Congress  resolved  “that  it  was 
“  highly  expedient  to  engage  the  Indians  in  the  service  of  the 
“  United  Colonies  and  they  empowered  the  Commander-in- 
Chief  to  employ,  in  Canada  and  elsewhere,  a  number  not  ex¬ 
ceeding  two  thousand,  offering  them  “  a  reward  of  one  hun- 
“  dred  dollars  for  every  commissioned  officer,  and  thirty  dollars 
“  for  every  private  soldier  of  the  King’s  troops,  that  they  should 
“  take  prisoner  in  the  Indian  country,  or  on  the  frontiers  of 
“  these  Colonies.”  The  Congress  also  authorized  General 
Washington  to  employ  the  Indians  of  Penobscot,  St.  John’s, 
and  Nova  Scotia,  who  had  proffered  their  services,  and  were 
to  receive  the  same  pay  as  the  Continental  soldiers.* 

Whether  any  of  those  Eastern  Indians  were  ever  actually 
engaged  in  the  American  service,  is  not  known.  In  regard  to 
the  employment  of  the  Northern  Indians,  Washington  forth¬ 
with  entered  into  a  correspondence  with  General  Schuyler  up¬ 
on  the  subject,  and  pressed  him  to  carry  the  resolutions  into  ef¬ 
fect.  The  latter,  however,  was  averse  to  the  measure — as 
much  so  as  at  the  first.  He  disliked  to  employ  such  a  force 
under  any  circumstances,  contending  that  they  were  too  fickle 
and  uncertain  to  allow  any  well-founded  reliance  to  be  placed 
upon  them  at  the  moment  of  emergency.  At  that  particular 
conjuncture,  especially  when  our  troops,  broken  and  dispersed, 
were  flying  like  fugitives  from  Canada,  he  thought  the  chances 
of  obtaining  Indian  auxiliaries  exceedingly  slender  ;  and  as  to 
the  number  prescribed,  (two  thousand,)  the  General  intimated 
in  one  of  his  letters  to  the  Commander-in-Chief,  that  it  would 
have  been  well  if  Congress  had  condescended  to  inform  him 
where  so  many  Indian  warriors,  not  already  in  the  service 

*  Sparks’s  Life  and  Cor.  of  Washington,  vol.  iv.,  Appendix.  [Mr.  Sparks  seems 
to  have  fallen  into  an  error  as  to  the  immediate  motive  of  Congress  in  changing  its 
Indian  policy  at  this  time.  He  leaves  his  readers  to  infer,  that  the  measure  was 
one  of  retaliation  for  the  conduct  of  the  British  and  Indians  at  the  Cedars.  But  such 
could  not  have  been  the  fact.  The  battle  of  the  Cedars  was  fought  on  the  20th  of 
May,  and  these  resolutions  were  passed  on  the  25th — before  the  news,  in  those  days, 
could  possibly  have  reached  Philadelphia.! 


160 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1776. 


of  the  enemy,  were  to  be  found.  In  short,  General  Schuyler’s 
opinion  was  correct  from  the  beginning-,  that  the  Colonies  could 
expect  no  essential  aid  from  the  Indians ;  and  whatever  aid 
they  might  receive,  would  be  sure  to  cost  more  than  it  would 
come  to.  So  the  event  proved.  But,  although  the  British 
profited  most  by  the  employment  of  the  Indians,  they  are  not 
alone  to  blame  for  using  them.  So  far,  certainly,  as  principle 
and  intention  are  concerned,  the  Americans  are  equitably  enti¬ 
tled  to  a  due  share  of  the  censure.* 

In  recurring  to  coincident  events  transpiring  in  other  parts  of 
the  country,  it  must  be  remarked,  that  the  Commander-in- 
Chief  was  often  placed  in  circumstances  not  the  most  promis¬ 
ing.  On  his  first  arrival  at  the  camp  before  Boston,  the  pre¬ 
ceding  year,  he  had  found  only  “  the  materials  for  a  good 
“  army  ” — not  the  organized  army  itself.  The  troops  were 
mostly  undisciplined ;  and  having  taken  arms  to  fight  for  li¬ 
berty,  it  was  no  easy  matter  to  bring  them  into  those  habits  of 
subordination,  which  necessarily  render  a  soldier  a  mere  ma¬ 
chine  to  be  moved  at  the  will  of  his  commander.  The  first 
object  of  General  Washington,  therefore,  was  to  bring  the 
troops  into  a  state  of  discipline.  But  another  difficulty  pre¬ 
sented  itself  in  the  fact,  that,  owing  to  the  short  periods  of  en¬ 
listment,  the  times  of  service  of  the  greater  portion  of  the 
army  were  to  expire  in  November  and  December.  To  which 
was  added  the  embarrassing  discovery,  that  all  the  powder  at 
his  command  was  barely  sufficient  to  supply  nine  rounds  of 
cartridges  per  man.  There  was,  moreover,  a  general  want  of 
camp  equipage  and  clothing,  and  indeed  of  every  thing  neces¬ 
sary  alike  to  the  comfort  and  the  efficiency  of  an  army.  But 
Heaven,  in  its  mercy,  seemed  to  have  devolved  the  command 
upon  the  man  of  all  others  best  calculated  to  meet  the  emer¬ 
gency  and  overcome  it.  His  destitution  of  ammunition  was 
artfully  and  effectually  concealed  from  the  enemy ;  and  al¬ 
though,  on  the  discharge  of  those  of  his  troops  who  would  not 
re-enlist,  at  the  close  of  December,  (1775,)  he  had  no  more 
than  9650  men  left,  he  yet  contrived  to  sustain  himself  and 
keep  the  enemy  beleaguered  in  Boston  during  the  whole  winter. 
“It  is  not  in  the  pages  of  history,  perhaps,”  he  wrote  to 


*  Sparks. 


GENERAL  PROGRESS  OF  THE  WAR. 


161 


1776.] 


Congress,  “  to  furnish  a  case  like  ours.  To  maintain  a  post 
“  within  musket  shot  of  the  enemy  for  six  months  together, 
“  without  ammunition ,  and  at  the  same  time  to  disband  one 
“  army  and  recruit  another,  within  that  distance  of  twenty  odd 
“  British  regiments,  is  more,  probably,  than  was  ever  at- 
“  tempted.”* 

The  Continental  Congress  had  been  induced  by  the  influence 
of  the  Commander-in-chief  to  resolve  upon  the  raising  of  an 
army  of  75,000  men,  to  be  enlisted  for  the  term  of  three  years,  or 
during  the  war.  It  was  not  until  January,  however,  that  they 
could  be  induced  to  offer  bounties  for  enlistments ;  and  even 
then  the  ranks  were  not  rapidly  filled.  At  the  close  of  February, 
the  whole  effective  force  of  the  Americans  was  no  more  than 
14,000  men,  exclusive  of  6000  of  the  Massachusetts  militia. 
An  assault  upon  Boston  had  been  meditated  in  February  by 
General  Washington  ;  but  the  opinion  of  his  principal  officers, 
as  expressed  in  a  council  of  war,  being  strongly  against  such 
a  movement,  the  enterprize  was  reluctantly  abandoned.  Wearied 
by  inaction,  the  next  project  of  the  American  commander  was 
to  take  possession  of  Dorchester  Heights — a  position  command¬ 
ing  the  town  of  Boston,  the  occupation  of  which  would  compel 
General  Howe  either  to  attempt  its  dispossession  by  the  Ameri¬ 
cans,  or  to  evacuate  the  town.  The  enterprize  was  so  well 
planned,  as  to  be  executed  by  General  Thomas  with  complete 
and  brilliant  success,  on  the  night  of  the  4th  of  March. 
Having  diverted  the  attention  of  the  enemy  by  a  bombardment 
of  his  lines  in  another  direction,  the  movement  was  unper¬ 
ceived.  The  weather  being  mild,  the  American  troops  were 
enabled  to  labor  with  energy  in  throwing  up  defences,  which, 
on  the  following  morning,  struck  the  General  of  the  British 
army  with  astonishment,  from  their  sudden  appearance  and 
their  magnitude.  A  heavy  atmosphere  contributed  to  magnify 
the  height  of  the  works,  and  increase  the  wonder  of  the  foe. 
Sir  William  Howe  made  immediate  preparations  to  drive  the 
Americans  from  their  new,  and,  to  him,  dangerous  position  ; 
for  which  purpose  two  thousand  choice  troops  were  embarked 
to  cross  over  the  same  evening  ;  but  a  severe  tempest  frustrated 
his  design.  On  the  following  morning  General  Howe  con- 


*  Holmes’s  Annals. 


162 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1776. 


vened  a  council  of  war,  at  which  it  was  resolved  to  evacuate 
the  town  as  soon  as  possible.  This  determination  was  carried 
into  execution  on  the  17th,  by  the  embarkation  of  the  whole 
British  army,  and  the  sailing  of  the  fleet — first  to  Halifax — but 
ultimately,  as  the  event  proved,  for  New- York.  On  the  same 
day  General  Washington  entered  Boston  in  triumph,  and  was 
hailed  by  the  universal  acclaim  of  the  people  as  their  deliverer. 
Thus  was  the  town  which  first  raised  the  standard  of  rebellion, 
the  first  to  rejoice  at  the  final  retreat  of  its  oppressors.  Nor  was 
it  the  fortune  of  the  invaders  ever  to  set  foot  there  again. 

In  the  North,  the  operations  of  the  Provincial  army  had  been 
far  less  propitious.  The  conquest  of  Canada  was  a  favorite 
project  with  Congress,  and  every  possible  effort  within  the 
slender  means  of  the  Colonies  was  made  to  that  end.  But  the 
fall  of  Montgomery  had  thrown  a  gloom  over  the  enterprise 
which  was  never  dissipated.  Colonel,  now  General  Arnold, 
had  maintained  himself  before  Quebec  during  the  winter,  and 
until  late  in  the  spring,  with  but  a  handful  of  men — number¬ 
ing,  at  one  time,  not  more  than  five  hundred  effectives.  But 
the  reinforcements  were  slow  in  arriving ;  the  Canadians,  from 
a  variety  of  causes — the  principal  of  which,  beyond  doubt, 
was  bad  treatment  from  an  undisciplined  soldiery — became 
less  friendly  to  the  Americans  than  at  first,  notwithstanding  the 
mission  of  Messrs.  Franklin,  Chase,  and  Carroll,  accompanied 
by  a  Catholic  priest,  to  conciliate  them  ;  and  on  the  arrival  of 
General  Wooster  at  his  quarters,  about  the  1st  of  April,  Arnold 
obtained  leave  of  absence,  and  took  the  command  at  Montreal. 
General  Thomas,  who  had  been  assigned  to  the  command  of 
the  army  in  Canada,  after  the  exploit  of  Gloucester  Heights, 
arrived  before  Quebec  on  the  1st  of  May,  where  he  found  an 
army  of  nineteen  hundred  men,  less  than  one  thousand  of 
whom  were  effective,  and  three  hundred  of  these,  being  entitled 
to  their  discharge,  refused  to  perform  duty.  They  had  but  one 
hundred  and  fifty  barrels  of  powder,  and  six  days’  provisions. 
Well  knowing  that  with  the  opening  of  the  navigation,  Sir 
Guy  Carleton’s  expected  reinforcements  would  arrive,  the  cir¬ 
cumstances  in  which  he  was  placed  were  altogether  so  un¬ 
promising,  that  General  Thomas,  with  the  concurrence  of  a 
council  of  war,  determined  to  raise  the  siege  on  the  5th  of 
May,  and  assume  a  more  eligible  position  farther  up  the  river. 


EVACUATION  OF  CANADA. 


163 


1776.] 

It  was  the  intention  of  the  American  commander  to  remove 
the  sick  to  Three  Rivers  ;  but  on  the  6th,  before  the  arrange¬ 
ments  for  retreating  were  all  concerted,  a  British  fleet,  with 
reinforcements,  arrived.  General  Carleton  immediately  made 
a  sortie  at  the  head  of  one  thousand  men  ;  to  oppose  whom, 
General  Thomas  had  not  more  than  three  hundred  available 
troops.  No  other  course  remained,  therefore,  but  a  preci¬ 
pitate  retreat  for  all  who  could  get  away — leaving  the  sick 
and  the  military  stores  to  the  enemy.  General  Thomas  led  his 
little  band  back  to  the  mouth  of  the  Sorel,  where  he  was 
seized  with  the  small-pox,  and  died.  Large  reinforcements 
joined  the  fugitive  army  at  that  place,  under  General  Sullivan. 
Before  General  Carleton  moved  from  Quebec,  an  expedition 
was  undertaken  from  Sorel  to  the  Three  Rivers,  against  Gene¬ 
ral  Frasier,  under  the  direction  of  General  Thompson  and 
Colonel  St.  Clair.  It  was  unsuccessful ;  from  which  time  dis¬ 
aster  followed  disaster,  until,  owing  to  the  combined  causes  of 
defeat,  sickness,  and  insubordination,  the  Americans  found 
themselves,  on  the  18th  of  June,  driven  entirely  out  of  Canada  ; 
the  British  army  following  so  closely  upon  their  heels,  as  im¬ 
mediately  to  occupy  the  different  posts  as  they  were  successive¬ 
ly  evacuated. 

The  Americans,  however,  still  retained  the  control  of  Lake 
Champlain,  and  occupied  the  fortifications  upon  its  shores, 
the  command  of  which  had  now  been  assigned  by  Congress 
to  General  Gates,  with  great  and  manifest  injustice  toward  Ge¬ 
neral  Schuyler/  Gates  at  first  established  his  head-quarters  at 
Crown  Point,  but  soon  afterward  withdrew  his  forces  from  that 
post,  and  fell  back  upon  Ticonderoga.  This  step  was  taken 

*  The  appointment  of  Gates  to  the  command  of  this  department,  was  from  the 
first  unacceptable  to  the  officers  of  New-York,  nor  was  his  own  course  very  concili¬ 
atory  toward  them.  In  the  course  of  the  present  Summer,  it  was  reported  to  Lieu¬ 
tenant-Colonel  Gansevoort,  a  brave  and  deservedly  popular  officer,  belonging  to  the 
regiment  of  Colonel  Van  Schaick,  and  then  in  command  of  Fort  George  at  the  head 
of  the  lake  of  that  name,  that  the  General  had  spoken  disrespectfully  of  that  regi¬ 
ment,  and  also  of  the  regiments  of  Colonels  Wynkoop  and  Fisher.  His  letters  to 
Col.  Gansevoort  were  unnecessarily  harsh  and  pragmatical  sc  much  so  as  justly  to 
give  offence.  Irritated  by  such  treatment,  Gansevoort  wrote  a  spirited  letter  to 
Gates,  referring  to  several  matters  in  which  he  had  been  aggrieved  by  the  letters  and 
conversation  of  that  officer.  He  requested  a  Court  of  Inquiry,  and  avowed  his  de¬ 
termination,  with  the  leave  of  Gen.  Schuyler,  to  relinquish  the  command  of  the 
post. — MS.  letters  of  Gates  and  Col.  Gansevoort  in  the  author's  possession. 


164 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1776. 

by  the  advice  and  concurrence  of  a  board  of  general  officers, 
but  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the  field  officers.  The  Comman¬ 
der-in-chief  was  exceedingly  dissatisfied  with  this  movement  of 
Cates,  believing  that  the  relinquishment  of  that  post,  in  its  conse¬ 
quences,  would  be  equivalent  to  an  abandonment  of  Lakes 
George  and  Champlain,  and  all  the  advantages  to  be  derived 
therefrom.*  In  reply  to  the  concern  that  had  been  expressed 
by  Washington  on  the  occasion,  General  Gates  contended  that 
Crown  Point  was  untenable  with  the  forces  then  under  his 
command,  nor  could  it  be  successfully  defended  even  with  the 
aid  of  the  expected  reinforcements.  These  reinforcements, 
moreover,  the  General  added,  could  not  be  allowed  to  approach 
nearer  to  Crown  Point  than  Skenesborough,  since  “  it  would 
“  be  only  heaping  one  hospital  upon  another.”!  The  annals 
of  disastrous  war  scarce  present  a  more  deplorable  picture  than 
that  exhibited  by  the  Americans  escaping  from  Canada.  In 
addition  to  the  small  pox,  the  army  had  been  afflicted  by  other 
diseases,  generated  by  exposure,  destitution,  and  laxity  of  dis¬ 
cipline.  Fleets  of  boats  came  up  the  lake,  freighted  with  the 
sick  and  dying  ;  and  even  those  reported  from  day  to  day  fit 
for  duty,  presented  but  the  appearance  of  a  haggard  skele¬ 
ton  of  an  army.  “  Every  thing  about  this  army,”  said  Gene¬ 
ral  Gates  in  the  letter  already  cited,  “  is  infected  with  the  pes- 
“  tilence ;  the  clothes,  the  blankets,  the  air,  and  the  ground 
“  they  walk  upon.  To  put  this  evil  from  us,  a  general  hospi- 
“  tal  is  established  at  Fort  George,!  where  there  are  now  be- 
“  tween  two  and  three  thousand  sick,  and  where  every  infected 
“  person  is  immediately  sent.  But  this  care  and  caution  have 
“  not  effectually  destroyed  the  disease  here ;  it  is,  notwithstand- 
“  ing,  continually  breaking  out.”  11 

Such  was  the  deplorable  condition  in  which  an  army,  so  re- 

*  Letter  of  Washington  to  Gen.  Gates,  July  19,  1776. 

f  Letter  of  Gen.  Gates  to  Washington  in  reply,  July  28.  The  small  pox,  which 
had  been  so  fatal  to  the  troops  in  Canada,  had  now  broken  out  at  Crown  Point  and 
Ticonderoga — the  pestilence  having  been  purposely  introduced  by  a  villain  calling 
himself  Doctor  Barker.  This  fact  is  stated  in  a  letter  from  the  Adjutant-General  of 
the  Northern  Department  to  Colonel  Gansevoort,  dated  from  Ticonderoga,  July  24. 
“The  villain,”  says  the  letter,  “by  private  inoculations  in  the  army,  has  caused,  in 
a  great  degree,  the  misery  to  which  we  are  reduced  by  that  infectious  disorder.” 
Barker  was  arrested,  and  sent  to  Albany. — MS.  letter  of  Colonel  Trumbull  to  Col. 
Gansevoort. 

I  At  the  head  of  Lake  George. 


11  Sparks. 


GENERAL  PROGRESS  OF  THE  WAR. 


165 


1776.] 


cently  victorious,  had  been  driven  back  from  what  was  in  fact 
a  conquered  country,  lost  entirely  through  mismanagement, 
and  the  want  of  an  army  upon  the  basis  of  permanent  enlist¬ 
ment.  Added  to  which,  was  another  difficulty  lying  beneath 
the  surface.  Many  prisoners  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy  at  Quebec  and  during  the  subsequent  retreat.  Toward 
all  these,  the  conduct  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton  had  been  most  poli¬ 
tic.  They  had  been  treated  with  the  greatest  care  and  human¬ 
ity,  and  so  much  of  the  subtle  poison  of  flattery,  mingled  with 
kindness,  had  been  poured  into  their  ears,  that  their  return  on 
parole,  which  was  presently  allowed  by  the  British  commander, 
was  regarded  with  apprehension.*  On  one  occasion,  a  large 
number  of  prisoners  arriving  at  Crown  Point  from  St.  John’s,  in 
a  vessel  provided  by  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  were  visited,  before  land¬ 
ing,  by  Colonel  John  Trumbull,  the  Adjutant-General  for  the 
Northern  Department.  From  the  feelings  they  manifested,  and 
the  tenor  of  their  conversation,  Colonel  Trumbull  saw  at  once 
that  it  would  not  be  prudent  to  allow  them  to  land,  or  hold  the 
least  intercourse  with  the  suffering  troops  of  the  garrison.  He 
immediately  reported  the  fact  to  the  General,  and  advised  that  the 
said  prisoners  should  be  sent  directly  forward  to  Skenesborough, 
and  despatched  to  their  respective  homes,  without  allowing 


*  “  Although  General  Carleton  had  acquiesced  in  the  harsh  treatment  of  Ethan 
Allen,  yet  the  prisoners  who  fell  into  his  hands  met  with  usage  in  every  respect  as 
good  as  that  of  the  British  soldiers,  except  in  the  necessary  restraints  of  confinement. 
This  was  declared  in  a  letter  to  Washington  from  Major  Meigs,  when  he  returned 
on  his  parole  the  Summer  following.  The  soldiers  were  confined  in  the  Jesuits’ 
College,  and  the  officers  in  the  Seminary.  The  latter,  after  the  siege  was  raised, 
had  permission  to  walk  in  a  large  garden  adjoining  their  quarters.  Major  Meigs 
left  three  hundred  prisoners  in  CLuebec  about  the  middle  of  May.  When  they  were 
released  for  exchange,  General  Carleton  supplied  them  with  articles  of  clothing,  in 
which  they  were  deficient.  It  was  said,  that  when  some  of  his  officers  spoke  to  him 
of  this  act,  as  an  unusual  degree  of  lenity  toward  prisoners  of  war,  he  replied, — 
“  Since  we  have  tried  in  vain  to  make  them  acknowledge  us  as  brothers,  let  us  at 
least  send  them  away  disposed  to  regard  us  as  first  cousins.”  Having  been  in¬ 
formed  that  many  persons  suffering  from  wounds  and  various  disorders  were  con¬ 
cealed  in  the  woods  and  obscure  places,  fearing  that  if  they  appeared  openly  they 
would  be  seized  as  prisoners  and  severely  treated  ;  he  issued  a  proclamation  com¬ 
manding  the  militia  officers  to  search  for  such  persons,  bring  them  to  the  general 
hospital,  and  procure  for  them  all  necessary  relief  at  the  public  charge.  He  also 
invited  all  such  persons  to  come  forward  voluntarily,  and  receive  the  assistance  they 
needed ;  assuring  them,  “  that  as  soon  as  their  health  should  be  restored,  they  should 
“  have  free  liberty  to  return  to  their  respective  provinces.” — Sparks. 


I 


166  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1776. 

them  to  mingle  with  the  troops  at  that  place.  The  suggestion 
was  adopted.* 

Nor  were  the  difficulties  enumerated,  all  which  the  officers 
had  to  encounter.  The  spirit  of  disaffection  was  far  more  ex¬ 
tensive  than  those  who  are  left  to  contemplate  the  scenes 
through  which  their  fathers  passed,  and  the  discouragements 
against  which  they  were  compelled  to  struggle,  have  been  wont 
to  suppose.  The  burden  of  many  of  General  Schuyler’s  let¬ 
ters,  and  also  the  letters  of  other  officers,  during  the  whole  of 
this  season,  was  the  frequency  of  desertions  to  the  ranks  of  the 
enemy. 

Glancing  for  a  moment  at  the  situation  of  affairs  at  the 
south,  the  gloom  of  the  picture  is  somewhat  relieved.  The 
expedition  of  General  Clinton  and  Sir  Peter  Parker,  for  the  re¬ 
duction  of  Charleston,  had  signally  failed.  The  defence  of  the 
fort  bearing  his  own  name,  by  Colonel  Moultrie,  was  one  of 
the  most  gallant  exploits  of  the  whole  contest,  and  served  to 
lighten  the  despondency  that  had  been  produced  by  the  disas¬ 
ters  we  have  been  sketching  at  the  north.  It  was  at  this  place 
that  the  celebrated  Sergeant  Jasper  signalized  himself,  when 
the  flag-staff  was  shot  away,  by  leaping  from  the  parapet  of  the 
fort  upon  the  beach,  seizing  the  flag,  and,  amid  the  incessant 
firing  of  the  fleet,  mounting,  and  again  placing  it  on  the  ram- 
part.f 

But  the  grand  event  of  the  year,  the  transactions  of  which 
are  now  under  review,  was  the  Declaration  of  Indepen¬ 
dence,  a  motion  for  which  was  submitted  in  Congress  by 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  of  Virginia,  on  the  7th  of  June,  and  the 
Declaration  itself  solemnly  adopted  on  the  4th  of  July.  This 
measure  at  once  cut  off  all  hope  of  reconciliation  with  the  pa¬ 
rent  country,  and  all  prospect  of  a  termination  of  the  war,  un¬ 
less  by  the  complete  triumph  in  arms  of  one  party  or  the  other. 
Such  a  declaration  was  an  event  not  originally  anticipated, 
even  if  desired,  by  the  mass  of  the  people ;  although  it  had  un¬ 
questionably,  and  from  the  first,  entered  into  the  calculations  of 
the  daring  master  spirits  of  the  movement  in  Boston.  It  had 
furthermore  been  greatly  accelerated  by  the  conduct  of  the 


♦  Conversations  of  the  author  with  the  venerable  Colonel  Trumbull,  while  these 
pages  were  under  revision. 

I  Garden’s  Anecdotes  of  the  American  Revolution. 


AFFAIRS  IN  TRYON  COUNTY. 


167 


1776.] 


British  government  itself,  during  the  preceding  session  of  Par¬ 
liament,  by  act  of  which  the  Americans  had  been  declared  out 
of  the  Royal  protection  ;  so  widely  mistaken  had  been  the  Con¬ 
gress  of  the  preceding  year,  which  had  adjourned  with  strong 
hopes  that  the  differences  between  the  two  countries  would 
soon  be  adjusted  to  their  mutual  satisfaction.*  At  the  same 
time  the  parent  government  was  putting  forth  its  utmost  ener¬ 
gies  to  crush  the  Colonies  at  a  blow.  For  this  purpose,  25,000 
British  troops  were  to  be  employed,  in  addition  to  17,000  Ger¬ 
man  mercenaries  purchased  from  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse 
Cassel,  the  Duke  of  Brunswick,  and  the  Count  of  Hanau. 
These  troops,  together  with  the  Canadian  recruits,  the  American 
loyalists,  and  the  Indians,  it  was  intended  should  constitute  an 
invading  force  of  55,000  men.  With  such  preparations  in 
prospect  against  them,  it  was  no  time  for  inactivity  on  the  part 
of  the  Colonists  ;  and  having  by  the  Declaration  thrown  away 
the  scabbard  of  the  sword  that  had  been  drawn  fifteen  months 
before,  there  was  no  alternative  but  resistance  to  the  end. 

Recurring,  for  a  brief  space,  to  the  history  proper  of  the 
Mohawk  Valley,  it  may  be  assumed,  in  behalf  of  its  patriotic 
population,  that  the  new  attitude  of  the  country  was  neither 
unexpected  nor  unwelcome.  On  the  contrary,  having  been 
among  the  earliest  to  propose  a  separation,  the  great  act  of  the 
4th  of  July  was  nowhere  more  cordially  received  than  by  the 
Whigs  of  Tryon  County.  Nor  did  they  falter  in  their  purposes 
of  sustaining  the  cause  in  which  the  country  had  embarked, 
amid  all  the  disasters  of  the  early  part  of  the  season  or  those 
that  followed.  In  their  own  section  of  country,  however,  the 
flight  of  Sir  John  Johnson  and  his  retainers  was  the  only  im¬ 
portant  incident  occurring  during  that  memorable  year.  Still, 
there  was  no  relaxation  of  vigilance,  or  of  preparation  for  the 
worst,  should  the  storm  of  war,  so  long  muttering  in  the  dis¬ 
tance,  actually  break  upon  those  settlements.  The  frontiers 
were  at  all  times  liable  to  the  sudden  irruptions  of  savages,  and 
it  was  necessary  to  keep  scouting  parties  continually  upon 
the  alert.  Cherry  Valley  being  the  principal  settlement  south 
of  the  Mohawk,  and  lying  directly  in  the  line  of  communica¬ 
tion  between  the  Mohawk  Castles  and  the  Indian  post  at  Ogh- 


Marshall’s  Life  of  Washington,  Vol.  I.  Chap.  iv. 
26 


168 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[mo. 


kwaga,*  was  particularly  exposed.  Early  in  the  present  Sum¬ 
mer,  therefore,  a  company  of  rangers  was  organized  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Robert  M‘Kean.  The  public  service  re¬ 
quiring  the  Captain  and  his  little  corps  elsewhere,  the  in¬ 
habitants  strongly  remonstrated  with  the  Committee  of  Safety 
against  the  removal  of  that  corps,  but  without  effect.  They 
next  addressed  themselves  to  the  Provincial  Congress  of  New- 
York,  and  by  a  forcible  and  eloquent  appeal,  obtained  another 
company  of  rangers  to  be  stationed  among  them  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Winn.t  These  papers  were  written  with 
ability,  and  with  the  energy  of  men  in  earnest.  They  had 
even  then  received,  through  their  missionaries,  intimations  that 
Sir  John  Johnson  and  Colonel  John  Butler  were  instigating 
the  Indians  to  make  a  descent  upon  them  ;  and  already  were 
the  scattered  settlers  in  other  and  newer  locations  coming  in  to 
Cherry  Valley  for  protection.  Apprehending,  also,  sudden  ir¬ 
ruptions  of  scalping  parties,  the  aged,  and  such  as  from  other 
causes  were  exempt  from  military  service,  now  organized 
themselves  into  a  company  for  the  protection  of  the  settlement. 

In  the  course  of  the  season  General  Schuyler  was  directed 
by  Congress  to  cause  Fort  Stanwix  to  be  strengthened,  and 
other  fortifications  to  be  erected  at  proper  places  along  the  Mo¬ 
hawk  river.  Colonels  Van  Schaick  and  Dayton  had  previously 
been  stationed  in  Tryon  County  with  detachments  of  regular 
troops — the  former  at  Johnstown  and  the  latter  at  German  Flatts. 
Upon  Colonel  Dayton  was  imposed  the  duty  of  carrying  for¬ 
ward  the  works  at  Fort  Stanwix,  for  which  purpose  the  Tryon 
County  militia  were  ordered  to  his  assistance.  The  site  of 
that  military  defence  had  early  been  improved,  as  one  of  the 
most  important  inland  posts  of  the  Colonies.  It  was  originally 
built  early  in  1758,  during  the  French  war  of  1755 — 61, 
by  General  Stanwix,  for  the  purpose  of  commanding  the  car¬ 
rying-place  between  the  Mohawk  River  and  Wood  Creek, 
leading  into  the  Oneida  Lake,  and  thence  into  Lake  Ontario, 

*  As  with  most  other  Indian  names,  there  is  difficulty  respecting  the  correct  or¬ 
thography  of  this  place.  It  is  spelt  Oquaga,  Oghquaga,  and  sometimes  Oneaquaga. 
Brant  and  John  Norton,  however,  were  wont  to  spell  it  Oghkwaga.  I  have  adopted 
the  latter  method,  as  supported  by  the  best  authorities. — Author. 

f  The  names  of  the  Cherry  Valley  Committee  who  took  the  lead  in  these  mat¬ 
ters,  were,  John  Moore,  Samuel  Clyde,  Samuel  Campbell,  Samuel  Dunlop,  James 
Scott,  Robert  Wells,  James  Richey,  an  1  James  Moore. 


177G.]  GENERAL  PROGRESS  OP  THE  WAR.  '  169 

by  the  Oswego  river.*  There  were  several  other  fortifications 
at  different  points  of  the  narrow  strip  of  land  between  the  two 
streams  already  mentioned,  such  as  Fort  Bull  and  Fort  New¬ 
port  ;  the  former  commanding  the  Creek,  about  three  miles 
distant.  These  were  strong  redoubts ;  but  Fort  Stanwix  wascom- 
paratively  a  formidable  work,  having  its  bomb-proofs,  its  sally¬ 
port,  and  a  covered  way  to  the  spring  brook.  Altogether 
these  works  formed  an  ample  defence  of  the  key  from  Upper 
Canada  to  the  Mohawk  Valley,  and  were  likewise  of  signal 
service  for  the  protection  they  afforded  to  the  Indian  trade. 
But,  although  the  principal  fortress  had  been  erected  at  the 
great  expense — enormous  in  those  times — of  266,400  dollars, 
yet  the  commencement  of  the  war  of  the  Revolution  found 
the  whole  in  ruins.  Colonel  Dayton  appears  to  have  made  but 
little  progress  in  re-building  the  fort,  since  it  will  be  found 
that  other  officers  had  the  works  in  charge  early  in  the  follow¬ 
ing  year,  and  they  were  far  from  complete  when  subsequently 
invested  by  the  motley  forces  of  General  St.  Leger.  Colonel 
Dayton,  however,  thought  proper  to  change  its  name  in  honor 
of  the  General  commanding  the  Northern  department,  and  it 
was  subsequently  known  as  Fort  Schuyler  during  the  residue 
of  the  war.t 

A  rapid  glance  at  the  other  warlike  events  of  the  season 
will  close  the  history  of  the  year.  Anticipating,  on  the  evacu¬ 
ation  of  Boston  by  General  Howe,  that  his  next  point  of  attack 
would  be  New-York,  General  Lee  was  detached  by  the  Com¬ 
mander-in-chief  with  a  portion  of  the  army,  to  put  Long 
Island  and  the  harbor  of  New-York  in  a  posture  of  defence. 
Washington  followed  soon  afterward  himself,  and  established 
his  head-quarters  in  the  city.  Having  been  joined  by  his 
brother,  Lord  Howe,  as  commander  of  the  fleet  at  Halifax,  Ge¬ 
neral,  afterward  Sir  William  Howe,  with  his  reinforcements, 
arrived  off  Sandy  Hook — the  latter  on  the  25th  of  June  and 
the  former  on  the  12tli  of  July.  General  Clinton  arriving  at 

*  The  reconstruction  of  this  work  was  early  pointed  out,  and  strongly  urged  upon 
General  Schuyler,  by  Washington. 

f  There  was  another  Fort  Schuyler,  built  on  the  present  site  of  Utica  during  the 
old  French  war,  and  named  thus  in  honor  of  Colonel  Schuyler,  an  uncle  of  General 
Phiiip  Schuyler  of  the  Revolution.  The  two  are  often  confounded  in  history,  and 
the  change  in  the  name  of  Fort  Stanwix  was  alike  unnecessary  and  unwise. 


170 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1776. 


about  the  same  time  from  the  unsuccessful  enterprise  against 
Charleston,  with  Admiral  Hothain,  the  combined  forces  of  the 
enemy  now  amounted  to  about  24,000  men,  including  the 
Hessians. 

Lord  and  Sir  William  Howe  were  clothed  with  powers,  as 
Commissioners,  to  treat  with  the  Colonies  for  a  reconciliation. 
Their  pacific  errand  was  proclaimed  before  hostilities  were  re¬ 
commenced,  and  promises  of  pardon  were  proffered  to  all  who 
would  avail  themselves  of  the  Royal  clemency,  and  return  to 
their  allegiance  and  duty.  Their  proposals,  however,  were 
considered  too  exceptionable,  both  in  matter  and  form,  to  re¬ 
ceive  the  least  attention. 

On  the  22d  of  August  the  British  army  was  landed  upon 
Long  Island,  at  Gravesend.  The  American  army  at  this  time 
consisting  of  15,000  men,  under  General  Sullivan,  was  en¬ 
camped  in  the  neighborhood  of  Brooklyn.  The  battle  of  Long 
Island,  which  was  severely,  though  ineffectually,  contested  by 
the  American  forces  under  Sullivan  and  Lord  Stirling,  was 
fought  on  the  27th  of  August.  In  this  action,  the  loss  of  the 
enemy  was  differently  reported  at  from  300  to  450.  The  loss 
of  the  Americans  was  far  more  considerable.  General  Wash¬ 
ington  admitted  it  to  be  1000,  but  is  believed  only  to  have  re¬ 
ferred  to  the  loss  of  the  regular  troops.  General  Howe  claim¬ 
ed  1097  prisoners,  among  whom  were  Generals  Sullivan, 
Stirling,  and  Woodhull.  On  the  30th,  the  Americans  effected 
a  masterly  retreat  across  the  East  river  to  New-York.*  The 
enemy  made  immediate  dispositions  for  attacking  New-York; 
and  so  prompt  and  skilful  were  his  movements,  that,  in  a  coun¬ 
cil  of  general  officers,  an  evacuation  forthwith  was  deemed  the 
only  means  of  saving  the  army.  The  British  fleet  was  divided 
into  two  squadrons,  one  of  which  entered  the  East  and  the 
other  the  North  river.  Under  cover  of  the  former,  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  crossed  from  Long  Island,  and  landed  at  Kipp’s  Bay, 
with  such  celerity  that  the  Americans  fled  in  disorder.  Indeed, 

*  During  the  operations  upon  Long  Island  and  New-York,  Captain  Brant  con¬ 
trived  to  pass  from  Canada  and  join  the  King’s  forces.  He  was  with  Governor 
Tryon  at  Flatbush.  The  late  Mr.  John  Watts,  a  brother-in-law  of  Sir  John 
Johnson,  used  to  speak  of  taking  a  walk  with  Gov.  Tryon,  Colonel  Asgill,  and 
Brant,  through  an  orchard  in  that  village.  During  their  stroll,  Brant  plucked  a 
crude  crab-apple  from  a  tree,  which,  on  tasting  it,  he  threw  away — screwing  his 
face,  and  exclaiming;— A* It’s  as  bitter  as  a  Presbyterian!” 


177G.]  GENERAL  PROGRESS  OF  THE  WAR.  171 

the  evacuation  resembled  rather  a  flight  than  a  retreat ;  all  the 
heavy  artillery,  military  stores,  baggage,  and  provisions,  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  A  large  portion  of  the  Ameri¬ 
can  forces,  at  that  time,  consisted  of  militia,  the  conduct  of 
which  was  scandalous  beyond  endurance.  They  deserted,  not 
only  in  small  numbers,  but  in  companies  and  squadrons,  when¬ 
ever  they  could  ;  and  their  conduct  in  the  face  of  the  enemy, 
or  rather  when  running  from  the  faces  of  the  enemy,  was  most 
cowardly.  So  disorderly  was  their  demeanor,  and  so  like  pol¬ 
troons  did  they  behave  when  flying  from  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
that  even  Washington  himself  lost  his  patience,  and  was  ex¬ 
cited  to  a  degree  of  hot  exasperation.  In  writing  from  Har- 
laem  Heights  to  a  friend,  General  Greene  said  that  two  bri¬ 
gades  of  militia  ran  away  from  about  fifty  men,  leaving  the  Com¬ 
mander-in-chief  on  the  ground  -within  eighty  yards  of  the 
enemy,  so  vexed  with  the  conduct  of  his  troops,  that  he  sought 
death  rather  than  life.*  His  attempts  to  stop  them  were  fruit¬ 
less.  He  drew  his  sword,  and  threatened  to  run  them  through, 
and  cocked  and  snapped  his  pistols.t  But  all  his  exertions 
were  to  no  purpose.  In  a  letter  upon  the  subject  of  this  infa¬ 
mous  conduct  of  the  militia,  to  the  President  of  Congress,  the 
Commander-in-chief  declared  that,  were  he  called  to  give  his 
opinion  upon  oath,  he  should  say  that  the  militia  did  more  in¬ 
jury  to  the  service  than  good. 

General  Greene  had  strongly  urged  the  destruction  of  the  city 
by  fire — a  measure  afterward  so  effectively  adopted  by  Count  Ros- 
topchin,  Governor  of  the  ancient  capital  of  Muscovy,  to  arrest 
the  career  of  Napoleon — that  the  enemy  might  be  deprived  of  the 
advantage  of  establishing  their  winter-quarters  therein.  His  rea¬ 
sons  for  this  measure  were  sound,  and  it  ought,  doubtless,  to  have 
been  adopted.  Washington  was  believed  to  be  of  the  same  opi¬ 
nion,  especially  as  two  thirds  of  the  property  which  it  was  pro¬ 
posed  to  destroy, belonged  to  undisguised  loyalists.  But  Congress 
would  not  allow  the  sacrifice  ;t  and,  on  the  15th  of  September, 
trie  city  was  in  full  possession  of  the  enemy — General  Wash¬ 
ington  having  retired  with  the  army  to  Kingsbridge.  From 

»  i 

*  Sparks  f  Gordon. 

+  Washington’s  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress,  and  also  a  letter  from  Gen. 
Greene.— Vide  Sparks. 


17&  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1776. 

the  superiority  in  numbers  and  discipline  of  the  British  and 
German  troops,  the  Americans  were  unable  to  meet  them  in 
the  field,  and  the  policy  of  evacuating  and  retreating  was 
adopted.  A  succession  of  movements,  manoeuvres,  and  en¬ 
gagements,  followed  in  Westchester,  terminating,  for  the  mo¬ 
ment,  in  the  drawn  battle  of  White  Plains  on  the  18th  of 
October.*  Washington  then  divided  his  army,  and  crossed 
into  New  Jersey  with  a  portion,  leaving  7500  troops  at  North 
Castle,  under  General  Lee.  The  next  disaster  to  the  American 
arms  was  the  fall  of  Fort  Washington,  on  the  16th  of  Novem¬ 
ber,  after  a  brave  defence  by  Colonel  Magaw,  notwithstanding 
the  refusal  of  a  portion  of  his  troops  to  man  the  lines.f  That 
fortress  was  attacked  with  great  gallantry  at  four  points,  led  by 
Generals  Knyphausen,  Matthews,  Cornwallis,  and  Lord  Percy. 
The  regiment  of  Colonel  Rawlings,  on  that  occasion,  behaved 
with  great  spirit ;  nor  would  Colonel  Magaw  have  given  up 
the  post  but  for  the  conduct  of  the  disaffected.!  After  the  fall 
of  Fort  Washington,  Lord  Cornwallis  crossed  into  New  Jersey 
with  6000  men,  for  the  purpose  of  attacking  Fort  Lee,  of 
which  General  Lee  was  then  in  command.  But  the  means  of 
this  skilful  officer  were  not  adequate  to  the  defence  of  the  post 
against  a  force  of  such  unequal  strength  ;  the  people  of  New 
Jersey  were  at  that  time  intent  rather  to  make  terms  with  the 
enemy,  than  to  afford  efficient  assistance  ;||  and  the  garrison 
was  saved  by  an  evacuation.  General  Washington  had  taken 
post  at  Newark  ;  but  the  fall  of  Forts  Washington  and  Lee, 
together  with  the  diminution  of  his  own  strength  by  the  expi¬ 
ration  of  the  term  of  service  of  his  men,  obliged  him  to  retreat 
rapidly  across  New  Jersey  to  the  other  side  of  the  Delaware, 


*  The  Stockbridge  Indians  were  engaged  with  the  Americans  in  this  battle. 
They  fought  bravely,  and  suffered  severely. 

f  Letter  of  Washington  to  his  brother,  John  Augustine  Washington,  dated 
from  Hackensack,  Nov.  19, 1776. 
f  Idem. 

||  “The  conduct  of  the  Jerseys  has  been  most  infamous.  Instead  of  turning  out 
to  defend  their  country  and  affording  aid  to  our  army,  they  are  making  their  sub¬ 
missions  as  fast  as  they  can.  If  the  Jerseys  had  given  us  any  support,  we  might 
have  made  a  stand  at  Hackensack,  and  after  that  at  Brunswick  ;  but  the  few  militia 
that  were  in  arms  disbanded  themselves,  and  left  the  poor  remains  of  an  army  to 
make  the  best  we  could  of  it.” — Letter  of  Washington  to  Ids  brother,  John  Augustine 
Washington,  Nov.  IS,  1776. 


1776.]  GENERAL  PROGRESS  OF  THE  WAR.  173 

followed  so  closely  by  Lord  Cornwallis,  that  the  van  of  the 
pursuers  was  often  engaged  with  the  rear  of  the  pursued. 

In  addition  to  this  succession  of  disasters,  Sir  Guy  Carleton 
had  appeared  upon  Lake  Champlain  with  a  flotilla,  superior  to 
that  of  the  Americans  under  General  Arnold,  and  which 
seemed  to  have  been  called  into  existence  as  if  by  enchantment. 
Two  naval  engagements  followed,  on  the  11th  and  13th  of 
October,  contested  with  undaunted  bravery,*  but  resulting  in  the 
defeat  of  Arnold,  the  annihilation  of  his  flotilla,  and  the  pos¬ 
session  of  the  Lake  and  Crown  Point  by  the  foe.  Early  in 
December  Rhode  Island  also  fell  into  his  hands.  The  forces 
of  the  Commander-in-chief  at  the  same  time  numbered  only 
from  two  to  three  thousand  men  ;  and  scarcely  a  new  recruit 
supplied  the  places  of  those  whose  terms  of  service  were  expir 
ing.  And  even  those  recruits  that  were  furnished,  were  so 
badly  supplied  with  officers,  as  almost  to  extinguish  the  hope 
of  forming  an  army  from  which  any  efficient  services  were  to 
be  expected,  t 

Worse  than  all,  a  spirit  of  disaffection  was  rife  in  the  Slates 
of  New-York  and  New  Jersey,  which  not  only  thwarted  the 
purposes  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  but  threatened  the  most 
lamentable  consequences  to  the  cause.  Although  there  were 
many  stanch  Whigs  in  Albany  and  its  vicinity,  there  were 
many  vigilant  loyalists  in  that  region,  who  continued  to  keep  in 
correspondence  with  the  enemy  during  nearly  the  whole  contest. 
In  the  Summer  of  this  year,  General  Schuyler  had  detected  a 
dangerous  plot  in  the  neighborhood  of  Albany,  and  apprehended 
some  of  the  ringleaders.  During  the  operations  of  the  army 
in  the  Autumn,  in  New-York  and  its  neighborhood,  it  was  only 
with  the  utmost  difficulty  that  large  portions  of  the  fluctuating 
army  could  be  kept  in  the  line  of  duty,  while  other  large  por¬ 
tions  either  went  off  in  masses,  or  proved  unfaithful  while  they 
remained.  The  conduct  of  the  militia  at  Fort  Washington, 

*  Gen.  Gates  wrote  to  Col.  Ten  Eyck,  from  Ticonderoga,  on  the  13th  of  Octo¬ 
ber — “  The  engagement  began  on  the  1 1th,  and  continues  to  this  day.  The  enemy’s 
fleet  is  much  superior  to  ours,  and  we  maintain  a  running  fight.  All  our  officers 
behave  with  the  greatest  spirit.” — J\1S.  letter  in  the  author's  possessicm. 

f  “  The  different  States,  without  regard  to  the  qualifications  of  an  officer,  quar¬ 
relling  about  the  appointments,  and  nominating  such  as  are  not  fit  to  be  shoe-blacks, 
from  the  local  attachments  of  this  or  that  member  of  Assembly.” — Letter  from  Wash¬ 
ington  to  his  brother,  1 9lh  November,  1776. 

O  « 


174 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[177G. 

has  been  noted.  General  Greene  wrote  on  the  5th  of  Novem¬ 
ber,  that  the  New-York  militia,  under  Colonel  Hawkes  Hay, 
actually  refused  to  do  duty.  They  said  General  Howe  had 
promised  them  peace,  liberty,  and  safety ;  and  that  was  all  they 
wanted.* 

These  are  but  a  few  of  the  discouragements  under  which  the 
Commander-in-chief  was  laboring.  To  borrow  his  own  ex¬ 
pressive  language  in  the  private  letter  to  his  brother  cited  in 
a  preceding  note,  11  You  can  form  no  idea  of  the  perplexity  of 
“  my  situation.  No  man,  I  believe,  ever  had  a  greater  choice  of 
“  difficulties,  and  less  means  to  extricate  himself  from  them.” 
Nevertheless,  the  last  sun  of  that  year  did  not  sink  behind  so 
deep  a  cloud  of  gloom  as  had  been  anticipated.  In  the  north, 
General  Carleton,  who  had  occupied  Crown  Point  after  the 
defeat  of  Arnold’s  flotilla,  had  returned  to  Canada  without  at¬ 
tempting  any  thing  farther  ;  and  before  the  close  of  the  year 
the  Commander-in-chief  had  the  satisfaction  to  announce,  that 
instead  of  imitating  the  bad  example  of  others,  the  Continental 
regiments  from  the  Eastern  States  had  agreed  to  remain  six 
weeks  beyond  the  term  of  their  enlistment.!  In  addition  to 
which  were  the  bold  return  of  Washington  upon  Trenton,  and 
his  brilliant  victory  over  the  Hessian  forces  at  that  place,  on  the 
morning  of  the  26th  of  December.  “  This  well-judged  and 
“  successful  enterprise  revived  the  depressed  spirits  of  the  Colo- 
“  nists,  and  produced  an  immediate  and  happy  effect  in  re- 
“  cruiting  the  American  army.”  + 

*  Sparks — Life  and  Cor.  of  Washington. 

f  Letter  from  W ashington  to  the  commander  at  Morristown,  Dec.  30. 

I  Holmes’s  Annals. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


Continuation  of  movements  in  New  Jersey~-Extinguishment  of  the  council-fire  at 
Onondaga — Tryon  County — Colonel  Harper’s  mission  to  Oghkwaga — The  Har¬ 
per  family — Adventure  at  the  Johnstone  settlement — Capture  of  Good  Peter  and 
his  party — Thayendanegea  crosses  from  Canada  to  Oghkwaga — Interview  with 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Johnstone — Doubtful  course  of  Brant — Feverish  situation  of  the 
people — Expedition  of  General  Herkimer  to  Unadilla — Remarkable  meeting  be¬ 
tween  Herkimer  and  Brant — Meditated  act  of  treachery — Wariness  of  the 
chief — Meeting  abruptly  terminated — Ended  in  a  storm — Brant,  draws  off  to  Os¬ 
wego — Grand  council  there — The  Indians  generally  join  the  Royal  standard — 
Approach  of  Brant  upon  Cherry  Valley — How  defeated — Death  of  Lieutenant 
Wormwood. 

Having  secured  his  prisoners  on  the  Pennsylvania  side  of 
the  Delaware,  General  Washington  established  himself  at 
Trenton.  But  he  was  not  long  permitted  its  undisturbed  pos¬ 
session.  Collecting  his  forces,  Cornwallis  advanced  rapidly  up¬ 
on  the  capital  of  New  Jersey,  where  he  arrived  on  the  2d  of  Ja¬ 
nuary.  Some  skirmishing  ensued  toward  evening, butbotharmies 
encamped  for  the  night  without  coming  to  a  general  engagement 
— being  separated  only  by  Assumpinck  Creek — and  apparently 
both  expecting  a  battle  in  the  morning.  The  force  of  the  en¬ 
emy,  however,  was  too  great  to  render  it  safe  for  the  American 
Commander-in-chief  to  hazard  an  action.  By  an  adroit  and 
masterly  movement,  therefore,  leaving  his  fires  burning,  Gene¬ 
ral  Washington  succeeded  in  getting  away  unperceived,  and 
throwing  himself  into  the  enemy’s  rear.  The  battle  and  vic¬ 
tory  of  Princeton  followed,  and  the  American  army  moved  to 
Morristown,  while  Cornwallis  hastened  back  to  New  Bruns¬ 
wick  and  thence  to  New- York — the  different  detachments  of 
British  troops,  which  had  been  scattered  through  New  Jersey, 
being  at  all  points  discomfited. 

Returning  from  this  digression  to  the  Indian  relations  of 
New- York,  there  is  one  event  to  be  noted,  the  character  of 
which  cannot  be  explained.  Among  the  manuscripts  preserved 
in  the  family  of  the  hero  of  Oriskany,*  is  a  speech  from  the 
Oneida  chiefs  to  Colonel  Elmore,  the  officer  who,  at  the  com¬ 
mencement  of  the  present  year,  was  in  the  command  of  Fort 
Schuyler,  announcing  the  final  extinguishment  of  the  great 


♦  Colonel,  afterward  General  Herkimer. 

27 


176 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 

council-fire  of  the  Six  Nations  at  Onondaga.  As  the  central 
nation  of  the  confederacy,  their  general  councils,  time  imme¬ 
morial,  had  been  holden  at  the  Onondaga  Castle,  at  which,  in 
their  own  figurative  language,  their  council-fire  was  ever  kept 
burning.  These  councils  assembled  annually  to  discuss  the 
exterior  relations,  and  all  matters  of  national  concernment. 
They  were  composed  of  chiefs  delegated  from  each  member  of 
the  federative  republic,  and  sometimes  numbered  as  many  as 
eighty  sachems  in  the  assembly.*  By  what  means  the  event 
had  been  accomplished — whether  the  calamity  was  the  result 
of  pestilence  or  war — the  speech  of  the  Oneidas  does  not  in¬ 
form  us  ;  although  it  announces  the  fall  of  a  large  number  of 
the  Onondaga  warriors,  in  connexion  with  the  catastrophe. 
Still,  the  transaction  is  veiled  in  darkness  so  thick  as  to  baffle 
investigation.  The  following  is  the  speech 

“  Fort  Schuyler,  Jan.  19th,  1777. 

“  Speech  of  the  Oneida  Chiefs  to  Col.  Elmore. 

“  Brother  :  We  are  sent  here  by  the  Oneida  chiefs,  in  con¬ 
junction  with  the  Onondagas.  They  arrived  at  our  village 
yesterday.  They  gave  us  the  melancholy  news  that  the  grand 
council-fire  at  Onondaga  was  extinguished.  We  have  lost  out 
of  their  town  by  death  ninety,  among  whom  are  three  princi 
pal  sachems.  We,  the  remaining  part  of  the  Onondagas,  do  now 
inform  our  brethren  that  there  is  no  longer  a  council-fire  at 
the  capital  of  the  Six  Nations.  However,  we  are  determined 
to  use  our  feeble  endeavors  to  support  peace  through  the  con¬ 
federate  nations.  But  let  this  be  kept  in  mind,  that  the 
council-fire  is  extinguished.  It  is  of  importance  to  our  well¬ 
being  that  this  be  immediately  communicated  to  General 
Schuyler,  and  likewise  to  our  brothers  the  Mohawks.  In  order 
to  effect  this,  we  deposite  this  belt  with  Tekeyanedonhotte, 
Colonel  Elmore,  commander  at  Fort  Schuyler,  who  is  sent 
here  by  General  Schuyler  to  transact  all  matters  relative  to 

*  “  The  national  council  took  cognizance  of  war  and  peace,  of  the  affairs  of  the 
tributary  nations,  and  of  their  negotiations  with  the  French  and  English  Colonies. 
All  their  proceedings  were  conducted  with  great  deliberation,  and  were  distinguish¬ 
ed  for  order,  decorum,  and  solemnity.  In  eloquence,  in  dignity,  and  in  all  the 
characteristics  of  profound  policy,  they  surpassed  an  assembly  of  feudal  barons,  and 
were  perhaps  not  far  inferior  to  the  great  Amphyctionic  council  of  Greece.” — De 
Witt  Clinton. 


1777.]  ONONDAGA  COUNCIL-FIRE.  177 

peace.  We  therefore  request  him  to  forward  this  intelligence 
in  the  first  place  to  General  Herkimer,  desiring  him  to  commu¬ 
nicate  it  to  the  Mohawk  Castle  near  to  him,  and  then  to  Major 
Fonda,  requesting  him  to  immediately  communicate  it  to  the 
Lower  Castle  of  Mohawks.  Let  the  belt  then  be  forwarded  to 
General  Schuyler,  that  he  may  know  that  our  council-fire  is 
extinguished,  andean  no  longer  burn.”* 

This  singular  document  is  worthy  of  preservation,  not  only 
as  the  authentic,  but  as  the  only  account  of  the  occurrence  re¬ 
corded.  It  contains  a  mystery,  however,  which  cannot  now  be 
solved.  Still,  as  no  belligerent  events  are  known  to  have  been 
enacted  in  the  Onondaga  country  during  that  winter,  the  most 
plausible  conjecture  would  attribute  the  mortality  indicated  by 
the  speech  to  some  pestilential  disorder,  which  might  have 
swept  over  them,  as  with  the  Schoharie  Canton  eighteen 
months  before. 

In  the  County  of  Tryon,  which  now  demands  our  chief  at¬ 
tention,  great  uneasiness  was  again  awakened  among  the  inha¬ 
bitants,  toward  the  close  of  the  winter,  especially  in  the  remoter 
settlements  south  of  the  Mohawk,  by  the  reported  gathering  of 
the  Indians  at  Oghkwaga.  The  fact  that  their  numbers  were 
increasing  at  that  point  having  been  satisfactorily  ascertained, 
Colonel  John  Harper,  of  Harpersfield,  was  despatched  thither 
by  the  Provincial  Congress  of  New-York  to  ascertain  their  in¬ 
tentions.  Taking  every  necessary  measure  of  precaution  to 
guard  against  surprise,  and  to  be  ready  for  any  emergency,  by 
having  the  officers  of  his  militia  regiment  on  the  qui  vive, 
Colonel  Harper  departed  upon  his  mission,  accompanied  only 
by  a  single  white  man  and  one  Indian.  He  arrived  on  the  27th 
of  February,  and  was  well  received  by  the  Indians,  who  mani¬ 
fested  a  perfectly  friendly  disposition  toward  himself,  and  also 
toward  the  settlements.  So  far  from  exhibiting  any  belligerent 
intentions,  they  expressed  their  sorrow  for  the  troubles  of  the 
country,  and  declared  their  determination  to  take  no  part  in  the 
controversy.  Satisfied  as  to  the  sincerity  of  their  professions, 
although  subsequent  events  proved  that  they  must  have  been 

*  Transcribed  by  the  author  from  the  original  draught,  as  furnished  to  General 
Herkimer  by  Colonel  Elinore. 


178 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 

dissembling,  Colonel  Harper  supplied  the  means  of  a  festival, 
and  presented  them  with  an  ox,  which  was  roasted  for  the  oc¬ 
casion.* 

Colonel  John  Harper  was  one  of  four  brothers — William, 
John,  Alexander,  and  Joseph  Harper,  who,  with  eighteen 
others,  planted  themselves  down  upon  a  tract  of  country,  in 
17G8,  which  was  subsequently  named  Harpersfield.  After  bis 
return  from  this  mission,  he  was  for  a  time  in  command  of  one 
of  the  little  forts  in  Schoharie.  On  one  occasion,  in  March  or 
April  of  this  year,  he  took  a  circuit  alone  from  Schoharie 
through  the  woods  to  Harpersfield,  and  thence,  when  returning, 
struck  farther  to  the  westward,  toward  the  head  waters  of  the 
Susquehanna.  While  ascending  a  hill,  he  suddenly  saw  a 
company  of  Indians  approaching.  As  they  had  discovered 
him,  any  attempt  to  fly  would  have  been  vain.  They  would 
have  shot  him  down.  Having  a  great  coat  over  his  military 
dress,  he  made  no  attempt  to  avoid  a  meeting,  and  in  passing, 
the  Colonel  and  the  Indians  exchanged  salutations.  In  one  of 
the  Indians  he  recognized  Peter,  a  Mohawk  whom  he  had 
formerly  seen  at  Oghkwaga.  They  did  not  recognize  him, 
however  ;  but  from  his  manner  of  speech  supposed  him  to  be 
a  loyalist,  and  under  that  impression  communicated  to  him  the 
fact  that  their  destination  was  to  cut  off  i:  the  Johnstone  settle¬ 
ment,”  a  small  Scotch  Colony  on  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Sus¬ 
quehanna,  near  Unadilla,  or  Anaquaqua,  as  that  place  was 
sometimes  called.  Having  obtained  this  information,  he 
changed  his  course,  and  hurrying  back  to  Harpersfield,  collect¬ 
ed  fifteen  resolute  men,  with  whom  he  gave  chase  to  the  ma¬ 
rauders.  In  addition  to  their  arms,  the  Colonel  caused  each 
man  of  his  little  band  to  provide  himself  with  two  days’  pro¬ 
visions  and  a  rope.  In  the  course  of  the  following  night,  in 
descending  the  valley  of  the  Charlotte  river,  they  descried  the 
fire  where  the  Indians  were  encamped.  Halting  for  a  while  to 
refresh  and  prepare  for  the  contest,  the  Colonel  and  his  men 
now  stole  upon  the  foe  with  the  utmost  caution.  It  was  al¬ 
most  day-light,  and  the  Indians  were  in  a  profound  slumber — • 
their  arms  being  stacked  in  the  middle  of  their  little  encamp¬ 
ment.  These  were  carefully  removed  by  Harper  and  his  party, 


*  Annals  of  Tryon  County, 


1777.]  COLONEL  HARPER — THE  TORIES.  179 

as  a  measure  of  precaution.  The  moment  for  action  having 
arrived,  singling  each  his  man,  the  cords  were  made  ready, 
and  every  Indian,  ere  he  was  well  awake,  found  himself  bound 
and  in  the  grasp  of  a  foe.  The  sleeping  Gulliver  was  not 
more  thoroughly  secured  by  the  vexatious  net-work  of  the 
Lilliputians.  But  Peter  and  his  companions  were  not  secured 
by  Lilliputian  ties,  and  they  had  to  deal  with  a  different  race  of 
men.  When  it  became  light  in  the  morning,  Peter  discovered 
his  captor.  “  Ugh  !”  he  exclaimed — “  Colonel  Harper  ! — Why 
did  I  not  know  you  yesterday  V  The  gallant  Colonel  pro¬ 
ceeded  to  Albany  with  his  prisoners,  and  surrendered  them  to 
the  commanding  officer  of  the  station.  It  was  a  bold  and  well- 
executed  achievement — and  all  the  better  that  it  was  bloodless. 

Although,  as  we  have  seen,  Colonel  Harper  had  parted  from 
the  Indians  at  Oghkwaga  upon  the  most  amicable  terms,  yet 
indications  of  a  different  temper  were  soon  afterward  mani¬ 
fested  by  this  fickle  people,  of  which  the  movement  of  Peter, 
so  opportunely  discovered  and  intercepted,  was  the  first  out¬ 
break.  Thayendanegea,  likewise,  appeared  among  them  in 
the  course  of  the  Spring,  having  separated  from  Guy  Johnson, 
between  whom  and  himself  some  difficulty  had  occurred.  In¬ 
telligence  of  the  chieftain’s  departure  from  Canada,  and  march 
across  the  country  to  Oghkwaga  with  a  large  body  of  warriors, 
was  received  by  the  Tryon  County  Committee  early  in  May 
from  Fort  Schuyler,  and  communicated  to  the  Provincial  Con¬ 
gress  bv  its  chairman,  Isaac  Paris.  Not  a  little  additional  un- 
easiness  was  also  occasioned  at  the  same  time  by  the  spirit 
discernible  among  the  Tories.  Many  of  those  loyalists,  who 
had  taken  their  departure  the  preceding  year  with  Sir  John 
Johnson,  had,  nevertheless,  left  their  wives  and  children  in  the 
remote  settlements,  with  whom  they  were  evidently  in  commu¬ 
nication  ;  while  scouting  parties,  both  of  Tories  and  Indians, 
were  hovering  on  the  northern  outskirts  of  the  county.* 

The  presence  of  the  crafty  chieftain  at  Oghkwaga  did  not 
improve  the  pacific  disposition  of  the  natives,  as  will  appear  in 
the  sequel ;  although  Brant  himself  had  not  thus  far  committed 
any  act  of  hostility  within  the  province  of  New- York.  The 
fact  of  his  having  borne  a  part  in  the  battle  of  the  Cedars  seems, 
moreover,  not  to  have  been  known  in  the  Mohawk  Valley,  since 

•  MS.  documents  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  Albany. 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


180 


[1777. 


they  were  yet  uncertain  whether  it  was  his  intention  to  raise 
the  hatchet  in  the  contest  or  not. 

But  these  uncertainties  were  not  of  long  duration.  In  the 
month  of  June,  1777,  the  chief  of  the  Mohawks  ascended  the 
Susquehanna  from  Oghkwaga  to  Unadilla,*  attended  by 
seventy  or  eighty  of  his  warriors,  and  requested  an  interview 
with  the  Rev.  Mr.  Johnstone  and  the  officers  of  the  militia  of 
the  neighborhood.  He  stated  that  the  object  of  his  visit  was 
to  procure  provisions,  of  which  his  people  were  greatly  in  want. 
And  such  were  their  necessities,  that  if  peaceable  means  would 
not  answer,  the  Indians  must  obtain  them  by  force. 

Advantage  was  taken  of  the  interview  to  sound  the  chief  as 
to  his  future  intentions — whether  he  was  for  peace  or  for  war-, 
and  his  answers  were  far  less  difficult  of  solution  than  the  rid¬ 
dle  of  the  Sphynx.  He  complained  of  the  ill-treatment  which, 
as  he  alleged,  some  of  the  Mohawks,  who  had  remained  be¬ 
hind  on  the  flight  of  the  majority  of  the  nation,  had  received 
at  the  hands  of  the  Whigs.  The  Mohawks,  he  said,  were  as 
free  as  the  air  they  breathed,  and  were  determined  to  remain 
so ;  and  they  could  not  brook  it  that  any  of  their  brethren 
should  be  seized  and  imprisoned,  as  had  been  the  case  at  the 
Castle.t  These,  he  demanded,  should  be  set  at  liberty,  and  suf¬ 
fered  to  remove  from  the  country.  In  regard  to  the  question 
of  peace  or  war,  he  said  the  Mohawks  were  always  warriors — 
that  their  agreement  with  the  King  was  very  strong,  and  they 
were  not  such  villains  as  to  break  their  covenant. 

The  visit  continued  two  days,  during  which  time  the  Indians 
were  well  supplied  with  provisions,  and  on  their  departure 
permitted  to  take  away  some  live  cattle  and  sheep.  The  in¬ 
habitants,  however,  scattered  and  few,  and  quite  remote  from 
any  considerable  settlement,  no  longer  feeling  themselves  safe 
in  their  houses,  sought  protection  in  places  of  greater  security — 
principally  in  Cherry  Valley,  the  place  of  their  first  location, 
whence  they  had  removed,  a  few  years  before,  into  the  vale  of 
the  Susquehanna.  Some  of  the  scattered  settlers  in  the  Una¬ 
dilla  region  fled  to  the  German  Flatts,  and  others,  probably,  to 
the  older  towns  upon  the  Hudson. 


*  Tunadilla  was  the  Indian  name  of  this  place,  nor  does  the  propriety  of  the  al¬ 
teration  appear. 

|  Probably  on  suspicion  of  maintaining  correspondence  with  the  enemy. 


181 


1777.]  herkimer’s  expedition  to  unadilla. 

The  Indian  forces  of  Captain  Brant  continuing  to  increase 
at  Oghkwaga,  and  the  anxiety  of  the  people  becoming  greater 
with  every  report  from  that  quarter,  General  Herkimer*  deter¬ 
mined  to  repair  thither,  and  obtain  an  interview.  For  this 
purpose  the  General  dispatched  a  messenger  to  that  place,  and 
invited  the  chief  to  meet  him  at  Unadilla — moving  forward 
himself  at  the  same  time,  at  the  head  of  about  three  hundred  of 
the  local  militia,  from  the  regiments  of  Colonels  Cox,  Klock, 
and  Isenlord,  well  armed  and  provided.  The  precise  object  of 
the  General,  in  seeking  this  interview  with  Brant,  remains  to 
this  day  more  a  matter  of  conjecture  than  of  certainty.  The 
few  scattered  fragments  of  Herkimer’s  correspondence  which 
have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  writer,  show  that  it  was  no 
sudden  movement ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  that  General  Schuyler, 
Colonel  Yan  Schaick,  Colonel  Harper,  and  others,  were  con¬ 
sulted  upon  the  subject.  On  the  application  of  Herkimer,  Co¬ 
lonel  Van  Schaick  was  detached  to  his  assistance  on  the  15th 
of  June,  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  with  which  force  he 
repaired  to  Cherry  Valley,  but  could  proceed  no  farther  for 
want  of  provisions.  General  Schuyler  was  also  to  repair 
thither  in  person,  in  the  event  of  his  presence  being  deemed 
necessary.!  Ostensibly,  the  expedition  was  one  of  peace  ;  t  but 
the  extent  of  the  preparations,  and  the  physical  strength  of  the 
expedition,  imparted  an  equivocal  character  to  the  movement ; 
not  more  so,  however,  than  was  the  conduct  of  Brant  during 
the  whole  Spring,  since  his  proceedings  were  such  as  to  keep 
the  minds  of  the  people  in  a  state  of  feverish  excitement  and 
ceaseless  uncertainty.  Thus,  on  the  10th  of  June,  Colonel 
Harper  wrote  urgently  to  General  Herkimer  for  a  supply  of 
ammunition,  in  the  expectation  of  an  immediate  hostile  irrup¬ 
tion  of  Brant  into  the  Valley  of  the  Schoharie  Kill.  On  the 
13th,  the  Cherry  Valley  Committee  wrote  to  the  General  a  still 

*  In  the  Autumn  of  1776,  three  Brigadier-Generals,  of  the  militia  were  commis¬ 
sioned  by  the  Provincial  Congress  of  New-York,  of  whom  Colonel  Nicholas  Her¬ 
kimer  was  one.  The  Herkimer  family  was  one  of  the  first  to  settle  at  the  German 
Flatts,  and  the  name  is  among  those  of  the  original  patentees — not  Herkimer,  how¬ 
ever,  which  is  a  corruption — but  Ergemore,  which  was  the  true  German  name. — Let¬ 
ter  of  L.  Ford  to  the  author. 

f  MS.  letters  of  Colonels  Yan  Schaick,  Tupper,  and  others,  among  Gen.  Herki¬ 
mer’s  papers. 

J  Letter  of  L.  Ford,  Esq.  to  the  author. 


182 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 


more  alarming  lettei.  Brant,  according  to  this  statement,  in 
connexion  with  some  of  the  loyalists  of  Unadilla,  had  marked 
a  path  directly  through  the  forest  to  iEsopus,  by  which  route 
the  Tories  of  Ulster  and  Orange  Counties  were  to  join  his  forces 
at  Oghkwaga;  at  which  place  the  chief  had  vaunted  that 
shortly  he  would  not  fear  the  approach  of  three  thousand  men.* 
On  the  other  hand,  Major  Fonda  wrote,  on  the  19th  of  June, 
that  an  embassy  of  chiefs  and  sachems  of  the  Cayuga  and 
Seneca  nations,  having  repaired  to  Oghkwaga  to  remonstrate 
with  Thayendanegea  against  farther  hostilities,  the  latter  had 
determined  to  listen  to  their  councils,  and  withdraw  into  the 
Cayuga  country.  In  pursuance  of  this  policy,  it  was  added,  on 
what  was  esteemed  good  authority,  that  the  Mohawk  chief  had 
released  a  prisoner  with  his  own  hands,  telling  the  captors  that 
they  had  acted  wrong.t 

Such  was  the  uncertain  condition  of  things  when  the  expe¬ 
dition  under  consideration  was  commenced.  Brant  and  Herki¬ 
mer  had  been  near  neighbors  and  personal  friends,  before  the 
troubles  came  on,+  and  it  is  possible  the  General  still  cherished 
a  belief  that  he  might  yet  detach  the  dusky  warrior  from  the 
cause  he  had  embraced,  but  nevertheless  might  not  be  disin¬ 
clined  to  relinquish.  Perhaps  he  designed  nothing  more  than 
to  drive  him  from  his  equivocal  position.  Perhaps,  also,  should 
opportunity  be  presented,  it  was  his  intention  to  seize  his  per¬ 
son.  But  be  these  suppositions  as  they  may,  it  will  be  seen 
that  there  was  at  least  one  moment  in  which  he  contemplated 
a  more  decisive  course. 

It  was  a  full  week  after  the  arrival  of  General  Herkimer  at 
Unadilla  before  Captain  Brant  made  his  appearance.  He  came 
to  the  neighborhood  of  the  General’s  encampment,  accompanied 
by  five  hundred  warriors.  Having  halted,  he  dispatched  a 

*  MS.  letter  from  Samuel  Clyde  to  General  Herkimer. 

f  MS.  letter  of  Major  Jelles  Fonda,  among  the  Herkimer  papers. 

1  The  residence  of  General  Herkimer  was  a  short  distance  below  the  Little  Falls 
of  the  Mohawk,  near  the  river.  His  mansion,  built  of  brick,  is  yet  standing. 
Brant’s  farm,  on  which  he  was  residing  when  the  Revolutionary  storm  arose,  was 
near  the  Upper  Indian  Castle,  about  three  miles  below  the  house  of  Herkimer.  The 
farm  lies  directly  upon  the  river,  and  is  now  very  valuable.  I  visited  the  place  in 
the  Autumn  of  1835.  No  other  memorials  of  its  last  noble  possessor  remained  than 
the  cellar  of  his  house,  and  the  apple-trees  which  stood  before  his  door.  These  were 
vigorous,  and  in  full  bearing. — Author. 


EXPEDITION  TO  UNADILLA. 


183 


1777.] 

runner  to  General  Herkimer,  with  a  message,  desiring  to  be 
informed  of  the  object  of  his  visit.  General  Herkimer  replied 
that  he  had  merely  come  to  see  and  converse  with  his  brother, 
Captain  Brant.  The  quick-witted  messenger  inquired  if  all 
those  men  wished  to  talk  to  his  chief  too  ?  However,  he  said 
to  the  General  that  he  would  carry  his  talk  back  to  his  chief, 
but  he  charged  him  that  he  must  not  cross  the  field  upon  the 
margin  of  which  they  were  standing,  and  departed.  But 
an  arrangement  was  soon  made,  through  the  agency  of  mes¬ 
sengers,  by  which  a  meeting  was  effected.  The  scene  exhi¬ 
bited  at  this  interview,  as  related  by  those  who  were  present 
at  it,  was  novel  and  imposing.  The  hostile  parties  were  now 
encamped  within  the  distance  of  two  miles  from  each  other. 
About  midway  between  their  encampments,  a  temporary  shed 
was  erected,  sufficiently  extensive  to  allow  some  two  hundred 
persons  to  be  seated.  By  mutual  stipulation  their  arms  were 
to  be  left  in  their  respective  encampments.*  Soon  after  the 
adjustment  of  the  preliminaries  and  the  completion  of  the  fix¬ 
tures  above  mentioned,  the  chief  of  the  Mohawks  himself  ap¬ 
peared  in  the  edge  of  the  distant  forest,  and  approached  the 
place  designated,  already  in  the  occupation  of  Herkimer,  some¬ 
what  warily,  accompanied  by  Captain  Bull,  (a  Tory,)  William 
Johnson,  (son  of  Sir  William,  by  Brant’s  sister  Mary,)  a  subor¬ 
dinate  chief  of  the  Mohawks,  an  Indian  woman,  and  also  by 
about  forty  warriors.  After  some  little  parleying,  a  circle  was 
formed  by  General  Herkimer,  into  which  Brant  and  the  Gene¬ 
ral  entered,  together  with  the  other  Indian  chief  and  two  of 
Herkimer’s  officers.  After  the  interchange  of  a  few  remarks, 
the  chieftain,  keeping  an  eagle-eye  upon  his  visitor,  inquired 
the  reason  of  his  being  thus  honored.  General  Herkimer  re¬ 
plied,  as  he  had  done  to  the  av ant-courier ,  that  he  had  come  to 
see  him  on  a  friendly  visit.  “  And  all  these  have  come  on  a 
friendly  visit,  too  ?”  replied  the  chief.  “All  want  to  seethe 
poor  Indians  ;  it  is  very  kind,”  he  added,  with  a  sarcastic  curl 
of  the  lip.  General  Herkimer  expressed  a  desire  to  go  forward 
to  the  village,  but  the  chief  told  him  he  was  quite  near  enough, 
and  that  he  must  not  proceed  any  farther. 

The  General  next  endeavored  to  enter  into  a  conversation 
with  the  Mohawk  touching  the  difficulties  with  England,  in  or- 

*  MS.  statement  of  facts  collected  by  L.  Ford,  Esq. 

28 


184  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1777. 

der  to  ascertain  his  feelings  and  intentions.  The  conference  now 
became  earnest  and  animated,  although  the  chief  at  first  gave 
Herkimer  evasive  and  oracular  answers.  To  a  question,  how¬ 
ever,  put  to  him  directly,  he  finally  replied  : — “  That  the  In- 
“  dians  were  in  concert  with  the  King,  as  their  fathers  had 
“  been  :  That  the  King’s  belts  were  yet  lodged  with  them,  and 
“  they  could  not  violate  their  pledge  :  That  General  Herkimer 
“  and  his  followers  had  joined  the  Boston  people  against  their 
“  sovereign  :  That  although  the  Boston  people  were  resolute, 
“  yet  the  King  would  humble  them  :  That  General  Schuyler 
“  was  very  smart  on  the  Indians  at  the  treaty  of  German  Flatts,* 
“  but  at  the  same  time  was  not  able  to  afford  the  smallest  arti- 
“  cle  of  clothing  :  And  finally,  that  the  Indians  had  formerly 
<£  made  war  on  the  white  people  when  they  were  all  united  ; 
“  and  as  they  were  now  divided,  the  Indians  were  not  fright- 
“  ened.”f 

Colonel  Cox,  who  was  in  the  suite  of  General  Herkimer, 
then  made  a  few  remarks,  the  substance  of  which  was,  that  if 
such  was  the  fixed  determination  of  the  Indians,  nothing  far¬ 
ther  need  be  said.  But  his  manner,  or  some  of  the  expressions 
uttered  by  the  Colonel,  which  have  not  been  preserved,  gave 
offence  to  the  chief.  He  was  exceedingly  irritated  and  by  a 
signal  to  the  warriors  attending  him  at  a  short  distance,  they 
ran  back  to  their  encampment,  and  soon  afterward  appeared 
again  with  their  rifles,  several  of  which  were  discharged,  while 
the  shrill  war-whoop  rang  through  the  forest.  Meantime, 
however,  by  explanations  or  otherwise,  the  chief  was  soothed 
and  his  warriors  were  kept  at  a  proper  distance,  although  the 
demand  of  General  Herkimer  for  the  surrender  of  sundry  Tories 
was  peremptorily  refused.  The  conference  ended  by  an  agree¬ 
ment  between  the  parties  to  meet  again  at  9  o’clock  the  fol¬ 
lowing  morning.  General  Herkimer  and  his  forces,  forbidden 
to  advance  any  farther,  encamped  as  before. § 

The  next  morning  General  Herkimer  called  one  of  his  most 
trusty  men  aside,  Joseph  Waggoner  by  name,  for  the  purpose 
of  communicating  to  him,  in  confidence,  a  matter  of  great 
importance,  respecting  which  the  most  profound  secrecy  was 

*  Adjourned  to  Albany.  f  Annals  of  Tryon  County. 

I  Manuscript  statement  of  Joseph  Waggoner,  in  the  author’s  possession. 

§  Idem. 


ATTEMPT  UPON  HIS  LIFE. 


185 


1777.] 

enjoined.  He  then  informed  Waggoner  that  he  had  selected 
him  and  thre  others  to  perform  a  high  and  important  duty,  re¬ 
quiring  promptness,  courage,  and  decision.  His  design,  the 
General  said,  was  to  take  the  lives  of  Brant  and  his  three  at¬ 
tendants,  on  the  renewal  of  their  visit  that  morning.  For  this 
purpose  he  should  rely  upon  Waggoner  and  his  three  associates, 
on  the  arrival  of  the  chief  and  his  friends  within  the  circle  as 
on  the  preceding  day,  each  to  select  his  man,  and,  at  a  concert¬ 
ed  signal,  shoot  them  down  upon  the  spot.  There  is  something 
so  revolting — so  rank  and  foul — in  this  project  of  meditated 
treachery,  that  it  is  difficult  to  reconcile  it  with  the  known 
character  of  General  Herkimer.  And  yet  it  is  given  on  the 
written  authority  of  Waggoner  himself,  whose  character  was 
equally  respectable.  The  patriotic  veteran,  in  devising  such  a 
scheme,  had  probably  reasoned  himself  into  the  belief  that  the 
intended  victims  were  only  Indians,  and  that  in  the  emergency 
of  the  country,  it  would  be  justifiable  to  do  evil  that  good  might 
come.  It  was,  however,  a  most  reprehensible  scheme — scarce¬ 
ly  less  defensible  than  the  murder,  by  Catharine  de  Medicis,  of 
some  of  the  Huguenot  chiefs,  who  were  invited  to  Paris  under 
the  guise  of  friendship,  on  the  eve  of  the  Bartholomew  massa¬ 
cre,  and  treacherously  taken  off  by  poison  ;  and  equal  in  its 
purposed  atrocity,  though  upon  a  smaller  scale,  to  the  subse¬ 
quent  treachery  of  Ali  Pacha  of  Egypt,  in  regard  to  the 
Mamelukes,  whom  he  caused  to  be  decoyed  into  the  strong-hold 
of  Cairo,  and  slaughtered.  Indian  that  he  was,  there  is  no 
known  act  of  perfidy  chargeable  upon  Brant ;  and  he  had  met 
Herkimer  on  his  own  invitation.  A  betrayal  of  his  confidence, 
under  those  circumstances,  would  have  brought  a  stain  upon 
the  character  of  the  Provincials,  which  all  the  waters  of  the 
Mohawk  could  not  have  washed  away. 

Fortunately,  however,  the  design  was  not  carried  into  exe¬ 
cution.  Whether  the  wary  chieftain  entertained  any  suspi¬ 
cions  of  foul  play,  is  not  known.  But,  certain  it  is,  that  his 
precaution  and  his  bearing,  when  he  arrived  at  Herkimer’s 
quarters,  were  such  as  to  frustrate  the  purpose.  As  he  entered 
the  circle,  attended  as  before,  he  drew  himself  up  with  dignity, 
and  addressed  General  Herkimer  as  follows : — “  I  have  five 
“  hundred  warriors  with  me,  armed  and  ready  for  battle.  You 
“  are  in  my  power ;  but  as  we  have  been  friends  and  neigh- 


186 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


in. 


“  bors,  I  will  not  take  the  advantage  of  yon.”*  Saying  which, 
at  a  signal,  a  host  of  his  armed  warriors  darted  forth  from  the 
contiguous  forest,  all  painted  and  ready  for  the  onslaught,  as 
the  well-known  war-whoop  but  too  clearly  proclaimed.  The 
chief  continued  the  discourse  by  advising  the  General  to  go 
back  to  his  own  home — thanked  him  for  his  civility  in  coming 
thus  far  to  see  him,  and  told  him  that  perhaps  he  might  one 
day  return  the  compliment.  Meantime,  he  said,  he  would  go 
back  to  his  village,  and  for  the  present  the  General  might  rest 
assured  that  no  hostilities  should  be  committed  by  the  Indians. 
He  then  requested  that  the  Rev.  Mr.  Stuart,  the  English  mis¬ 
sionary  at  Fort  Hunter,  might  be  permitted  to  retire  into  Cana¬ 
da,  as  also  the  wife  of  Colonel  Butler.  To  these  requests  Ge¬ 
neral  Herkimer  assented,  although  the  latter  was  not  complied 
with.  He  then  presented  the  Indians  with  ten  or  a  dozen 
heads  of  cattle,  which  they  fell  upon  and  slaughtered  inconti¬ 
nently.!  Brant  himself  turned  proudly  away,  and  buried 
himself  in  the  forest ;  while  General  Herkimer  struck  his  tents, 
and  retraced  his  steps  to  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk. 

Thus  terminated  this  most  singular  conference.  “  It  was 
“  early  in  July,  and  the  morning  was  remarkably  clear  and 
“  beautiful.  But  the  echo  of  the  war-whoop  had  scarcely  died 
“  away,  before  the  heavens  became  black,  and  a  violent  storm 
“  obliged  each  party  to  seek  the  nearest  shelter.  Men  less  su- 
“  perstitious  than  many  of  the  unlettered  yeomen,  who,  leaning 
“  upon  their  arms,  were  witnesses  of  the  events  of  this  day, 
11  could  not  fail  in  after-times  to  look  back  upon  the  tempest,  if 
u  not  as  an  omen,  at  least  as  an  emblem  of  those  bloody  mas- 
“  sacres  with  which  these  Indians  and  their  associates  afterward 
“  visited  the  inhabitants  of  this  unfortunate  frontier.”! 

This  was  the  last  conference  held  with  the  hostile  Mohawks. 
Their  chief  very  soon  afterward  drew  off  his  warriors  from  the 
Susquehanna,  and  united  them  to  the  forces  of  Sir  John  John¬ 
son  and  Colonel  John  Butler,  who  were  concentrating  the  tories 
and  refugees  at  Oswego.  It  was  at  about  the  same  period 
that  the  officers  of  the  British  Indian  department  had  sum¬ 
moned  a  general  council  of  the  Six  Nations,  to  be  held  at  that 
place  ;  and  it  is  probable  that  Brant  arrived  at  the  post  with  his 


*  Waggoner’s  manuscript. 


t  Idem. 


J  Annals  of  Tryon  County. 


GREAT  COUNCIL  AT  OSWEGO. 


187 


1777.] 


warriors  for  that  occasion.  According  to  Ramsay,  the  invita¬ 
tions  to  this  council  were  sent  forth  by  Guy  Johnson,  the  In¬ 
dians  being  requested  to  assemble  u  to  eat  the  flesh  and  drink 
the  blood  of  a  Bostonian.”  This  language  was  understood 
figuratively,  however, — the  roasting  of  an  ox  and  a  banquet  be¬ 
ing:  intended. 

The  council  having  assembled,*  the  business  was  opened  by 
the  British  Commissioners,  who  informed  the  chiefs  that  their 
object  in  calling  the  meeting  was  to  engage  their  assistance  in 
subduing  the  rebel  Colonies,  the  people  of  which  had  risen  up 
against  the  good  King  their  master,  and  were  about  to  rob  him 
of  a  great  part  of  his  wealth  and  possessions.  As  an  induce¬ 
ment  to  enter  the  service,  they  were  promised  an  ample  reward. 
Tire  chiefs  in  reply,  or  rather  those  of  them  who  were  averse 
to  joining  in  the  war,  informed  the  British  officers  of  the  treaty 
of  German  Flatts  and  Albany,  in  which  they  had  bound  them¬ 
selves  to  take  no  part  in  the  contest,  and  the  parties  to  that 
compact  repeated  their  determination  to  abide  by  the  treaty,  and 
not  take  up  the  hatchet  against  their  white  neighbors. 

The  discussions  were  protracted,  nor  were  the  entreaties  of 
the  Commissioners  of  any  avail  against  the  resolution  of  the 
Indians  to  maintain  their  good  faith,  until  they  addressed  their 
avarice,  “  by  telling  them  that  the  people  of  the  Colonies  were 
“  few  in  number,  and  would  be  easily  subdued  ;  and  that  on 
££  account  of  their  disobedience  to  the  King,  they  justly  merited 
“  all  the  punishment  that  it  was  possible  for  white  men  and 
“  Indians  to  inflict  upon  them.  The  King,”  they  said,  “  was 
“  rich  and  powerful,  both  in  money  and  subjects.  His  rum 
“  was  as  plenty  as  the  water  in  Lake  Ontario,  and  his  men  as 
“  numerous  as  the  sands  upon  its  shore ;  and  the  Indians  were 
“  assured,  that  if  they  would  assist  in  the  war,  and  persevere 

*  The  only  account  of  this  great  Indian  council,  (farther  than  the  mere  statement 
that  such  a  council  was  held,)  which  the  author  has  been  able  to  discover,  is  that 
given  in  the  life  of  Mary  Jemison,  a  white  woman,  who,  being  taken  captive  near 
Pittsburgh  in  1755,  when  a  child,  after  her  parents  wrere  killed,  was  raised  by  the 
Indians,  and  became  in  fact  one  of  them,  in  every  thing  but  her  birth  and  complex¬ 
ion.  She  married  an  Indian,  and  lived  to  a  very  advanced  age,  and  died  among 
them.  She  was  present  at  this  council ;  and  from  the  fact  that  the  truth  of  other 
portions  of  her  interesting  narrative  is  sustained  by  other  authorities,  her  statement 
may  be  received  as  substantially  correct.  The  life  of  this  remarkable  woman,  who 
died  but  a  few'  years  since,  was  published  by  James  D.  Bemis,  of  Canandaigua. 
There  will  be  several  occasions  of  referring  to  it  hereafter. 


188 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 

“  in  their  friendship  for  the  King  until  its  close,  they  should 
“never  want  for  goods  or  money.”*  Overcome  by  their  per¬ 
severing  importunities,  and  by  more  direct  and  palpable  appeals 
to  their  senses,  in  a  rich  display  of  tawdry  articles  calculated 
to  please  their  fancies,  the  Indians  proved  recreant  to  their 
plighted  faith  to  the  Colonies,  and  concluded  a  treaty  of  alliance 
with  Great  Britain — binding  themselves  to  take  up  the  hatchet 
against  the  rebels,  and  continue  in  his  Majesty’s  service  until 
they  were  subdued. 

At  the  close  of  the  treaty,  each  Indian  was  presented  with  a 
suit  of  clothes,  a  brass  kettle, f  a  gun,  a  tomahawk  and  scalping- 
knife,  a  quantity  of  ammunition,  a  piece  of  gold,  and  the  pro¬ 
mise  of  a  bounty  upon  every  scalp  they  should  bring  in. 
“  Thus  richly  clad  and  equipped,  the  Indians  returned  to  their 
“  respective  homes,  after  an  absence  of  about  two  weeks,  full 
“  of  the  fire  of  war,  and  anxious  to  encounter  their  (new-made) 
“  enemies.” 

From  that  day  Thayendanegea  was  the  acknowledged  chief 
of  the  Six  Nations,  and  he  soon  became  one  of  the  master¬ 
spirits  of  the  motley  forces  employed  by  Great  Britain  in  her 
attempts  to  recover  the  Mohawk  Valley,  and  to  annoy  the  other 
settlements  of  what  then  constituted  the  North-western  frontier. 
Whether  in  the  conduct  of  a  campaign  or  of  a  scouting-party, 
in  the  pitched  battle  or  the  foray,  this  crafty  and  dauntless 
chieftain  was  sure  to  be  one  of  the  most  efficient,  as  he  was 
one  of' the  bravest,  of  those  who  were  engaged.  Combining 
with  the  native  hardihood  and  sagacity  of  his  race  the  advan¬ 
tages  of  education  and  of  civilized  life, — in  acquiring  which,  he 
had  lost  nothing  of  his  activity  or  his  power  of  endurance — he 
became  the  most  formidable  border  foe  with  whom  the  Provin¬ 
cials  had  to  contend,  and  his  name  was  a  terror  to  the  land. 
His  movements  were  at  once  so  secret  and  so  rapid,  that  he 
seemed  almost  to  be  clothed  with  the  power  of  ubiquity. 

The  first  of  his  hostile  demonstrations  within  the  Colony  of 
New-York  is  believed  to  have  been  made  in  the  month  of  May 
preceding  the  interview  with  General  Herkimer ;  although 


*  Life  of  Mary  Jemison,  written  in  1823. 

f  The  brass  kettles  received  at  Oswego  by  the  Senecas,  (to  which  tribe  Mary  be- 
lonsed,)  on  the  occasion  mentioned  in  the  text,  were  yet  in  use  in  that  nation,  so  late 
as  1823. 


1777.] 


AFFAIRS  AT  CHERRY  VALLEY. 


1S9 


from  the  semi-pacific  intercourse  maintained  with  him  lor  seve¬ 
ral  weeks  longer,  the  fact  was  not  then  certainly  known.  The 
settlement  of  Cherry  Valley  was  commenced  in  1739  ;  and  in 
consequence  of  some  threatened  Indian  troubles,  a  detachment 
of  troops  had  been  stationed  there  as  early  as  1763.  But  no 
military  works  were  erected,  and  the  breaking  out  of  the  war 
of  the  Revolution  found  the  place  defenceless.  While  Brant 
was  collecting  his  warriors  at  Oghkwaga,  however,  the  inha¬ 
bitants  bethought  themselves  of  the  necessity  of  defences.  But 
not  having  the  means  to  undertake  the  erection  of  any  formid¬ 
able  work,  the  house  of  Colonel  Samuel  Campbell  was  selected 
as  the  largest,  strongest,  and  most  eligibly  situated  for  military 
purposes.  A  rude  embankment  of  logs  and  earth  was  thrown 
up  around  this  building,  so  extended  in  its  dimensions  as  like¬ 
wise  to  include  two  large  barns.  These  buildings  were  all 
strengthened,  and  provided  with  doors  and  window-shutters 
bullet-proof.  Small  block-houses  were  also  erected  within 
the  enclosure  ;  and  to  this  place,  in  moments  of  peril  and  alarm, 
the  inhabitants  fled  for  protection.  Martial  law  was  proclaim¬ 
ed,  and  no  persons  were  allowed  either  to  enter  or  leave  the 
settlement  without  permission. 

Toward  the  close  of  May,  and  soon  after  these  precautionary 
measures  had  been  executed,  Brant  conceived  the  idea  of 
making  a  descent  upon  the  settlement,  for  the  purpose  of  either 
killing,  or  making  captive,  the  principal  inhabitants,  especially 
the  vigilant  members  of  the  Committee.  It  has  been  stated  in 
a  former  page,  that  among  the  precautionary  measures  adopted 
the  preceding  year,  the  exempts  from  military  duty  had  orga¬ 
nized  themselves  into  a  volunteer  company.  The  martial  fever 
ol  course  descended  from  sire  to  son  ;  and  as  the  population 
had  been  considerably  augmented  by  the  arrival  of  distant  set¬ 
tlers  for  safety,  a  goodly  number  of  boys  were  collected,  who* 
formed  a  corps  of  cadets,  with  no  better  armor  than  wooden 
swords  and  guns.  These  juvenile  soldiers  happened  to  be 
parading  upon  the  esplanade  in  front  of  Colonel  Campbell’s 
house  at  the  very  hour,  one  bright  sunny  morning,  when 
Brant  and  his  party  of  warriors,  who  had  secretly  arrived  from 
Oghkwaga,  were  reconnoitering  the  post  under  shelter  of  a 
tangled^  thicket  skirting  the  brow  of  a  hill  about  a  mile  distant. 
His  vision  being  somewhat  obstructed  by  the  intercepting 


190 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 


shrubbery,  the  chief  mistook  the  lads  for  bona  fide  soldiers. 
Observing  the  semblance  of  a  .fortification  before  described, 
Captain  Brant  moved  his  party  to  a  convenient  lurking-place 
near  the  road  leading  to  the  Mohawk  river,  and  there  lay  in 
ambush  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  such  information  as  might 
chance  to  come  in  his  way.  A  short  distance  from  where  the 
chief  lay  ensconced  behind  a  large  rock,  “  the  road  wound 
“  along  near  the  edge  of  a  cliff,  overhanging  a  rocky  glen  of 
“  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  deep.  This  chasm  was  shaded  by 
“  evergreens,  and  the  whole  scene  was  shadowy  and  almost 
“  dark,  even  at  mid-day.  The  wildness  of  the  place  was  in- 
“  creased  by  the  dashing  of  a  mountain-torrent  into  the  gloomy 
“  abyss,  called,  by  the  Indians,  the  falls  of  Tekaharawa.”* 

It  chanced,  that  on  the  morning  of  that  day,  Lieutenant 
Wormwood,  a  promising  young  officer  from  Palatine,  of  an 
opulent  family,  had  been  despatched  to  Cherry  Yalley,  with  in¬ 
formation  to  the  authorities  that  a  detachment  from  Colonel 
Klock’s  regiment  of  militia  was  to  march  to  their  defence  on 
the  following  day.  It  was  toward  evening  that  Lieut.  Worm¬ 
wood  started  on  his  return  to  the  Mohawk,  accompanied  by 
the  bearer  of  some  despatches,  named  Peter  Sitz.  As  he  mounted 
his  horse  in  the  village,  he  threw  down  his  portmanteau,  re¬ 
marking  that  he  needed  not  to  take  it,  as  he  should  return  on 
the  next  morning  with  his  company.  He  was  well-mounted, 
and  richly  dressed  “  in  a  suit  of  ash-colored  velvet,  which  at¬ 
tracted  much  attention  during  his  stay;”  and  many  persons 
remained  at  the  door,  looking  at  the  noble  bearing  of  the  young 
patriot,  until  he  disappeared  behind  the  crest  of  the  hill  in  the 
direction  of  the  Tekaharawa.  Scarcely,  however,  had  the 
clattering  of  hoofs  died  away  upon  their  ears,  before  a  discharge 
of  musketry  resounded  from  the  glen — the  startling  report  being 
speedily  followed  by  the  soldier’s  horse,  returning  at  full  speed, 
the  saddle  crimsoned  with  blood.  Suspicions  of  the  most  pain¬ 
ful  description  at  once  flashed  upon  the  minds  of  the  people, 
and  a  party  was  immediately  despatched  to  investigate  the  cir¬ 
cumstances.  They  returned  without  success  that  night,  but 
on  the  following  morning  the  body  of  Wormwood  was  found 
behind  the  rock  heretofore  described,  scalped  and  lifeless.  It 


♦  Annals  of  Tryon  County. 


MURDER  OF  CORNSTOCIv. 


191 


1777.] 

afterward  appeared,  that  as  Wormwood  and  Sitz  approached 
the  rock,  they  were  hailed,  but  instead  of  answering,  they  put 
spurs  to  their  horses  and  endeavored  to  pass.  Being  fired  upon, 
Lieutenant  Wormwood  fell  wounded,  as  did  the  horse  of  Sitz. 
The  Indians  rushed  forth  from  their  ambuscade,  and  Sitz  was 
made  prisoner  ;  while  the  gallant  officer  was  scalped  by  Brant’s 
own  hand.  The  chief  is  said  to  have  lamented  the  death  of 
this  young  man.  They  were  not  only  acquaintances,  but 
friends  ;  and  he  had  been  fired  upon  under  the  supposition  that 
he  was  an  officer  of  the  Continental  army.*  The  despatches 
carried  by  Sitz  were  double,  and  it  was  fortunate  that  he  had 
sufficient  presence  of  mind  to  destroy  the  genuine,  and  deliver 
the  delusive  papers  to  his  savage  captors.  Deceived  thereby 
as  to  the  real  strength  at  Cherry  Yalley,  Brant  retired  without 
committing  any  farther  act  of  hostility.  Colonel  Klock  arrived 
at  Cherry  Yalley  on  the  following  morning,  accompanied  by 
the  afflicted  father  of  the  slaughtered  officer,  who  was  mourned 
and  wept  by  all  who  knew  him. 

Another  coincident  event,  forming  an  appropriate  conclusion 
to  the  present  chapter,  was  the  tragic  death  of  the  great  Shawa- 
nese  chief,  Comstock ,  with  his  gallant  son,  Ellinipsico  ;  both  of 
whom  will  be  remembered  as  among  the  brave  Indian  leaders 
at  the  battle  of  the  Kanhawa,  the  last  action  of  the  Cresap  war, 
in  1774  ;  and  both  of  whom  were  now  as  basely  murdered  by 
white  men,  as  were  the  family  of  Logan.  The  circumstances 
attending  this  foul  transaction  were  these  : — Comstock,  after  the 
defeat  of  his  warriors  at  Point  Pleasant,  and  his  subsequent  treaty 
of  peace  with  Lord  Dunmore,  had  become  sincerely  and  truly 
the  friend  of  the  Colonies  ;  and  while  the  Indians  of  the  North¬ 
west,  generally,  were  preparing  to  take  up  arms  with  the  English, 
he  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  to  prevent  his  own  nation  from 
any  participation  in  the  contest.  But  the  influence  of  the  Bri¬ 
tish  agents,  and  the  example  of  the  surrounding  Indian  nations, 
were  so  powerful  upon  the  minds  of  the  Shawanese,  that  Corn- 
stock  perceived  his  pacific  efforts  were  likely  to  prove  futile. 
Thus  circumstanced,  he  repaired  to  the  fort  which  had  been 
erected  at  Point  Pleasant  after  the  battle  of  the  Kanhawa,  to 
lay  the  matter  before  the  officer  in  command — Captain  Ar- 


4.nnals  of  Tryon  County. 

29 


192 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777 


buckle— and  take  his  advice.  He  was  accompanied  on  this 
mission  by  a  young  Delaware  chief  named  Redhawk ,  who  had 
also  fought  by  his  side  in  the  Cresap  war.  Having  made  a  full 
developement  of  the  state  of  Indian  affairs  in  the  North-west, 
and  frankly  admitted  that,  from  the  causes  already  indicated, 
he  should  be  unable  to  prevent  the  Shawanese  from  taking  up 
the  hatchet  in  the  cause  of  the  Crown,  the  commander  of  the 
fort  deemed  it  expedient  to  detain  the  old  chief,  with  his  Dela¬ 
ware  companion,  as  hostages  for  the  good  conduct  of  their 
people.  Nor  did  they  remain  unwillingly — little  anticipating 
the  fate  that  awaited  them — and  giving  all  the  information  re¬ 
specting  the  Indians  and  their  country,  that  could  be  desired  by 
the  Americans. 

Uneasy  at  the  protracted  absence  of  his  father,  Ellinipsico, 
his  son,  went  in  pursuit,  and  traced  him  to  the  fort,  where  they 
had  an  affectionate  meeting.  Unfortunately,  the  day  after  the 
arrival  of  the  young  warrior  at  Point  Pleasant,  two  white  men 
having  crossed  the  Kanhawa  on  a  hunting  expedition,  were 
fired  upon  by  some  straggling  Indians,  and  one  of  them,  whose 
name  was  Gilmore,  was  killed.  The  other  escaped.  No  sooner 
was  the  event  of  Gilmore’s  death  known,  than  the  cry  of  re¬ 
venge  was  raised,  and  a  party  of  ruffians  assembled,  under  the 
command  of  a  Captain  Hall — not  to  pursue  and  punish  the 
perpetrators  of  the  murder — but  to  fall  upon  the  friendly  and 
peaceable  Indians  in  the  fort.  Arming  themselves,  and  cocking 
their  rifles,  they  proceeded  directly  to  the  little  garrison,  menac¬ 
ing  death  to  any  or  all  who  should  oppose  their  nefarious  de¬ 
signs.  Some  friend  of  the  hostage-chiefs  attempted  to  apprise 
them  in  advance  of  the  approaching  danger ;  but  the  savage 
mob  were  probably  too  close  upon  the  heels  of  the  messenger 
to  allow  of  their  escape.  At  the  sound  of  the  clamor  without, 
Ellinipsico  is  said  to  have  been  somewhat  agitated.  Not  so  the 
veteran  Comstock.  He  had  too  often  grappled  with  death  on 
the  war-path  to  fear  his  approaches  now.  Perceiving  the  emo¬ 
tion  of  his  son,  he  calmly  observed  : — “  My  son ,  the  Great 
“  Spirit  has  seen  Jit  that  we  should  die  together ,  and  has  se?it 
“  you  to  that  end.  It  is  his  will ,  and  let  us  submit”  The 
infuriated  mob  had  now  gained  the  apartment  of  the  victims  ; 
Comstock  fell,  perforated  with  seven  bullets,  and  died  without 
a  struggle.  The  son.  after  the  exhortation  of  his  father,  met 


MURDER  OP  CORNSTOCK. 


193 


I'**** **  T 

/  /  /  .  J 


liis  fate  with  composure,  and  was  shot  on  the  seat  upon  which 
lie  was  sitting.  Red-hawk,  the  young  Delaware,  died  with 
less  fortitude.  He  hid  himself  away,  but  was  discovered  and 
slain.  Another  friendly  Indian,  in  the  fort  at  the  time,  was 
likewise  killed,  and  his  body  mangled  by  the  barbarians  in  a 
manner  that  would  have  disgraced  savages  of  any  other  com¬ 
plexion.  “  Thus,”  says  an  Indian  Chronicler,*  “  perished  the 
“  mighty  Comstock,  sachem  of  the  Shawanese,  and  king  ot 
“  the  Northern  confederacy,  in  1774 — a  chief  remarkable  for 
“  many  great  and  good  qualities.  He  was  disposed  to  be  at  all 
times  the  friend  of  white  men,  as  he  was  ever  the  advocate 
t:  of  honorable  peace.  But  when  his  country’s  wrongs  sum- 
“  moned  him  to  the  battle,  he  became  the  thunderbolt  of  war, 
“  and  made  his  enemies  feel  the  weight  of  his  arm.  His  noble 
“  bearing,  his  generous  and  disinterested  attachment  to  the 
“  Colonies,  his  anxiety  to  preserve  the  frontier  of  Virginia  from 
“  desolation  and  death,  all  conspired  to  win  for  him  the  esteem 
“  and  respect  of  others  ;  while  the  untimely  and  perfidious  man- 
“  ner  of  his  death  caused  a  deep  and  lasting  feeling  of  regret 
“  to  pervade  the  bosoms,  even  of  those  who  were  enemies  to 
“  his  nation,  and  excited  the  just  indignation  of  all  toward  his 
u  inhuman  murderers.” 

It  argues  a  sad  deficiency  of  military  discipline,  that  such  a 
foul  transaction  could  have  occurred  at  any  regularly  establish¬ 
ed  post.  The  command  of  Arbuckle,  however,  must  have 
been  small,  inasmuch  as  he  was  not  only  opposed  to  the  com¬ 
mission  of  the  outrage,  but  sallied  forth,  in  company  with  ano- 
other  captain,  named  Stuart,  for  the  purpose  of  intercepting  the 
ruffians,  and  preventing  the  execution  of  their  purpose.  But 
all  remonstrance  was  vain.  The  enraged  assailants,  pale,  and 
quivering  with  fury,  presented  their  rifles  to  the  breasts  of  those 
officers,  threatening  them  with  instant  death  if  they  stood  in 
their  way.  It  has  been  said  that  Comstock  felt  a  presentiment 
of  his  death  on  the  morning  of  its  occurrence.  A  council  had 
been  summoned  for  the  consideration  of  some  business  of  im¬ 
portance,  connected,  probably,  with  Indian  affairs,  since  the  old 
chief  bore  a  part  in  the  deliberations.  In  the  course  of  one  of 
his  speeches  delivered  on  that  occasion,  he  said,  with  emphasis, 


*  Withers’s  Indian  Chronicles,  as  quoted  by  Drake. 


194 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 

to  the  council : — “  When  I  was  young ,  every  time  I  went  to 
“  war,  I  thought  it  likely  that  I  might  return  no  more  ;  but 
“  I  still  lived  ;  I  am  now  in  your  hands  ;  you  may  kill  me  if 
u  you  choose.  I  can  die  but  once,  and  it  is  alike  to  me  whe- 
11  ther  I  die  now  or  at  another  time.v* 

The  Indian  biography  of  our  country  supplies  but  few  addi¬ 
tional  facts  concerning  the  life  of  this  brave  and  just  man.  He 
had  a  son,  known  among  the  whites  as  The  Wolf,  whose  name 
was  somewhat  conspicuously  associated  with  the  earlier  events 
of  the  Revolution.  The  Wolf,  with  three  others,  was  a  hostage 
at  Williamsburgh,  Yirginia,  at  the  time  of  Lord  Dunmore’s  em¬ 
barkation  on  board  of  the  British  fleet.  After  the  escape  of  his 
Lordship,  he  solicited  and  obtained  an  interview  with  The 
Wolf  and  his  associates  on  board  of  his  ship  ;  during  which  he 
explained  to  them  the  causes  of  his  flight,  and  urged  them  to 
flee  also,  as  the  only  means  of  escaping  the  fury  of  the  revolu¬ 
tionists.  Adopting  this  counsel,  they  took  to  the  woods  on  re¬ 
turning  to  the  shore.  The  night  following  came  on  excessive¬ 
ly  dark.  One  of  The  Wolf’s  companions  separated  from  his 
fellows,  and  was  lost.  The  others  soon  afterward  returned  to 
Williamsburgh,  where  they  were  well  received  by  the  inhabit- 
tants.  What  farther  befel  The  Wolf,  or  the  house  of  Comstock, 
is  not  known. 


*  Doddridge’s  Indian  Wars,  pp.  233 — 240. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


British  preparations  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war — Indications  at  the  North — Doubt¬ 
ful  position  and  conduct  of  General  Howe — Embarrassing  to  the  Americans — In¬ 
tercepted  correspondence — General  Howe  sails  to  the  Chesapeake — Enters  Phila¬ 
delphia  in  triumph — Burgoyne  approaches  from  the  North — Indian  policy — Sir 
Gu  v  Carleton — False  estimates  of  the  strength  of  Ticonderoga — Burgoyne  arrives 
at  Crown  Point — Feasts  the  Indians — Invests  Ticonderoga — Carries  the  out¬ 
works — Fortifies  Sugar  Hill — The  fortress  evacuated  by  St.  Clair — Retreat  of  the 
Americans — Battles  near  Skenesborough  and  at  Fort  Ann — Burgoyne  enters  the 
valley  of  the  Hudson — Schuyler,  without  means,  retreats  from  Fort  Edward — 
Terror  of  the  people — Cruelties  of  the  Indians — Story  of  Miss  M'Crea — General 
flight  of  the  population — Mrs.  Ann  Eliza  Bleecker — Heroism  of  Mrs.  Schuyler — 
Attempted  assassination  of  General  Schuyler. 

Having  failed  in  their  efforts  to  extinguish  the  rebellion  dur¬ 
ing  the  preceding  year,  the  government  of  the  parent  country 
resolved  to  put  forth  still  greater  energies  during  the  present. 
For  this  purpose  a  powerful  force  was  organized  in  Canada, 
the  command  of  which  was  transferred  from  Sir  Guy  Carle- 
ton — the  ablest  British  General,  by  the  way,  at  that  time  or 
subsequently  in  America — and  conferred  upon  General  Bur¬ 
goyne — an  officer,  also,  of  unquestioned  merit — whose  spirit  of 
enterprise  and  thirst  for  military  glory  could  not  be  exceeded. 
It  was  the  aim  of  this  Northern  army  to  open  a  communication 
between  Canada  and  New-York — thus  cutting  off  New-Eng- 
land,  which  the  ministry  justly  considered  the  hot-bed  of  the 
Revolution,  from  all  communication  with  the  Middle  States ; 
while  Sir  William  Howe,  with  an  army  of  16,000  men,  was  to 
withdraw  from  New  Jersey,  and  move  round  simultaneously 
to  the  Chesapeake,  and  take  possession  of  the  Middle  States  ; 
and  thus,  as  it  was  hoped,  compel  the  whole  to  return  to  their 
allegiance. 

Doubts,  however,  for  several  months  hung  over  the  intentions 
of  the  enemy,  whose  designs  were  so  skilfully  veiled  as  for  a 
long  time  almost  to  paralyze  the  exertions  of  the  Americans. 
The  retreat  of  Carleton  from  Lake  Champlain,  the  preceding 
Autumn,  even  after  the  lake  was  in  his  power  and  Crown 
Point  in  his  possession,  suggested  a  doubt  whether  a  serious 
invasion  was  meditated  from  that  quarter.  On  the  contrary, 
the  impression  was  general  that  the  expedition  of  Burgoyne 
was  destined  against  Boston ;  and  that  Sir  William  Howe,  whose 


196 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 

movements  in  New  Jersey  were  enigmatical  to  perplexity,  was 
to  co-operate  in  an  effort  to  re-subjugate  New  England.  The 
British  government  itself,  as  it  is  believed,  contributed  to  the 
distractions  of  Congress  and  the  American  commander,  by 
causing  reports  to  be  circulated  that  Boston  was  to  be  the  next 
point  of  attack.  Arthur  Lee,  being  then  in  Bordeaux,  was 
thus  confidentially  advised,  and  he  lost  no  time  in  communi¬ 
cating  such  supposed  intention  to  the  Secret  Committee  of 
Congress,  who  in  turn  gave  the  like  information  to  the  Com¬ 
mander-in-chief,  and  also  to  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts. 
The  consequence  of  these  distractions  was  unfortunate  for 
the  Americans.  Less  attention  was  paid  to  preparations  for 
the  defence  of  the  North  than  otherwise  would  have  been  o-iven  ; 
while  Massachusetts,  apprehending  that  all  her  strength  would 
be  required  for  her  own  defence,  set  about  raising  troops  for 
her  own  protection,  at  the  expense  of  the  main  army,  from 
which  its  quota  of  recruits  was  withheld.* 

Before  the  close  of  June,  however,  the  designs  of  the  enemy 
in  regard  to  the  North  became  obvious.  A  person  from  Cana¬ 
da,  arrested  as  a  spy,  and  brought  before  General  Schuyler, 
stated  on  his  examination,  “  that  the  British  forces  were  ap- 
“  proaching  St.  Johns,  and  were  to  advance  through  Lake 
“  Champlain  under  General  Burgoyne  ;  and  also  that  adetach- 
“  ment  of  British  troops,  Canadians  and  Indians,  was  to  pene- 
“  trate  the  country  by  the  way  of  Oswego  and  the  Valley  of  the 
“  Mohawk.  He  added  many  particulars,  respecting  the  strength 
“  and  arrangements  of  the  British  army,  which  turned  out  in 
“  the  end  to  be  nearly  accurate,  but  of  which  no  intelligence 
“  had  before  been  obtained,  or  by  many  anticipated.”  t 

The  movements  of  General  Howe  were  still  equivocal,  even 
after  Burgoyne  had  commenced  his  descent  upon  the  North — 
thus  adding  to  the  embarrassments  of  Washington.  And  in 
order  the  more  certainly  to  mislead  the  American  commander 
as  to  his  real  intentions,  General  Howe  wrote  a  feigned  des- 

o 

patch  to  Burgoyne,  on  the  subject  of  ascending  the  Hudson  to 
join  him,  the  bearer  of  which  fell  purposely  into  the  hands  of 
the  Americans,  while  pretending  to  be  on  his  way  to  Canada. 
Unable,  therefore,  to  determine  whether  such  might  not  be  his 

*  Letters  of  Washington,  during  the  months  of  May,  June,  and  July,  1777. 

{  Sparks — Note  in  Life  and  Cor.  of  Washington,  vol.  iv. 


MANOEUVRES  OF  GENERAL  HOWE. 


197 


1777.] 

design,  (although  the  intercepted  despatch  was  regarded  with 
strong  suspicion,)  or  whether,  on  the  other  hand,  it  might  not 
be  the  purpose  of  Howe  to  pass  round  to  the  Chesapeake  and 
thence  strike  at  Philadelphia,  the  American  General  was  com¬ 
pelled  to  remain  inactively  watching  his  motions,  strengthening, 
in  the  mean  time,  to  the  utmost  of  his  power,  his  positions  in 
the  highlands — without  being  able  to  detach  any  large  number 
of  troops  to  the  assistance  of  General  Schuyler,  then  command¬ 
ing  the  Northern  Department.  And  even  after  General  Howe 
had  embarked  his  troops  and  dropped  down  to  Sandy  Hook — • 
having  evacuated  New  Jersey  on  the  30th  of  June* — Washing¬ 
ton  was  still  in  doubt  whether  it  might  not  yet  be  his  intention 
to  return  with  the  tide,  and  pass  up  the  river  in  the  night.f 
Such,  however,  was  no  part  of  the  plan  of  the  British  com¬ 
mander.  His  destination,  on  leaving  the  harbor  of  New-York, 
was  the  Chesapeake  and  Philadelphia  ;  and  the  latter  branch 
of  the  campaign  indicated  in  the  opening  of  the  present  chapter, 
was  so  far  successful,  that  after  a  series  of  victories  over  the 
forces  of  General  Washington,  commencing  at  Brandywine 
and  ending  at  Germantown,  General  Howe  took  possession  of, 
and  established  himself  in,  the  capital  of  Pennsylvania. 

*  It  is  a  pleasing  evidence  of  the  sound  religious  views  of  Washington,  that  he 
was  a  firm  believer  in  the  immediate  interpositions  of  Providence  in  directing  and 
controlling  the  affairs  of  men.  His  letters  abound  in  passages  that  might  be  cited, 
showing  his  quickness  to  discern  the  finger  of  Providence,  and  his  readiness  to  make 
the  acknowledgment.  Thus,  in  regard  to  the  departure  from  New  Jersey  by  Gene¬ 
ral  Howe,  he  says : — “  The  evacuation  of  Jersey  at  this  time  seems  to  be  a  peculiar 
mark  of  Providence,  as  the  inhabitants  have  an  opportunity  of  securing  their  har¬ 
vests  of  hay  and  grain,  the  latter  of  which  would  in  all  probability  have  undergone 
the  same  fate  with  many  farm-houses,  had  it  been  ripe  enough  to  take  fire.” — Letter 
of  Washington  to  Maj.  Gen.  Armstrong ,  July  4,  1777. 

f  “If  we  were  certain  Gen.  Burgoyne  were  approaching  Ticonderoga  with  his 
whole  army,  I  should  not  hesitate  a  moment  in  concluding  that  it  is  in  consequence 
of  a  preconcerted  plan  with  Gen.  Howe,  and  that  the  latter  is  to  co-operate  with  him 
by  pushing  his  whole  force  up  the  North  River,  and  aiming  a  stroke  in  the  first  in¬ 
stance  and  immediately  at  the  Highlands.” — Letter  of  Washington  to  the  President  of 
Congress,  Jidy  2.  Again,  in  several  successive  letters,  after  the  embarkation  of 
General  Howe’s  army  from  Staten  Island,  Washington  spoke  of  the  perplexity  in 
which  he  was  kept  by  the  shifting  manoeuvres  of  the  fleet.  On  the  22d  of  July  he 
wrote — “  I  cannot  give  you  any  certain  account  of  General  Howe’s  operations.  His 
conduct  is  puzzling  and  embarrassing  beyond  measure;  so  are  the  informations  which 
I  get.  At  one  time  the  ships  are  standing  up  toward  the  North  River  ;  in  a  little 
while  they  are  going  up  the  Sound  ;  and  in  one  hour  after,  they  are  going  out  of  the 
Hook.” — Letter  to  General  Schuyler,  The  fleet  actually  sailed  for  the  Capes  of  Vir¬ 
ginia  on  the  23d  of  July. 


198 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 


But  a  far  different  fortune  attended  the  arms  of  Burgoyne. 
The  regular  troops  of  his  command,  English  and  German, 
amounted  to  above  seven  thousand  men,  added  to  which  were 
large  numbers  of  American  and  Canadian  loyalists,  together 
with  many  hundred  Indians  ;  a  species  of  force,  which,  it  has 
been  held  by  British  historians,  Sir  Guy  Carleton  was  reluctant 
to  employ,  while  General  Burgoyne,  it  has  been  alleged,  enter¬ 
tained  no  such  scruples.  It  has  ever  been  claimed  as  a  virtue 
on  the  part  of  Carleton,  and  carried  to  the  credit  of  his  hu¬ 
manity,  that,  rather  than  employ  the  Indians,  he  submitted  to 
the  injustice  of  having  the  command  of  this  expedition,  pro¬ 
perly  belonging  to  him,  conferred  upon  an  officer  who  was  not 
entitled  to  lead  the  enterprise.  It  is  perhaps  true,  from  his 
more  intimate  knowledge  of  the  Indian  character,  that  he  had 
formed  such  an  estimate  of  their  services  as  to  render  him 
somewhat  less  sanguine  than  others  as  to  their  value.  His  ex¬ 
perience  could  not  but  have  taught  him  the  extent  of  their 
inutility  in  war,  the  capriciousness  of  their  character,  their  in¬ 
tractableness  and  inconstancy.  He  must  have  known  that 
their  ideas  of  war  were  totally  different  from  those  of  civilized 
nations ;  by  reason  of  which,  notwithstanding  their  ferocity, 
and  the  incredible  examples  of  passive  valor  which  they  some¬ 
times  afford  in  cases  adapted  to  their  own  opinions,  they  were 
nevertheless  utterly  regardless  of,  and  looked  with  contempt 
upon,  those  belligerent  usages  which  are  considered  as  honora¬ 
ble,  generous,  and  fair  in  the  modern  service  of  civilized  men. 
He  could  not  have  been  ignorant  of  the  fact,  that  the  object 
and  design  of  most  of  the  wars  in  which  the  Indians  enframe, 
are  not  so  much  to  conquer  by  manly  and  open  battle,  as  to 
murder  and  destroy  after  their  own  peculiar  fashion.  In  one 
word,  that  accomplished  officer  very  well  knew  the  services  of 
the  Indians  to  be  uncertain ;  their  rapacity  to  be  insatiable  ; 
their  faith  at  all  times  doubtful ;  and  their  action  cruel  to  bar¬ 
barity.  Still,  as  we  have  already  shown  beyond  contradiction, 
he  was  among  the  first  to  court  the  alliance  and  obtain  the  ser¬ 
vices  of  Brant  and  his  Mohawks,  on  their  descent  to  Montreal 
in  1775.  The  commendations,  therefore,  that  have  been  be¬ 
stowed  upon  Sir  Guy  Carleton  upon  this  subject,  at  the  expense 
of  Burgoyne,  were  as  undeserved  by  the  one  as  unjust  toward 
the  other.  True,  the  march  of  Burgoyne  was  tracked  with 


CARLETON  AND  BURGOYNE. 


199 


in.] 

blood,  which  a  high-souled  officer  should  scorn  in  such  man¬ 
ner  to  shed  ;*  but  the  footsteps  of  Carleton  might  have  been 
equally  sanguine  had  the  command  been  entrusted  to  him. 

Never,  probably,  at  the  time,  had  there  been  an  army  of 
equal  numbers  better  appointed  than  that  of  Burgoyne.  The 
train  of  brass  artillery,  in  particular,  was  perhaps  the  finest  that 
had  ever  been  allotted  to  an  army  not  far  exceeding  the  present 
in  numerical  strength,  and  for  a  time  victory  seemed  to  perch 
upon  his  ensigns. 

General  Carleton,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  made  himself 
master  of  Lake  Champlain,  and  the  fortifications  at  Crown 
Point  the  Autumn  before.  The  first  object  for  attack  present¬ 
ing  itself  to  General  Burgoyne,  therefore,  was  Ticonderoga— 
situated  in  the  mountain  gap  through  which  the  waters  of 
Lake  George  fall  into  Lake  Champlain.  This  fortress  was 
then  in  command  of  General  St.  Clair,  and  was  supposed  by 
the  Americans  to  be  a  post  of  great  security.  The  principal 
fortress,  the  ruins  of  which  are  yet  standing  in  frowning  and 
rugged  strength,  was  situated  on  an  angle  of  land  which  is  sur¬ 
rounded  on  three  sides  by  water  filled  with  rocks.  A  great  part 
of  the  south  side  was  covered  by  a  deep  morass  ;  and  where 
that  failed,  in  the  north-west  quarter,  the  old  French  lines 
served  as  a  defence.  These  lines  had  been  strengthened  by 
additional  works  and  a  block-house.  The  Americans  had 
other  defences  and  block-houses  in  the  direction  of  Lake  George, 
together  with  two  new  block-houses  and  some  other  works  to 
the  right  of  the  French  lines.  Still  greater  pains  had  been 
taken  in  fortifying  the  high  circular  hill  on  the  eastern  shore 
of  the  inlet  opposite,  known  as  Mount  Independence.  On  the 
summit  of  this  mountain,  which  is  table-land,  the  Americans 
had  erected  a  star-fort,  enclosing  a  large  square  of  barracks, 
well  fortified,  and  supplied  with  artillery.  The  foot  of  the 
mountain,  on  the  west  side  projecting  into  the  water,  was 
strongly  entrenched  to  its  edge,  and  the  entrenchment  lined 

*  It  is  but  just  to  this  gallant  but  unfortunate  officer,  however,  to  state,  that  he 
did  all  in  his  power  to  restrain  the  excesses  and  barbarities  of  the  Indians.  At  the 
council  and  war-feast,  which  he  gave  them  near  Crown  Point,  he  endeavored  to  ex¬ 
plain  to  them  the  laws  of  civilized  war ;  and  charged  them  that  they  must  only  kill 
those  opposing  them  in  arms  ;  that  old  men,  women,  children,  and  prisoners,  must 
be  held  sacred  from  the  knife  or  hatchet,  even  in  the  heat  of  battle.  But  it  did  no 
good. 


30 


200 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 

with  heavy  artillery.  These  lower  works  were  sustained  and 
covered  by  a  battery,  about  half-way  up  the  side  of  the  moun¬ 
tain,  and  were  connected  by  a  bridge  across  the  inlet,  which  had 
been  constructed  at  great  labor  and  expense.*  These,  and 
other  works  of  defence,  had  been  judged  sufficient  to  render 
the  post  secure.  The  Commander-in-chief  himself,  although 
indeed  the  works  had  not  fallen  under  his  own  inspection,  had 
formed  a  very  erroneous  opinion  of  their  strength,  or  perhaps, 
to  speak  more  correctly,  of  the  natural  advantages  of  the  posi¬ 
tion,  and  of  the  defensibility  of  the  works,  f  Such,  in  fact,  was 
his  confidence  in  the  post,  that  the  idea  of  its  loss  seems  from 
his  correspondence  scarce  to  have  entered  his  mind. 

But  in  all  their  labors,  the  American  engineers  had  overlooked 
the  high  peak,  or  mountain,  called  Sugar  Hill,  situated  south 
of  the  bridge,  on  the  point  of  land  at  the  confluence  of  the 
waters  of  Lakes  George  and  Champlain.  Originally  it  had 
been  supposed,  and  taken  for  granted,  that  the  crest  of  Sugar 
Hill  was  not  only  inaccessible,  but  too  distant  to  be  of  any 
avail  in  covering  the  main  fortress.  This  opinion  was  an  er¬ 
ror,  to  which  the  attention  of  the  officers  had  been  called  the 
preceding  year  by  Colonel  John  Trumbull,  then  Adjutant- 
General  for  the  Northern  Department.  When  Colonel  Trum¬ 
bull  made  the  suggestion,  he  was  laughed  at  by  the  mess ;  but 
he  soon  proved  the  greater  accuracy  of  his  own  vision,  by 
throwing  a  cannon  shot  to  the  summit ;  and  subsequently 
clambered  up  to  the  top,  accompanied  by  Colonels  Wayne  and 
Arnold. t  It  was  a  criminal  neglect,  on  the  part  of  the  Ameri¬ 
cans,  that  the  oversight  was  not  at  once  corrected,  by  the  con¬ 
struction  of  a  work  upon  that  point,  which  would  have  com¬ 
manded  the  whole  post. 

+  London  Universal  Magazine,  April,  17S2. 

f  “lam  pleased  to  find,  by  your  letter  to  Congress,  that  a  strong  supply  of  pro¬ 
visions  has  been  thrown  into  Ticonderoga.  Since  that  is  the  case,  I  see  no  reason 
for  apprehending  that  it  can  possibly  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  in  a  short  time, 
even  were  they  to  bring  their  whole  force  to  a  point ;  but  if  they  have  divided  it  to 
make  the  different  attacks  that  you  mention,  General  St.  Clair  will,  in  all  probability, 
have  an  opportunity  of  acting  on  the  defensive ;  and  should  he  not  be  quite  success¬ 
ful,  he  may  damage  them  so  considerably,  that  they  will  not  be  able  to  attack  him  in 
his  works ;  to  which,  I  dare  say,  he  will  always  secure  a  retreat  in  case  of  accident.” — 
Letter  of  Washington  to  General  Schuyler,  July  2,  1777. 

J  Conversations  of  the  author  with  Colonel  John  Trumbull,  and  also  his  unpub¬ 
lished  memoirs,  to  which  the  author  has  had  access. 


WORKS  AT  TICONDEROGA. 


201 


1777.] 

General  Burgoyne  arrived  at  Crown  Point  on  the  21st  of 
June  ;  and  after  meeting  and  feasting  the  Indians,  and  attempt¬ 
ing  to  instruct  them  in  the  rules  and  principles  of  civilized  war, 
and  making  other  necessary  preparations — not  forgetting  to  send 
forth  a  manifesto  which  he  supposed  would  spread  terror 
through  the  Northern  Colonies — he  advanced  with  great  cau¬ 
tion  to  the  investment  of  Ticonderoga,  where  he  arrived  on  the 
2d  of  July.  Most  unaccountably,  the  Americans  immediately 
abandoned  all  their  works  in  the  direction  of  Lake  George — set¬ 
ting  fire  to  the  block-houses  and  saw-mills  ;  and  without  sally 
or  other  interruption,  permitted  the  enemy,  under  Major  Gene¬ 
ral  Phillips,  to  take  possession  of  the  very  advantageous  post 
of  Mount  Hope,  which,  besides  commanding  their  lines  in  a 
dangerous  degree,  totally  cut  off  their  communication  with 
Lake  George.  The  only  excuse  for  such  an  early  abandon¬ 
ment  of  this  important  point,  was  found  in  the  fact  that  General 
St.  Clair  had  not  force  enough  to  man  all  his  defences. 

One  of  the  first  objects  that  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
British  commander,  was  the  unoccupied  point  of  Sugar  Hill.  It 
was  forthwith  examined,  and  its  advantages  were  found  to  be  so 
great,  that  immediate  dispositions  were  made  for  its  occupation. 
A  winding  road  was  cut  to  its  summit,  a  battery  commenced, 
and  cannon  to  serve  it  transported  thither.  Under  these  cir¬ 
cumstances,  finding  himself  invested  on  all  sides,  and  batteries 
ready  to  be  opened  upon  him  not  only  from  around,  but  above, 
and  having,  moreover,  not  half  troops  enough  to  man  his  works — 
St.  Clair  hastily  convened  a  council  of  war  on  the  5th  of  July, 
and  an  evacuation  was  unanimously  decided  upon  as  the  only 
alternative  for  the  emergency.* 

*  “The  evacuation  of  Ticonderoga  and  Mount  Independence  is  an  event  of 
chagrin  and  surprise,  not  apprehended  nor  within  the  compass  of  my  reasoning.  I 
know  not  upon  what  principle  it  was  founded,  and  I  should  suppose  it  still  more 
difficult  to  be  accounted  for,  if  the  garrison  amounted  to  five  thousand  men,  in  high 
spirits,  healthy,  well  supplied  with  provisions  and  ammunition,  and  the  Eastern  mi¬ 
litia  marching  to  their  succor,  as  you  mentioned  in  your  letter  of  the  9th  to  the 
Council  of  Safety  of  New-York.” — Letter  of  Washington  to  General  Schuyler,  July 
15,  1777.  The  truth,  however,  is,  that  the  actual  force  and  condition  of  St.  Clair’s 
army  had  been  universally  over-estimated — as  well  by  the  officers  at  a  distance  as 
by  the  public.  The  eyes  of  the  nation  were  turned  upon  that  post;  and  when  the 
news  of  the  retreat  went  abroad,  the  disappointment  was  extreme ;  and  the  loud 
voice  of  complaint  and  censure,  against  the  unfortunate  General,  was  reiterated  from 
one  end  of  the  continent  to  the  other.  But,  notwithstanding  the  “chagrin ’’and 


202 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 

Following  up  such  a  promising  advantage,  the  British  com¬ 
mander  pushed  forward  upon  the  retiring  army,  with  such  a 
degree  of  vigor  that  the  retreat  became  almost  a  rout.  The 
Americans,  however,  made  a  stand  between  Skenesborough  and 
Fort  Anne  in  a  well-contested  battle  ;  but  after  much  hard 
fighting,  were  again  compelled  to  retreat.  Another  engagement 
ensued  at  Fort  Anne,  with  a  like  result ;  and  the  victorious 
Briton  entered  the  valley  of  the  Hudson,  and  took  possession  of 
Fort  Edward,  which,  weak  and  unprovided,  had  likewise  been 
evacuated  on  his  approach  by  General  Schuyler. 

These  movements  by  the  British  commander  had  been  made 
with  equal  vigor  and  celerity ;  and  such  was  the  confusion  of 
the  Americans  in  their  flight,  that  no  advices  of  the  disaster 
were  forwarded  by  express  to  General  Schuyler,  to  prepare  him 
for  the  approach  of  the  victors.  Indeed,  that  officer  was  suf¬ 
fered  to  remain  several  days  without  intelligence  from  St.  Clair 
of  any  description,  excepting  some  vague  flying  rumors  of  the 
evacuation.*  During  this  suspense,  General  Schuyler  wrote  to 
the  Commander-in-chief  upon  the  subject,  who,  in  turn,  ex¬ 
pressed  his  amazement  at  the  mystery  which  seemed  to  hang 
over  the  affairs  of  the  fortress.  At  one  moment  Washington 
was  led  to  believe  that  St.  Clair  and  the  whole  garrison  had 
been  made  prisoners,  and  at  another  that  the  rumor  of  the 
evacuation  was  wholly  untrue  ;  and  that  the  silence,  for  which 
it  baffled  conjecture  to  account,  arose  from  the  circumstance 
that  the  Americans  were  shut  up  in  their  works. t  But  this 
doubt  did  not  continue  long.  Notwithstanding  that  the  advance 
of  the  enemy  was  repulsed  at  Fort  Anne,  Colonel  Long,  who 
was  in  command  of  that  post,  immediately  evacuated  it,  con¬ 
trary  to  the  express  orders  of  General  Schuyler ;  and  Schuyler 

“surprise,”  so  keenly  felt  by  the  Commander-in-chief  at  the  loss  of  this  important 
post,  his  strong  sense  of  justice  interposed  to  shield  the  unfortunate  commander 
from  condemnation  unheard.  He  wrote  to  General  Schuyler  on  the  13th  of  July, 
that  General  St.  Clair  owed  it  to  himself  to  insist  upon  an  opportunity  of  giving  his 
reasons  for  evacuating  Ticonderoga,  but  he  at  the  same  time  said — “I  will  not  con¬ 
demn,  or  even  pass  censure  upon,  an  officer  unheard.”  Time,  however,  proved  that 
he  had  acted  the  part  of  a  judicious,  and  skilful  officer;  but  the  excitement  of  the 
moment  was  so  great,  caused  by  chagrin  on  the  one  hand  and  alarm  on  the  other, 
that  all  eyes  were  blind,  and  all  ears  deaf,  to  the  true  reasons  of  the  case,  and  even  to 
the  palliating  circumstances.” — Sparks's  Life  of  Gouverneur  Morris. 

*  Letter  from  General  Schuyler  to  General  Washington,  July  9,  1777. 

|  Letter  from  General  Washington  in  reply. 


1777.1  VICTORIOUS  ADVANCE  OF  BURGOYNE.  203 

himself,  at  the  head  of  only  fifteen  hundred  men  at  Fort  Ed¬ 
ward,  “  without  provision,  with  little  ammunition,  not  above 
“  five  rounds  to  a  man,  having  neither  balls,  nor  lead  to  make 
“  any — and  the  country  in  the  deepest  consternation,”*  was 
obliged  also  to  fall  back  in  the  direction  of  Albany.  The  blow 
was  a  severe  one  ;  but  the  Commander-in-chief  possessed  a 
soul  equal  to  every  crisis.  No  undue  elevation  of  spirit  fol¬ 
lowed  his  successes  ;  neither  did  the  clouds  of  adverse  fortune, 
so  frequently  darkening  the  prospect  of  the  American  arms, 
sink  him  into  despondency.t  Indeed,  each  succeeding  calami¬ 
ty  was  but  another  test  of  his  moral  greatness,  for  he  rose  above 
them  all. 

Nothing,  however,  could  exceed  the  terror  which  these 
events  diffused  among  the  inhabitants,  not  only  of  Northern 
New-York,  but  of  the  New  England  States.  The  consterna¬ 
tion  was,  moreover,  increased  by  the  reported  murders  and  the 
cruelties  of  the  savages — since  all  the  efforts  of  General  Burgoyne 
to  dissuade  them  from  the  perpetration  of  their  cruel  enormities 
were  ineffectual.  Restrain  them  he  could  not ;  and  it  was  ad¬ 
mitted  by  the  British  writers  of  that  day,  that  the  friends  of  the 
Royal  cause,  as  well  as  its  enemies,  were  equally  victims  to 
their  indiscriminate  rage.  It  was  even  ascertained  that  the 
British  officers  were  deceived  by  their  treacherous  allies,  into 
the  purchase  of  the  scalps  of  their  own  comrades. 

Among  other  instances  of  cruelty,  the  well-known  murder  of 
Miss  Jane  M;Crea,  which  happened  in  the  early  part  of  the 
campaign,  filled  the  public  mind  with  horror.  Every  circum¬ 
stance  of  this  unnatural  and  bloody  transaction — around  which 
there  lingers  a  melancholy  interest  to  this  day — served  to 
heighten  alike  its  interest  and  its  enormity.  Many  have  been 
the  versions  of  this  bloody  tale.  General  Gates,  who  had 
at  this  juncture  been  most  unjustly  directed  to  supersede  Gene- 


*  Letter  of  Schuyler  to  Washington. 

f  “This  stroke  is  severe  indeed,  and  has  distressed  us  much.  But,  notwithstand¬ 
ing  things  at  present  have  a  dark  and  gloomy  aspect,  I  hope  a  spirited  opposition 
will  check  the  progress  of  General  Burgoyne’s  army,  and  that  the  confidence  de¬ 
rived  from  his  success,  will  hurry  him  into  measures  that  will,  in  their  consequences, 
be  favorable  to  us.  We  should  never  despair.  Our  situation  has  before  been  un¬ 
promising,  and  has  changed  for  the  better;  so,  I  trust,  it  will  again.  If  new  diffi¬ 
culties  arise,  we  must  only  put  forth  new  exertions,  and  proportion  our  efforts  to  the 
exigency  of  the  times.” — Letter  of  Washington  to  General  Schuyler,  July  15,  1777. 


204 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


r  1 

[1  in. 

ral  Schuyler  in  the  command  of  the  Northern  Department, 
assailed  General  Burgoyne  in  the  newspapers  with  great  viru¬ 
lence  upon  the  subject  of  these  outrages.  After  charging  the 
British  commander  with  encouraging  the  murder  of  prisoners, 
and  the  massacre  of  women  and  children,  by  paying  the  In¬ 
dians  a  stipulated  price  for  scalps,  Gates,  in  a  letter  addressed 
to  General  Bnrgoyne,  thus  spoke  of  the  case  now  specially  un¬ 
der  consideration  : — “  Miss  M‘Crea,  a  young  lady,  lovely  to  the 
“  sight,  of  virtuous  character  and  amiable  disposition,  engaged 
“  to  an  officer  of  your  army,  was,  with  other  women  and  chil- 
“  dren,  taken  out  of  a  house  near  Fort  Edward,  carried  into  the 
“  woods,  and  there  scalped  and  mangled  in  the  most  horrid 
u  manner.  Two  parents,  with  their  six  children,  were  treated 
“  with  the  same  inhumanity,  while  quietly  resting  in  their  own 
“  happy  and  peaceful  dwelling.  The  miserable  fate  of  Miss 
“  M'Crea  was  particularly  aggravated,  by  being  dressed  to  re- 
“  ceive  her  promised  husband ;  but  met  her  murderer,  employed 
“  by  you.  Upward  of  one  hundred  men,  women,  and  children, 
“  have  perished  by  the  hands  of  the  ruffians  to  whom,  it  is  as- 
“  serted,  you  have  paid  the  price  of  blood.” 

General  Burgoyne  replied,  and  repelled  with  indignation  the 
charge  of  encouraging,  in  any  respect,  the  outrages  of  the  In 
dians.  He  asserted  that  from  the  first  he  had  refused  to  pay 
for  scalps,  and  had  so  informed  the  Indians  at  their  council. 
The  only  rewards  he  gave  them  were  for  prisoners  brought  in, 
and  by  the  adoption  of  this  course  he  hoped  to  encourage  a 
more  humane  mode  of  warfare  on  their  part.  In  this  letter 
Burgoyne  said  : — “  I  would  not  be  conscious  of  the  acts  you 
“  presume  to  impute  to  me,  for  the  whole  continent  of  America, 
“  though  the  wealth  of  worlds  was  in  its  bowels  and  a  paradise 
“  upon  its  surface.”*  In  regard  to  the  hapless  fate  of  Miss 
M£Crea,  General  Burgoyne  remarked  : — <£  Her  fall  wanted  not 
“  the  tragic  display  you  have  labored  to  give  it,  to  make  it  as 
“  sincerely  abhorred  and  lamented  by  me  as  it  can  be  by  the 

*  While  these  pages  are  passing  through  the  press,  the  author  has  fallen  upon  a 
letter  written  from  Montreal,  and  published  in  the  Remembrancer  for  1777,  in  which 
it  was  stated  that  a  party  of  the  Indians  had  returned  to  Montreal  in  a  high  state  of 
dissatisfaction,  because  of  the  severity  of  Burgoyne’s  discipline  toward  them,  and 
his  refusal  to  tolerate  their  mode  of  warfare,  or  pay  them  their  accustomed  bounty 
for  scalps.  It  was  further  stated  that  they  waited  upon  Sir  Guy  Carleton  with  their 
complaints — liking  their  old  “Father”  much  better  than  their  new. 


1777.] 


STORY  OF  MISS  M(CREA. 


205 


“  tenderest  of  her  friends.  The  act  was  no  premeditated  bar- 
c:  barity.  On  the  contrary,  two  chiefs,  who  had  brought  her  off 
“  for  the  purpose  of  security,  not  of  violence  to  her  person, 
“  disputed  which  should  be  her  guard,  and  in  a  fit  of  savage 
“  passion  in  one,  from  whose  hands  she  was  snatched,  the  un- 
“  happy  woman  became  the  victim.  Upon  the  first  intelligence 
“  of  this  event,  I  obliged  the  Indians  to  deliver  the  murderer 
“  into  my  hands ;  and  though  to  have  punished  him  by  our 
“  laws,  or  principles  of  justice,  would  have  been  perhaps  un- 
“  precedented,  he  certainly  should  have  suffered  an  ignominious 
u  death,  had  I  not  been  convinced,  from  my  circumstances  and 
“  observations,  beyond  the  possibility  of  a  doubt,  that  a  pardon 
“  under  the  terms  which  I  presented  and  they  accepted,  would 
u  be  more  efficacious  than  an  execution,  to  prevent  similar 
“  mischiefs.  The  above  instance  excepted,  your  intelligence 
“  respecting  the  cruelty  of  the  Indians,  is  false.”* 

The  British  commander  doubtless  labored  to  make  the  best 
of  his  case,  and  in  respect  to  Miss  M‘Crea,  his  statement  was 
much  nearer  to  the  truth  than  that  of  General  Gates.  The 
actual  circumstances  of  the  case,  stripped  of  its  romance,  were 
these  : — Miss  M‘Crea  belonged  to  a  family  of  loyalists,  and  had 
engaged  her  hand  in  marriage  to  a  young  refugee  named 
Jones,  a  subordinate  officer  in  the  British  service,  who  was  ad¬ 
vancing  with  Burgoyne.  Anxious  to  possess  himself  of  his 
bride,  he  despatched  a  small  party  of  Indians  to  bring  her  to 
the  British  camp.  Her  family  and  friends  were  strongly  op¬ 
posed  to  her  going  with  such  an  escort;  but  her  affection  over¬ 
came  her  prudence,  and  she  determined  upon  the  hazardous 
adventure.  She  set  forward  with  her  dusky  attendants  on 
horseback.  The  family  resided  at  the  village  of  Fort  Edward, 
from  whence  they  had  not  proceeded  more  than  half  a  mile 
before  her  conductors  stopped  to  drink  at  a  spring.  Meantime 
the  impatient  lover,  who  deserved  not  her  embrace  for  confiding 
her  protection  to  such  hands,  instead  of  going  himself,  had  des¬ 
patched  a  second  party  of  Indians  upon  the  same  errand.  The 
Indians  met  at  the  spring ;  and  before  the  march  was  resumed, 
they  were  attacked  by  a  party  of  the  Provincials.  At  the  close 
of  the  skirmish  the  body  of  Miss  M£Crea  was  found  among  the 
slain — tomahawked,  scalped,  and  tied  to  a  pine  tree,  yet  stand- 

*  Vide  Marshall’s  Life  of  Washington,  Vol.  I.  Appendix. 


206 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[L777. 

ing  by  the  side  of  the  spring,  as  a  monument  of  the  bloody  trans¬ 
action.  The  name  of  the  young  lady  is  inscribed  on  the  tree, 
the  trunk  of  which  is  thickly  scarred  with  the  bullets  it  received 
in  the  skirmish.  It  also  bears  the  date  1777.  “  Tradition  re- 

“  ports  that  the  Indians  divided  the  scalp,  and  that  each  party 
“  carried  half  of  it  to  the  agonized  lover.”*  The  ascertained 
cause  of  her  murder  was  this.  The  promised  reward  for  bring¬ 
ing  her  in  safety  to  her  betrothed,  was  a  barrel  of  rum.  The 
chiefs  of  the  two  parties  sent  for  her  by  Mr.  Jones,  quarrelled 
respecting  the  anticipated  compensation.  Each  claimed  it  ; 
and,  in  a  moment  of  passion,  to  end  the  controversy,  one  of  them 
struck  her  down  with  his  hatchet. 

The  tale  was  sufficiently  painful  according  to  the  simple 
facts  of  the  case,  and  its  recital  produced  a  thrill  of  horror 
wherever  it  came — enlarged  and  embellished,  as  it  was  sure  to 
be  in  its  progress,  by  every  writer  who  could  add  to  the  elo¬ 
quence  of  the  narrative  or  the  pathos  of  its  catastrophe. 

As  the  invader  advanced,  the  inhabitants  fled  in  the  wildest 
consternation.  The  horrors  of  war,  however  mitigated  by  the 
laws  and  usages  of  civilization,  are  at  all  times  sufficiently 
terrific ;  but  when  to  these  the  fierce  cruelties  of  a  cloud  of 
savages  are  superadded,  those  only  who  have  been  familiar  with 
an  American  border  warfare  can  form  an  adequate  opinion 
of  its  atrocities.  Among  the  fugitives  driven  from  their 
peaceful  abodes  on  the  present  occasion,  was  Mrs.  Ann  Eliza 
Bleecker,  a  lady  who  has  been  somewhat  celebrated  as  one 
of  the  early  poets  of  our  country.  She  was  the  daughter  of 
Mr.  Brandt  Schuyler  of  the  city  of  New- York,  and  the  wife 
of  John  J.  Bleecker,  Esq.,  of  New  Rochelle,  whose  enterprise, 
together  with  his  lady’s  love  for  the  wild  scenery  of  the  forest, 
had  induced  him  to  exchange  a  residence  among  the  busy 
haunts  of  men  for  a  solitary  plantation  in  the  vale  of  the  Tom- 
hanic — a  mountain  stream  flowing  into  the  Hoosic  river,  about 
twenty  miles  from  Albany.  Mr.  Bleecker’s  residence  lay  di¬ 
rectly  in  the  march  of  Burgoyne,  on  whose  approach  he 
hastened  to  Albany  to  provide  accommodations  for  his  family. 
But  a  few  hours  after  his  departure,  Mrs.  Bleecker,  as  she  sat  at 

*  Silliman’s  Tour  from  Hartford  toduebec.  Vide,  also,  Marshall,  Gordon,  and 
others. 


1777.]  MRS.  BLEECKER - MRS.  SCHUYLER.  207 

table,  received  intelligence  that  the  enemy,  with  tomahawk  and 
brand,  was  within  two  miles  of  her  residence.  Instant  flight 
was  the  only  alternative.  Taking  one  of  her  children  in  her 
arms,  and  seizing  the  other  by  the  hand,  she  started  off  on  foot, 
attended  only  by  a  young  mulatto  girl,  and  leaving  her  house 
and  all  its  contents  a  prey  to  the  Indians.  The  roads  were  en¬ 
cumbered  by  carriages,  loaded  with  women  and  children,  each 
intent  upon  his  or  her  own  safety  ;  so  that  no  assistance  could  be 
obtained,  and  her  only  recourse  was  to  mingle  in  the  fugitive 
throng,  and  participate  in  the  common  panic  and  common  dis¬ 
tress.  Having  travelled  about  five  miles  on  foot,  however,  she 
succeeded  in  obtaining  a  seat  for  the  children  in  a  waggon, 
which  served  to  facilitate  her  march.  On  the  following 
morning  she  was  met  by  her  husband,  who  conducted  her  to 
Albany,  and  from  thence  down  the  Hudson  as  far  as  Red  Hook, 
one  of  her  children  dying  by  the  way.* 

Amid  this  scene  of  desolation  and  affright,  there  was  yet 
one  woman  whose  proud  spirit  was  undaunted.  It  was  the 
lady  of  General  Schuyler.  The  General’s  country-seat  was 
upon  his  estate  in  Saratoga,  standing  upon  the  margin  of  the 
river.  On  the  approach  of  Burgoyne,  Mrs.  Schuyler  went  up 
to  Saratoga,  in  order  to  remove  their  furniture.  Her  carriage 
was  attended  by  only  a  single  armed  man  on  horseback.  When 
within  two  miles  of  her  house,  she  encountered  a  crowd  of 
panic-stricken  people,  who  recited  to  her  the  tragic  fate  of  Miss 
M‘Crea,  and  representing  to  her  the  danger  of  proceeding 
farther  in  the  face  of  the  enemy,  urged  her  to  return.  She  had 
yet  to  pass  through  a  dense  forest,  within  which  even  then 
some  of  the  savage  troops  might  be  lurking  for  prey.  But  to 
these  prudential  councils  she  would  not  listen,  “  The  Gene¬ 
ral’s  wife,”  she  exclaimed,  “  must  not  be  afraid  !”  And  pushing 
forward,  she  accomplished  her  purpose.t 

Before  the  mansion  was  evacuated,  however,  the  General 


*  The  facts  of  this  incident  in  the  life  of  Mrs.  Bleecker  are  taken  from  Kettell’s 
biographical  sketches  of  American  poets.  The  memoirs  of  Mrs.  B.  together  with 
her  poems,  were  published  many  years  ago,  but  I  have  sought  in  vain  among  the  li¬ 
braries  and  the  Bleeckers  to  obtain  a  copy. — Author. 

f  I  have  derived  this  incident,  and  also  that  respecting  the  General,  which  fol¬ 
lows  in  the  text,  from  Mrs.  James  Cochran  of  Oswego,  who  was  the  youngest 
daughter  of  General  Schuyler. — Author. 

31 


208  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1777. 

himself  had  a  narrow  escape  from  assassination  by  the  hand  of 
a  savage,  who  had  insinuated  himself  into  the  house  for  that 
purpose.  It  was  at  the  hour  of  bed-time,  in  the  evening,  and 
while  the  General  was  preparing  to  retire  for  the  night,  that  a 
female  servant,  in  coming  in  from  the  hall,  saw  a  gleam  of  light 
reflected  from  the  blade  of  a  knife,  in  the  hand  of  some  person 
whose  dark  outline  she  discerned  behind  the  door.  The  ser¬ 
vant  was  a  black  slave,  who  had  sufficient  presence  of  mind 
not  to  appear  to  have  made  the  discovery.  Passing  directly 
through  the  door  into  the  apartment  where  the  General  was 
yet  standing  near  the  fire-place,  with  an  air  of  unconcern  she 
pretended  to  arrange  such  articles  as  were  disposed  upon  the 
mantel- piece,  while  in  an-undertone  she  informed  her  master  of 
her  discovery,  and  said,  aloud,  u  I  will  call  the  guard.”  The 
General  instantly  seized  his  arms,  while  the  faithful  servant  hur¬ 
ried  out  by  another  door  into  a  long  hall,  upon  the  floor  of  which 
lay  a  loose  board  which  creaked  beneath  the  tread.  By  the  noise 
she  made  in  trampling  rapidly  upon  the  board,  the  Indian — for 
such  he  proved — was  led  to  suppose  that  the  Philistines  were 
upon  him  in  numbers,  sprang  from  his  concealment  and  fled. 
He  was  pursued,  however,  by  the  guard  and  a  few  friendly  In¬ 
dians  attached  to  the  person  of  General  Schuyler,  overtaken,  and 
made  prisoner.  Exasperated  at  his  treachery,  the  friendly  In¬ 
dians  were  resolved  to  put  him  to  death,  and  it  was  with  much 
difficulty  that  they  were  diverted  from  their  purpose  by  the  Ge¬ 
neral. 

The  effect  of  the  incidents  we  have  been  detailing,  and  other 
recitals  of  savage  cruelties,  not  all,  as  General  Burgoyne  re¬ 
presented,  without  foundation,  was  extensive  and  powerful.  The 
cry  of  vengeance  was  universal ;  and  a  spirit  was  aroused 
which  proved  of  speedy  and  great  advantage  to  the  American 
arms. 


CHAPTER  X. 


Expedition  against  the  Mohawk  Valley  from  Oswego — Despondency  of  the  people 
in  Tryon  County — Letter  of  John  Jay — Arrest  of  several  of  the  disaffected — 
Flight  of  others  to  Canada — Schuyler’s  complaints  of  the  cowardice  of  the  people 
— Great  discouragements — Proclamation  of  General  Herkimer — Letter  from 
Thomas  Spencer — St.  Leger’s  approach — Caution  and  plan  of  his  march — Diary 
of  Lieut.  Bird — Fort  Stan  wix  invested — Colonel  Gansevoort  takes  command — Its 
deplorable  condition — Gansevoort  joined  by  Willett — Story  of  Captain  Gregg — 
Situation  of  the  garrison — Arrival  of  St.  Leger — His  proclamation — Burgoyne’s 
affairs  becoming  critical—  Affair  of  Bennington — General  Herkimer,  with  the 
Tryon  County  militia,  advances  to  the  relief  of  Gansevoort — Battle  of  Oriskany — 
Bloody  upon  both  sides — Unexampled  bravery  of  Captain  Gardenier — Major 
Watts — Dissatisfaction  of  the  Indians — Sortie  and  success  of  Colonel  Willett — 
Death  and  character  of  General  Herkimer. 


Contemporaneously  with  the  descent  of  Burgoyne  upon 
Northern  New- York,  Colonel  Barry  St.  Leger  had  been  des¬ 
patched  from  Montreal,  by  the  way  of  the  St.  Lawrence  and 
Lake  Ontario,  to  Oswego,  there  to  form  a  junction  with  the  In¬ 
dians  and  loyalists  under  Sir  John  Johnson  and  Captain  Brant. 
From  Oswego,  St.  Leger  was  to  penetrate  by  the  way  of  Oneida 
Lake  and  Wood  Creek  to  the  Mohawk  river,  with  a  view  of 
forming  a  junction  from  that  direction  with  Burgoyne,  on  his 
arrival  in  Albany.  The  alarm  everywhere  felt  on  the  approach 
of  Burgoyne  from  the  North,  was  greatly  increased  in  Tryon 
County,  on  receiving  intelligence  of  the  contemplated  invasion 
by  the  Indians  and  loyalists  from  the  West.  The  news  of  this 
movement  was  first  brought  to  the  inhabitants  by  an  Oneida 
half-breed  sachem  named  Thomas  Spencer,  who  came  there¬ 
with  direct  from  Canada,  whither  he  had  gone  as  a  secret 
emissary  to  obtain  information.  Spencer  stated  that  he  had 
been  present  at  a  council  held  at  the  Indian  castle  of  Cassassen- 
ny,  at  which  Colonel  Claus  presided.*  According  to  Thomas’s 
relation,  Colonel  Claus  strongly  urged  the  Indians  to  join  in 
the  expedition  into  the  Mohawk  Valley  by  the  Western  ap¬ 
proach  ;  boasting  of  the  strength  of  the  army  under  Burgoyne, 
which  had  gone  against  Ticonderoga,  and  the  number  of  In¬ 
dians  with  them,  and  before  whom  he  assured  them  Ticonde¬ 
roga  would  fall.  “  Yes,”  said  Colonel  Claus,  “  Ticonderoga  is 

*  Colonel  Daniel  Claus,  a  brother-in-law  of  Sir  John  Johnson,  had  either  supersed¬ 
ed  Guy  Johnson  as  Indian  Superintendent  in  Canada,  or  been  appointed  a  Deputy, 


212 


LTFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1 


/  /  /, 


contain  paragraphs  for  the  public.  We  are  silent  because  we 
have  nothing  to  say  ;  and  the  people  suspect  the  worst  because 
we  say  nothing.  Their  curiosity  must  be  constantly  gratified, 
or  they  will  be  uneasy.  Indeed,  I  do  not  wonder  at  their  im¬ 
patience,  the  late  Northern  events  having  been  such  as  to  have 
occasioned  alarm  and  suspicion.  I  have  not  leisure  to  add 
any  thing  more,  than  that  I  am,  very  sincerely,  yours,  &c. 

“  John  Jay.” 


As  early  as  the  10th  of  April,  Colonel  Robert  Van  Rensselaer 
wrote  to  a  friend,  that  the  Chairman  of  the  County  Committee 
had  applied  to  him  for  the  assistance  of  his  militia,  to  quell  an 
insurrection  of  the  loyalists  in  Ballston  ;  but  such  was  the  con¬ 
dition  of  his  own  regiment,  that  he  was  obliged  to  decline  the 
request.  The  spirit  of  disaffection  had  become  so  prevalent 
among  his  men,  that  numbers  of  them  had  taken  the  oath  of 
secrecy  and  allegiance  to  Great  Britain.  However,  he  added 
that  seventeen  of  the  villains  had  been  arrested  by  the  vigilance 
of  the  officers,  and  were  then  in  confinement ;  and  a  hope  was 
indulged  of  being  able  to  detect  the  whole.*  Early  in  the  fol¬ 
lowing  month  the  residue  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Scotch  set¬ 
tlers  in  the  neighborhood  of  Johnstown  ran  off  to  Canada,  to¬ 
gether  with  some  of  the  loyalist  Germans — all  headed  by  two 
men  named  McDonald,  who  had  been  permitted  by  General 
Schuyler  to  visit  their  families.  The  fact  that  the  wives  and 


so  great  an  obstacle  to  the  success  of  their  arms.  A  narrow  sectional  prejudice  ex¬ 
isted  against  him  in  New  England.  The  failure  of  the  Canadian  campaign  had 
been  most  wrongfully  attributed  to  him  in  1776,  and  with  equal  injustice  the  fall 
of  Ticonderoga  was  now  charged  to  his  remissness  by  his  own  countrymen.  The 
enemy  were  not  slow  to  avail  themselves  of  these  prejudices  and  groundless  impu¬ 
tations,  and  through  the  agency  of  the  Tories,  the  most  artful  and  insidious  means 
were  employed  to  destroy  the  public  confidence  in  his  integrity  and  capacity.  The 
flame  of  suspicion  was  fanned  by  them  until  it  became  general,  and  was  openly 
avowed.  Committees,  towns,  and  districts,  assembled,  and  passed  resolves  express¬ 
ing  their  distrust  in  him,  and  both  Congress  and  the  Provincial  Legislature  of  New- 
York  were  addressed  upon  the  subject.  General  Schuyler,  than  whom  there  was 
not  a  truer  patriot,  nor  a  more  earnest  or  active  in  the  public  service,  was  well 
aware  of  these  movements.  To  a  Committee  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  who  had 
formally  communicated  the  charges  to  him,  he  returned  an  answer  worthy  of  a  brave 
and  magnanimous  soldier.  The  character  of  this  answer  will  be  understood  from 
this  single  sentence  : — “We  must  bear  with  the  caprice,  jealousy,  and  envy  of  our 
misguided  friends,  and  pity  thpm.” 

*  MS.  documents  in  the  Department  of  State,  Albany. 


1777.]  FALTERING  IN  TRYON  COUNTY.  213 

families  of  the  absconding  loyalists  were  holding  communica¬ 
tion  with  them,  and  administering  to  their  subsistence  on  the  out¬ 
skirts  of  the  settlements,  had  suggested  their  arrest,  and  removal 
to  a  place  of  safety,  to  the  number  of  four  hundred — a  measure 
that  was  approved  by  General  Herkimer  and  his  officers.* 
Alarming  reports  of  various  descriptions  were  continually  in 
circulation,  and  the  inhabitants  were  harassed  beyond  mea¬ 
sure  by  the  necessity  of  performing  frequent  tours  of  military 
duty — acting  as  scouts  and  reconnoitring  parties ;  and  stand¬ 
ing,  some  of  them,  as  sentinels  around  their  fields,  while  others 
did  the  labor.  No  neighborhood  felt  secure,  and  all  were  ap¬ 
prehensive  that  the  whole  country  would  be  ravaged  by  the 
Indians  ;  while  parties  of  the  disaffected  were  continually  steal¬ 
ing  away  to  augment  the  ranks  of  the  enemy.  Thus  circum¬ 
stanced,  and  at  the  very  moment  when  they  were  called  upon  to 
reinforce  Fort  Schuyler,  the  Committees  both  of  Palatine  and 
Schoharie,  feeling  that  they  were  not  strong  enough  even  for 
self-defence,  were  calling  upon  the  Council  of  Safety  at  Albany 
to  send  additional  forces  for  their  protection.  Mr.  Paris  wrote 
repeatedly  upon  the  subject.  The  Schoharie  Committee,  on  the 
17th  of  July,  wrote  very  frankly,  that  “  the  late  advantages 
“  gained  by  the  enemy  had  such  an  effect,  that  many  who  had 
“  been  counted  as  friends  of  the  State  were  drawing  back. 
“  Our  situation,”  he  added,  “is  deplorable — excepting  those 
“  who  have  sought  protection  from  the  enemy.  We  are  en- 
“  tirely  open  to  the  Indians  and  Tories,  whom  we  expect  every 
“  hour  to  come  upon  us.  Part  of  our  militia  are  at  Fort  Ed- 
“  ward  ;  and  of  the  few  that  are  here,  many  are  unwilling  to 
“take  up  arms  to  defend  themselves,  as  they  are  unable  to 
“  stand  against  so  many  enemies.  Therefore  if  your  honors 
“  do  not  grant  us  immediate  relief  to  the  amount  of  about  five 
“  hundred  men,  we  must  either  fall  a  prey  to  the  enemy,  or  take 
“protection  also.”t  On  the  18th  of  July,  General  Schuyler 
wrote  to  the  Hon.  Pierre  Van  Courtlandt,  from  Saratoga,  and 
again  on  the  21st  from  Fort  Edward,  to  the  same  effect.  “  I  am 
“  exceedingly  chagrined,”  he  says,  “  at  the  pusillanimous  spirit 
“  which  prevails  in  the  County  of  Tryon.  I  apprehend  much 
“  of  it  is  to  be  attributed  to  the  infidelity  of  the  leading  persons 

*  MS.  documents  in  the  Department  of  State,  Albany — Letter  of  Isaac  Paris. 

f  MS.  correspondence  of  the  Provincial  Congress — Secretary’s  office,  Albany. 


214 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 

“  of  that  quarter.”  “  If  I  had  one  thousand  regular  troops,  in  ad¬ 
dition  to  those  now  above  and  on  the  march,  I  should  ven- 
“  ture  to  keep  only  every  third  man  of  the  militia,  and  would 
11  send  them  down.”  “  The  substance  of  Colonel  Harper’s  in¬ 
formation  had  been  transmitted  about  a  month  ago.'  In  con- 
“  sequence  whereof,  I  sent  Colonel  Van  Schaick  into  Tryon 
“  County  with  as  many  troops  as  I  could  collect.  After  the 
“  improper  agreement  made  by  General  Herkimer,*  these  troops 
“  were  marched  back ;  but  as  soon  as  I  was  informed  of  the 
11  march,  I  ordered  them  to  remain  in  Tryon  County,  where 
“  they  are  still,  and  I  have  sent  up  Colonel  Wesson’s  regiment 
“  to  reinforce  them.  But  if  I  may  be  allowed  to  judge  of  the 
“  temper  of  General  Herkimer  and  the  Committee  of  Tryon 
“  County,  from  their  letters  to  me,  nothing  will  satisfy  them  un- 
“  less  I  march  the  whole  army  into  that  quarter.  With  defer- 
“  ence  to  the  better  judgment  of  the  Council  of  Safety,  I  cannot 
“  by  any  means  think  it  prudent  to  bring  on  an  open  rupture 
“  with  the  savages  at  the  present  time.  The  inhabitants  of 
“  Tryon  County  are  already  too  much  inclined  to  lay  down  their 
“  arms,  and  take  whatever  terms  the  enemy  may  please  to  af- 
“  ford  them.  Half  the  militia  from  this  (Tryon)  County, 
“  and  the  neighboring  State  of  Massachusetts,  we  have  been 
“  under  the  necesity  of  dismissing  ;  but  the  whole  should  go.” 
“I  enclose  you  the  proceedings  of  a  council  of  General  officers, 
“held  at  this  place  on  the  20th  instant.  You  will  perceive 
“  that  we  have  been  driven  to  the  necessity  of  allowing  some 
“  of  the  militia  to  return  to  their  plantations.  The  remainder 
“  have  promised  to  remain  three  weeks  longer — that  is  to  say, 
“  unless  they  choose  to  return  sooner,  which  will  doubtless  be 
“  the  case,  and  for  which  they  have  many  reasons.”  t 

The  complaints  of  General  Schuyler  were  not  without  just 
foundation,  as  the  reader  has  already  seen.  Indeed,  both  regu¬ 
lars  and  militia  in  Tryon  County,  seemed  for  the  moment  to 
have  lost  all  the  high  qualities  of  soldiers  or  citizens.  Of  two 
hundred  militiamen  ordered  to  muster  and  join  the  garrison  of 
Fort  Schuyler,  only  a  part  obeyed  ;  while  two  companies  of 
regular  troops,  receiving  the  like  orders,  entered  upon  the  ser¬ 
vice  with  great  reluctance,  and  not  without  urging  various  ex- 

*  Probably  referring  to  the  interview  between  Herkimer  and  Brant  at  Unadilla. 

t  MS.  Cor.  Council  of  Safety— Secretary’s  office,  Albany. 


1777.]  Herkimer’s  proclamation.  215 

cuses — complaining  that  service  in  scouting  parties  had  unfitted 
them  for  garrison  duty.*  Under  -  circumstances  of  such  dis¬ 
couragement,  it  was  a  time  of  peculiar  trial  to  the  officers  and 
Committees  of  Safety.  Tryon  County  had  early  espoused  the 
cause  of  freedom,  and  apparently  with  greater  unanimity  than 
any  other  county  in  the  State  ;  and  the  extensive  defection,  or 
criminal  apathy,  which  we  have  just  been  contemplating,  was 
altogether  unexpected.  But  a  crisis  was  approaching,  which 
necessity  soon  obliged  them  to  meet.  Accordingly,  on  the  17th 
of  July,  General  Herkimer  issued  a  patriotic  proclamation  to 
the  inhabitants  of  the  county,  announcing  the  gathering  of 
the  enemy  at  Oswego,  “  Christians  and  Savages,”  to  the  num¬ 
ber  of  two  thousand  strong,  with  the  intention  of  invading  the 
frontier,  and  calling  upon  the  people  en  masse,  to  be  ready  at  a 
moment’s  warning  to  repair  to  the  field,  with  arms  and  accou¬ 
trements,  on  the  approach  of  the  enemy.  Those  in  health,  from 
16  to  60  years  of  age,  were  designated  for  actual  service ;  while 
those  above  60  years  of  age,  or  invalids,  were  directed  to  arm 
for  the  defence  of  the  women  and  children  at  whatever  place 
they  might  be  gathered  in  for  safety.  Concerning  the  disaffected, 
and  those  who  might  refuse  to  obey  the  orders,  it  was  directed 
in  the  proclamation  that  they  should  be  arrested,  their  arms  se¬ 
cured,  and  themselves  placed  under  guard  to  join  the  main 
body.  All  the  members  of  the  Committee,  and  all  those  who, 
by  reason  of  having  formerly  held  commissions,  had  become  ex¬ 
empts  from  service,  were  invited  to  repair  to  the  rendezvous, 
and  aid  in  repulsing  the  foe  :  ££  not  doubting  that  the  Almighty 
££  Power,  upon  our  humble  prayers,  and  sincere  trust  in  Him, 
££  will  then  graciously  succour  our  arms  in  battle  for  our  just 
££  cause,  and  victory  cannot  fail  on  our  side.” 

The  Oneida  Indians,  who  were  sincerely  disposed  to  favor 
the  cause  of  the  United  States,  but  who,  pursuant  to  the  hu¬ 
mane  policy  of  Congress  and  the  advice  of  General  Schuyler, 
had  determined  to  preserve  their  neutrality,  beheld  the  ap¬ 
proaching  invasion  from  Oswego  with  no  small  degree  of  ap¬ 
prehension.  The  course  they  had  marked  out  for  themselves, 
as  they  were  well  aware,  was  viewed  with  displeasure  by  their 
Mohawk  brethren,  while  the  other  members  of  their  confedera- 


*  Annals  of  Tryon  County. 

32 


216 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 


c.y  were  obviously  inclined  to  side  with  their  “  Uncle.”*  Liv¬ 
ing,  moreover,  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  Fort  Schuy¬ 
ler,  where  St.  Leger’s  first  blow  must  be  struck,  they  were  not 
a  little  troubled  in  the  prospect  of  what  might  happen  to  them¬ 
selves.  The  watchful  Thomas  Spencer,  therefore,  despatched 
the  following  letter  to  the  Committee  on  the  29th  of  July, 
which  was  received  on  the  30th  : — 

“  At  a  meeting  of  the  chiefs,  they  tell  me  that  there  is  but 
four  days  remaining  of  the  time  set  for  the  king’s  troops  to 
come  to  Fort  Schuyler,  and  they  think  it  likely  they  will  be 
here  sooner. 

“  The  chiefs  desire  the  commanding  officers  at  Fort  Schuy¬ 
ler  not  to  make  a  Ticonderoga  of  it ;  but  they  hope  you  will  be 
courageous. 

“  They  desire  General  Schuyler  may  have  this  with  speed, 
and  send  a  good  army  here ;  there  is  nothing  to  do  at  New- 
York  ;  we  think  there  is  men  to  be  spared — we  expect  the  road 
is  stopped  to  the  inhabitants  by  a  party  through  the  woods ; 
we  shall  be  surrounded  as  soon  as  they  come.  This  may  be 
our  last  advice,  as  these  soldiers  are  part  of  those  that  are  to 
hold  a  treaty.  Send  this  to  the  Committee — as  soon  as  they 
receive  it,  let  the  militia  rise  up  and  come  to  Fort  Schuyler. 

“  To-morrow  we  are  a-going  to  the  Three  Rivers  t  to  the 
treaty.  We  expect  to  meet  the  warriors,  and  when  we  come 
there  and  declare  we  are  for  peace,  we  expect  to  be  used  with 
indifference  and  sent  away. 

“  Let  all  the  troops  that  come  to  Fort  Schuyler  take  care  on 
their  march,  as  there  is  a  party  of  Indians  to  stop  the  road  be¬ 
low  the  fort,  about  80  or  100.  We  hear  they  are  to  bring  their 
cannon  up  Fish  Creek.  We  hear  there  is  1000  going  to  meet 
the  enemy.  We  advise  not — the  army  is  too  large  for  so  few 
men  to  defend  the  Fort — we  send  a  belt  of  8  rows  to  confirm  the 
truth  of  what  we  say. 

“  It  looks  likely  to  me  the  troops  are  near — hope  all  friends 
to  liberty,  and  that  love  their  families,  will  not  be  backward, 
but  exert  themselves  ;  as  one  resolute  blow  would  secure  the 

*  In  the  Six  Nations,  the  Mohawks — the  head  tribe — were  called  “Uncle.”  The 
Oneidas  were  “  the  elder  brother,”  &c. 

f  The  junction  of  the  Oneida,  Seneca,  and  Oswego  rivers — not  “  Three  Rivers’' 
in  Canada. 


THE  ENEMY  AT  OSWEGO. 


217 


1777.] 

friendship  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  almost  free  this  part  of  the 
country  from  the  incursions  of  the  enemy.”* 

The  certainty  that  the  invaders  were  thus  approaching,  the 
earnestness  of  the  appeals  of  the  Committee  to  the  patriotism  of 
the  people,  the  influence  of  the  proclamation  of  the  German 
General,  who  was  a  much  better  man  than  officer,  save  only  in 
the  single  attribute  of  courage  ;  and,  above  all,  the  positive 
existence  of  a  common  danger  from  which  there  was  no  es- 
cape  ;  were  circumstances,  together,  not  without  their  effect. 
And  although  the  eleventh  hour  had  arrived,  yet  the  militia, 
and  all  unon  whom  the  call  to  arms  had  been  made,  now  began 
to  move  with  a  degree  of  alacrity  and  an  exhibition  of  spirit 
that  went  far  to  atone  for  the  unpatriotic,  if  not  craven,  symp¬ 
toms  already  noticed. 

Meantime,  having  completed  his  organization  at  Oswego, 
General  St.  Leger  commenced  his  march  upon  Fort  Schuyler, 
moving  by  the  route  already  indicated,  though  with  great  cir¬ 
cumspection.  The  name  of  this  place  of  rendezvous  has  al¬ 
ready  recurred  more  than  once,  or  twice,  in  the  preceding 
pages.  Its  position  was  important,  and  it  had  been  a  place  of 
renown  in  the  earlier  wars  of  the  Colony.  The  river  bearing 
the  same  name,  which  here  pours  Northwardly  into  Lake  On¬ 
tario,  is  the  outlet  both  of  the  Oneida  and  Seneca  rivers,  through 
which,  and  their  tributary  streams,  it  is  connected  with  the 
chain  of  small  lakes  bearing  the  names  of  Oneida,  Cazenovia, 
Skaneateles,  Owasco,  Cayuga,  Seneca,  and  Canandaigua.  Its 
estuary,  of  course,  forms  the  natural  opening  into  the  rich 
district  of  country  surrounding  those  lakes,  which,  down 
to  the  period  of  the  present  history,  contained  the  principal 
towns  of  four  of  the  Five  Nations  of  Indians.  During  the 
wars  between  the  French  and  Five  Nations,  Oswego  was  re¬ 
peatedly  occupied  by  the  armies  of  the  former.  It  was  here 
that  Count  Frontenac  landed,  on  his  invasion  of  the  Onondaga 
country  in  1692,  at  which  time,  or  subsequently,  a  considera¬ 
ble  military  work  was  erected  on  the  western  side  of  the  river. 
During  the  war  with  France,  which  was  closed  in  America  by 
the  conquest  of  Canada,  it  was  in  the  occupancy  of  the  Provin- 

*  MS.  letter  among  the  papers  of  General  Gansevoort.  Thomas  Spencer  was  a 
blacksmith,  who  had  resided  among  the  Cavugas,  and  was  greatly  beloved  by  the 
Indians. — Letter  from  General  Schuyler  to  Colonel  Dayton — G  msevoorl  papers. 


218 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777 

cials  and  English.  The  expedition  destined  to  descend  the 
St.  Lawrence  upon  Montreal,  was  assembled  at  this  point  in 
L759,  after  the  fall  of  Niagara,  under  General  Shirley  and  Sir 
William  Johnson.  The  army  was  encamped  here  several 
weeks,  and  finally  broke  up  without  attempting  its  main  object 
— owing,  as  Sir  William  Johnson  intimates  in  his  private 
diary,  to  a  want  of  energy  on  the  part  of  Shirley.  After  the 
fall  of  Quebec  and  Montreal  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  a 
battalion  of  the  55th  regiment  was  stationed  at  Oswego,  under 
Major  Duncan,  a  brother  of  the  naval  hero  of  Camperdown. 
A  new  and  far  more  formidable  work  was  constructed  upon  the 
Eastern  or  North-eastern  promontory,  formed  by  the  embouchure 
of  the  river  into  the  lake.  The  new  position  was  far  better 
chosen  for  a  fortress  than  the  old  ;  and,  ultimately,  before  the 
Britons  were  dispossessed  of  it  by  the  Americans,  it  became  a 
work  of  somewhat  formidable  strength  and  dimensions.  The 
situation  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  that  can  be  imagined  ; 
and  during  the  two  or  three  years  in  which  Major  Duncan  was 
in  command,  by  the  cultivation  of  a  large  garden,  the  laying 
out  and  improving  of  a  bowling-green  and  other  pleasure- 
grounds,  it  was  rendered  a  little  paradise  in  the  wilderness.* 

All  told,  the  army  of  St.  Leger  consisted  of  seventeen  hun¬ 
dred  men — Indians  included.  These  latter  were  led  by  Thay- 
endanegea.  The  order  of  their  march,  as  beautifully  drawn 
and  colored,  was  subsequently  taken,  with  the  escritoire  of  the 
commanding  General,  and  will  be  found  on  the  subsequent 
page,  accurately  copied  and  engraved.  The  advance  of  the 
main  body,  it  will  be  seen,  was  formed  of  Indians,  marching  in 
five  Indian  columns  ;  that  is,  in  single  files,  at  large  distances 
from  each  other,  and  four  hundred  and  sixty  paces  in  front  of  the 
line.  From  these  columns  of  Indians,  files  were  stretched  at  a 
distance  of  ten  paces  from  each  other,  forming  a  line  of  com¬ 
munication  with  the  advanced  guard  of  the  line,  which  was 
one  hundred  paces  in  front  of  the  column.  The  right  and  left 
flanks  were  covered  by  Indians  at  one  hundred  paces,  forming 
likewise  lines  of  communication  with  the  main  body.  The 
King’s  regiment  moved  from  the  left  by  Indian  file,  while  the 
34th  moved  in  the  same  order  from  the  right.  The  rear-guard 

*  See  Mrs.  Grant’s  delightful  book — “  Memoirs  of  an  American  Lady,”  chap¬ 
ters  xliv.  to  xlvii.  inclusive. 


219 


ST.  leger’s  order  of  march. 


220 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 

was  formed  of  regular  troops ;  while  the  advance  guard,  com 
posed  of  sixty  marksmen,  detached  from  Sir  John  Johnson’s 
regiment  of  Royal  Greens,  was  led  by  Sir  John’s  brother-in-law, 
Captain  Watts.  Each  corps  was  likewise  directed  to  have  ten 
chosen  marksmen  in  different  parts  of  its  line,  in  case  of  at¬ 
tack,  to  be  pushed  forward  to  any  given  point  as  circumstances 
might  require.* 

From  these  extraordinary  precautions,  it  may  well  be  inferred 
that  General  St.  Leger,  who  probably  acted  much  under  the 
advice  of  Sir  John  Johnson  and  the  refugee  Provincials,  who 
must  have  been  best  acquainted  with  the  country  and  the  cha¬ 
racter  of  the  enemy  they  were  going  to  encounter,  was  not  a 
little  apprehensive  of  an  attack  by  surprise  while  on  his  march. 

In  addition  to  the  arrangements  already  indicated,  a  detach¬ 
ment  from  the  8th  regiment,  with  a  few  Indians,  was  sent  a 
day  or  more  in  advance,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant 
Bird.  This  officer  pushed  forward  with  spirit,  but  was  some¬ 
what  annoyed  by  the  insubordination  and  independent  action 
of  his  allies.  The  following  extracts  from  his  private  diary  t 
will  not  only  disclose  his  own  embarrassments,  but  illustrate 
the  character  of  Indian  warriors  acting  in  concert  with  regular 
troops  : — 

“  Tuesday ,  28 th  July ,  1777. — After  going  two  miles,  and  no 
savages  coming  up,  waited  two  hours  for  them.  Sixteen  Sene¬ 
cas  arriving,  proceeded  to  the  Three  Rivers  + — waited  there 
two  hours — seventy  or  eighty  Messesaugues  coming  up,  I  pro¬ 
posed  moving  forward.  They  had  stolen  two  oxen  from  the 
drove  of  the  army,  and  would  not  advance,  but  stayed  to  feast. 
I  advanced  without  Indians  seven  miles  farther — in  all  nine¬ 
teen  miles.  Posted  four  sentinels  all  night  from  a  sergeant’s 
guard  of  twelve  men — relieved  every  hour — visited  every  half 
hour.  All  fires  put  out  at  9  o’clock. 

“  Wednesday — Set  off  next  morning  at  six,  having  waited 
for  the  savages  till  that  time,  though  none  arrived.  Ordered 
the  boats  to  keep  seventy  rods  behind  each  other — half  the  men 
keeping  their  arms  in  their  hands,  while  the  other  half  rowed. 
Ordered,  on  any  of  the  boats  being  fired  upon,  that  the  men 

*  MS.  directions  found  among  the  captured  papers  of  St.  Leger. 

|  MS.  Diary  of  Lt.  Henry  Bird,  captured  from  Gen.  St.  Leger  by  Col.  Gansevocrt. 

|  The  junction  of  the  Oneida,  Seneca,  and  Oswego  rivers. 


DIARY  OF  LIEUT.  BIRD. 


221 


1777.] 

should  jump  ashore.  The  rest  to  support  them  with  all  expe¬ 
dition.  Rowed  all  night.  Encamped  at  Nine  Mile  Point. 

“  Thursday ,  July  30. — With  twenty-seven  Senecas  and 
nine  Messesaugues  joined  Mr.  Hair’s  party.*  Many  savages  be¬ 
ing  with  us,  proceeded  to  Wood  Creek,  a  march  of  fifteen 
miles.  *  *  ******* 

“  Friday. — The  savages  hinted  an  intention  to  send  parties 
to  Fort  Stanwix,  but  to  proceed  in  a  body  no  farther.  I  called 
a  council  of  the  chiefs — told  them  I  had  orders  to  approach 
near  the  fort — that  if  they  would  accompany  me,  1  should  be 
content ;  but  if  they  would  not  go,  I  should  take  the  white  peo¬ 
ple  under  my  command,  and  proceed  myself.  The  Messesau¬ 
gues  said  they  would  go  with  me.  The  Senecas  said  I  had 
promised  to  be  advised  by  their  chiefs — that  it  was  their  way 
to  proceed  with  caution.  I  answered,  that  I  meant  only  as  to 
fighting  in  the  bush,  but  that  I  had  communicated  my  inten¬ 
tions  to  them  in  the  former  camp,  of  preventing  them  [the 
Americans  meaning]  from  stopping  the  creek, t  and  investing 
their  fort.  But  since  I  had  promised  to  be  advised  by  them, 
I  would  take  it  so  far  as  to  wait  till  next  morning — and  would 
then  certainly  march  by  daybreak.  After  some  counselling, 
they  seemed  pleased  with  what  I  had  said,  and  said  they  would 
send  out  large  scouts  to  prepare  the  way.  Accordingly  eight- 
teen  or  twenty  set  off  this  evening.” 

On  the  2d  of  August,  however,  Bird  wrote  back  to  his  Gene¬ 
ral  that  no  savages  would  advance  with  him  except  Henriques, 
a  Mohawk,  and  one  other  of  the  Six  Nations,  an  old  acquaint¬ 
ance  of  his.  The  letter  continues  : — “  Those  two,  Sir,  I  hope 
“  to  have  the  honor  to  present  to  you;  A  savage,  who  goes  by 
“  the  name  of  Commodore  Bradley,  was  the  chief  cause  of  their 
“  not  advancing  to-day.  Twelve  Messesaugues  came  up  two 
“  or  three  hours  after  my  departure.  Those,  with  the  scout  of 
“  fifteen  I  had  the  honor  to  mention  to  you  in  my  last,  are  suf- 
"  ficient  to  invest  Fort  Stanwix,  if  you  favor  me  so  far  as  not 
u  to  order  to  the  contrary.f 

St.  Leger  received  this  letter  on  the  same  day,  at  Nine 

*  Lieut.  Hair — afterward  killed. 

|  General  Schuyler  had  directed  the  commanding  officer  of  Fort  Stanwix  to  ob¬ 
struct  the  navigation  of  Wood  Creek  by  felling  trees  therein. 

£  MS.  of  the  original  letter,  among  the  Gansevoort  papers. 


222 


LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1777. 

Mile  Point,  whence  he  immediately  despatched  the  following 
reply : — 

General  St.  Leger  to  Lieut.  Bird. 

11  Nine  Mile  Point ,  Aug.  2,  1777. 

“  Sir, 

“  I  this  instant  received  your  letter  containing  the  account 
of  your  operations  since  you  were  detached,  which  I  with  great 
pleasure  tell  you  have  been  sensible  and  spirited ;  your  resolu¬ 
tion  of  investing  Fort  Stanwix  is  perfectly  right ;  and  to  ena¬ 
ble  you  to  do  it  with  greater  effect,  I  have  detached  Joseph 
[Thayendanegea]  and  his  corps  of  Indians  to  reinforce  you. 
You  will  observe  that  I  will  have  nothing  but  an  investiture 
made ;  and  in  case  the  enemy,  observing  the  discretion  and 
judgment  with  which  it  is  made,  should  offer  to  capitulate,  you 
are  to  tell  them  that  you  are  sure  I  am  well  disposed  to  listen 
to  them  :  this  is  not  to  take  any  honor  out  of  a  young  soldier’s 
hands,  but  by  the  presence  of  the  troops  to  prevent  the  barba¬ 
rity  and  carnage  which  will  ever  obtain  where  Indians  make 
so  superior  a  part  of  a  detachment ;  I  shall  move  from  hence 
at  eleven  o’clock,  and  be  early  in  the  afternoon  at  the  entrance 
of  the  creek. 

“  I  am,  Sir,  your  most  obt.  and  humble  ser’t. 

“Barry  St.  Leger.” 

“  Lieut.  Bird ,  8 tli  reg't 

The  investment  of  the  fort  was  made  by  Lieut.  Bird  forth¬ 
with — Brant  arriving  to  his  assistance  at  the  same  time. 
But  the  result  of  the  siege  that  followed  proved  that  the  British 
commander  had  grievously  miscalculated  the  spirit  of  the  garri¬ 
son  of  Fort  Stanwix,  in  his  anticipations  of  a  speedy  capitulation. 
Still,  his  prudential  order,  the  object  of  which  was  to  prevent 
an  unnecessary  sacrifice  of  life  at  the  hands  of  his  Indian  allies, 
calculating,  of  course,  upon  an  easy  victory,  was  not  the  less 
commendable  on  that  account. 

The  situation  of  Fort  Stanwix  itself — or  rather  Fort  Schuy¬ 
ler,  as  it  must  now  be  called — next  demands  attention.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  year,  as  we  have  already  seen,  the  post  was 

*  MS.  of  Llie  original  letter,  among  the  Gansevoort  papers. — Vide,  also,  Camp¬ 
bell’s  Annals. 


1777.]  SITUATION  OF  FORT  SCHUYLER.  223 

commanded  by  Colonel  Elmore  of  the  State  service.  The 
term  of  that  officer  expiring  in  April,  Colonel  Peter  Gansevoort, 
also  of  the  State  troops,  was  designated  as  Colonel  Elmore’s 
successor,  by  an  order  from  General  Gates,  dated  the  26th  ot 
that  month.  Notwithstanding  the  labors  of  Colonel  Drayton, 
in  repairing  the  works,  the  preceding  year,  Colonel  Gansevoort 
found  them  in  such  a  state  of  dilapidation,  that  they  were  not 
only  indefensible,  but  untenable.  A  brisk  correspondence 
ensued  between  that  officer  and  General  Schuyler  upon  the 
subject,  from  which  it  is  manifest  that,  to  say  nothing  of  the 
miserable  condition  of  his  defences,  with  the  prospect  of  an  in¬ 
vasion  from  the  West  before  him,  his  situation  was  in  other 
respects  sufficiently  deplorable.  He  had  but  a  small  number 
of  men,  and  many  of  those  were  sick  by  reason  of  destitution.* 
Added  to  all  which  was  the  responsibility  of  the  Indian  relations 
confided  to  him  by  special  order  of  General  Schuyler  on  the 
9th  of  June.t 

Colonel  Marinus  Willett  was  soon  afterward  directed  to  join 
the  garrison  at  Fort  Schuyler  with  his  regiment,  and  most 
fortunate  was  the  selection  of  such  an  officer  as  Willett  to  co¬ 
operate  with  such  another  as  Gansevoort ;  since  all  the  skill, 
and  energy,  and  courage  of  both  were  necessary  for  the  situa¬ 
tion.  The  work  itself  was  originally  a  square  fort,  with  four 
bastions,  surrounded  by  a  ditch  of  considerable  width  and 
depth,  with  a  covert  way  and  glacis  around  three  of  its  angles  ; 
the  other  being  sufficiently  secured  by  low,  marshy  ground. 
In  front  of  the  gate  there  had  been  a  drawbridge,  covered 
by  a  salient  angle  raised  in  front  of  it  on  the  glacis.  In  the  cen¬ 
tre  of  the  ditch  a  row  of  perpendicular  pickets  had  been  erected, 
with  rows  of  horizontal  pickets  fixed  around  the  ramparts  un¬ 
der  the  embrasures.  But  since  the  conclusion  of  the  French 
war,  the  fort  had  fallen  into  decay  ;  the  ditch  was  filled  up,  and 

*  Letters  among  the  Gansevoort  papers. 

f  “You  will  keep  up  a  friendly  intercourse  with  the  Indians,  and  suffer  no 
speeches  to  be  made  to  them  by  any  person  not  employed  in  the  Indian  Depart¬ 
ment;  and  when  you  have  occasion  to  speak  to  them,  let  your  speech  be  written, 
and  a  copy  transmitted  to  me,  that  the  Commissioners  may  be  informed  of  every 
transaction  with  those  people.” — Schuyler’s  letter  to  Colonel  Gansevoort.  Colonel 
G.  lost  no  time  in  holding  a  council  with  such  of  the  chiefs  and  warriors  as  yet  re¬ 
mained  friendly,  and  he  seems  to  have  fully  acquired  their  confidence.  He  delivered 
a  sensible  speech  on  the  occasion,  but  it  contains  nothing  requiring  farther  note. 


224 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 


the  pickets  had  rotted  and  fallen  down  ;*  nor  had  any  suitable 
progress  been  made  in  its  reparation.  Immediate  exertions, 
energetic  and  unremitting,  were  necessary  to  repair,  or  rather 
to  renew  and  reconstruct,  the  works,  and  place  them  in  a  pos¬ 
ture  of  defence,  should  the  long  anticipated  invasion  ensue 
from  that  quarter.  A  more  correct  idea  of  the  wretched  condi¬ 
tion  of  the  post,  even  down  to  the  beginning  of  July,  may  be 
found  from  the  annexed  letter  : —  t 


Colonel  Gansevoort  to  General  Schuyler. 

“  Fort  Schuyler ,  July  Ath,  1777. 

“  Sir, 

“  Having  taken  an  accurate  review  of  the  state  of  the  garri¬ 
son,  I  think  it  is  incumbent  on  me  to  inform  your  Excellency 
by  express  of  our  present  circumstances.  Every  possible  as¬ 
sistance  is  given  to  Captain  Marquizee,  to  enable  him  to  carry 
on  such  works  as  are  deemed  absolutely  necessary  for  the  de¬ 
fence  of  the  garrison.  The  soldiers  are  constantly  at  work — 
even  such  of  them  as  come  off  guard  are  immediately  turned 
out  to  fatigue.  But  I  cannot  conceal  from  your  Excellency 
the  impossibility  of  attending  fully  to  all  the  great  objects 
pointed  out  in  the  orders  issued  to  the  commanding  officer  on 
the  station,  without  farther  assistance.  Sending  out  sufficient 
parties  of  observation,  felling  the  timber  into  Wood  Creek, 
clearing  the  road  from  Fort  Dayton,  which  is  so  embarrassed, 
in  many  parts,  as  to  be  impassable,  and  prosecuting,  at  the 
same  time,  the  internal  business  of  the  garrison,  are  objects  of 
the  greatest  importance,  which  should,  if  possible,  be  imme¬ 
diately  considered.  But  while  no  exertions  compatible  with 
the  circumstances  we  are  in,  and  necessary  to  give  your  Ex¬ 
cellency  satisfaction  with  respect  to  all  these  interesting  matters, 
shall  be  omitted,  I  am  very  sensible  it  is  not  in  our  power  to 
get  over  some  capital  obstructions  without  a  reinforcement. 
The  enclosed  return,  and  the  difficulties  arising  from  the  in¬ 
creasing  number  of  hostile  Indians,  will  show  to  your  Excel¬ 
lency  the  grounds  of  my  opinion.  One  hundred  and  fifty  men 
would  be  needed  speedily  and  effectually  to  obstruct  Wood 
Creek  ;  an  equal  number  will  be  necessary  to  guard  the  men  at 


*  Willett’s  Narrative. 

f  MS.  copy,  preserved  among  General  Gansevoort’s  papers. 


1777.]  SITUATION  OP  FORT  SCHUYLER.  225 

work  ill  felling  and  hauling  of  timber.  Such  a  deduction 
from  our  number,  together  with  smaller  deductions  for  scouting 
parties,  would  scarcely  leave  a  man  in  the  garrison,  which 
might  therefore  be  easily  surprised  by  a  contemptible  parly  of 
the  enemy.  The  number  of  inimical  Indians  increases.  On 
the  affair  of  last  week  only  two  made  their  appearance.  Yes¬ 
terday  a  party  of  at  least  forty,  supposed  to  be  Butler’s  emissa¬ 
ries,  attacked  Ensign  Sporr  with  sixteen  privates,  who  were  out 
on  fatigue,  cutting  turf  about  three  quarters  of  a  mile  from  the 
fort.  One  soldier  was  brought  in  dead  and  inhumanly  man¬ 
gled  ;  two  were  brought  in  wounded — one  of  them  slightly 
and  the  other  mortally.  y  Six  privates  and  Mr.  Sporr  are 
missing.  Two  parties  were  immediately  sent  to  pursue  the 
enemy,  but  they  returned  without  being  able  to  come  up  with 
them.  This  success  will,  no  doubt,  encourage  them  to  send 
out  a  greater  number  ;  and  the  intelligence  they  may  possibly 
acquire,  will  probably  hasten  the  main  body  destined  to  act 
against  us  in  these  parts.  Our  provision  is  greatly  diminished 
by  reason  of  the  spoiling  of  the  beef,  and  the  quantities  that 
must  be  given  from  time  to  time  to  the  Indians.  It  will  not 
hold  out  above  six  weeks.  Your  Excellency  will  perceive,  in 
looking  over  Captain  Savage’s  return  of  the  state  of  the  artillery, 
that  some  essential  articles  are  very  scarce.  As  a  great  num¬ 
ber  of  the  gun-bullets  do  not  suit  the  fire-locks,  some  bullet- 
moulds  of  different  sizes  for  casting  others,  would  be  of  great 
advantage  to  us.  Our  stock  of  powder  is  absolutely  too  little  ;  a 
ton,  in  addition  to  what  we  have,  is  wanted  as  the  lowest  propor¬ 
tion  for  the  shot  we  have  on  hand.  We  will,  notwithstanding 
every  difficulty,  exert  ourselves  to  the  utmost  of  our  power  ;  and 
if  your  Excellency  will  be  pleased  to  order  a  speedy  reinforce¬ 
ment,  with  a  sufficient  supply  of  provision  and  ammunition  to 
enable  us  to  hold  out  a  siege,  we  will,  I  hope,  by  the  blessing 
of  God,  be  able  to  give  a  good  account  of  any  force  that  will 
probably  come  against  us.” 

The  picture  is  gloomy  enough  ;  and  was  rendered  the  more 
so  from  the  mistakes  of  the  engineer,  a  Frenchman,  who  had 
been  employed  by  General  Schuyler,  and  whom  it  was  ulti¬ 
mately  found  necessary  to  arrest  and  send  back  to  head-quarters.* 


*  Willett’s  Narrative. 


226 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[177 7. 


Colonel  Willett  had  from  the  first  doubted  the  capacity  of 
Marquizee,  and  after  his  dismissal  the  work  proceeded  for  the 
most  part  under  his  own  immediate  direction. 

The  garrison  had  likewise  other  difficulties  to  encounter. 
With  the  gathering  of  St.  Leger’s  motley  forces  at  Oswego,  pre¬ 
paratory  to  his  descent  upon  the  Mohawk,  the  Indians,  as  has 
already  been  seen  by  Gansevoort’s  letter,  began  to  appear  in 
scouting  parties  in  the  circumjacent  forests.  The  utmost  cau¬ 
tion  was  therefore  necessary  on  leaving  the  fort,  even  for  a  short 
distance.  It  was  during  this  critical  period  that  the  familiar 
incident  of  Captain  Gregg  and  his  faithful  dog  occurred, 
of  which  the  following  brief  account  was  given  by  Colonel 
Gansevoort : — 

Col.  Gansevoort  to  Gen.  Schuyler,  (Extract.) 

“  Fort  Schuyler ,  June  26,  1777. 

u  I  am  sorry  to  inform  your  Honor  that  Captain  Gregg  and 
Corporal  Madison,  of  my  regiment,  went  out  a  gunning  yester¬ 
day  morning,  contrary  to  orders.  It  seems  they  went  out  just 
after  breakfast,  and  at  about  10  o’clock  Corporal  Madison  was 
killed  and  scalped.  Captain  Gregg  was  shot  through  his  back, 
tomahawked  and  scalped,  and  is  still  alive.  He  informs  me 
that  the  misfortune  happened  about  ten  o’clock  in  the  morning. 
He  looked  at  his  watch  after  he  was  scalped.  He  saw  but  two 
Indians.  He  was  about  one  mile  and  a  half  from  the  fort, 
and  was  not  discovered  until  two  o’clock  in  the  afternoon.  I 
immediately  sent  out  a  party  and  had  him  brought  into  the 
fort,  just  after  three  o’clock  ;  also  the  corpse  of  Madison.  Gregg 
is  perfectly  in  his  senses,  and  speaks  strong  and  hearty,  not¬ 
withstanding  that  his  recovery  is  doubtful.”* 

There  was  little  of  romance  in  Colonel  Gansevoort,  and  he 
related  the  incident  with  military  brevity.  The  story,  how¬ 
ever,  has  often  been  told,  with  a  variety  of  amplifications,  par¬ 
ticularly  in  regard  to  the  wounded  soldier’s  faithful  dog,  to 
whose  affectionate  sagacity  he  is  said  to  have  been  indebted  for 
his  discovery,  if  not  his  life.  According  to  the  narrative  of 
President  Dwight,  it  appears  that  Gregg  and  his  companion 
had  been  seduced  into  a  fatal  disobedience  of  orders,  by  the 


*  MS.  of  the  original  draught,  among  Col.  Gansevoort’s  papers. 


STORY  OF  CAPTAIN  GREGG. 


227 


1777.] 

clouds  of  pigeons  appearing  in  the  adjoining  woods.  Imme¬ 
diately  upon  their  fall,  the  Indians  rushed  upon  them  for  their 
scalps,  which  they  took — giving  each  a  simultaneous  cut  upon 
the  head  with  their  tomahawks.  The  corporal  had  been  killed 
by  the  shot,  but  Captain  Gregg  was  only  wounded.*  Feign¬ 
ing  death,  however,  he  had  the  presence  of  mind,  and  the  for¬ 
titude,  to  submit  to  the  subsequent  torture  without  betraying 
himself  by  a  groan  or  the  quivering  of  a  muscle.  The  Indians 
departing  immediately,  Captain  Gregg  crawled  to  his  lifeless 
companion,  and  pillowed  his  head  upon  his  body ;  while  his 
faithful  dog  ran  to  a  place  at  no  great  distance  thence,  where 
two  men  were  engaged  in  fishing,  and  by  his  imploring  looks 
and  significant  actions,  induced  them  to  follow  him  to  the  spot 
where  lay  his  wounded  master.  Hastening  to  the  fort,  the  fish¬ 
ermen  reported  what  they  had  seen,  and  a  party  of  soldiers  be¬ 
ing  forthwith  despatched  to  the  place,  the  bodies  of  the  wounded 
and  the  dead  were  speedily  brought  into  the  garrison,  as  we 
have  seen  from  the  Colonel’s  official  account.  Captain  Gregg 
was  severely  wounded,  independently  of  the  scalping  ;  and  his 
case  was  for  a  long  time  critical. 

The  friendly  Indians,  then  chiefly,  if  not  exclusively,  Onei- 
das.  though  still  acting  and  speaking  in  the  name  of  the  Six 
Nations,  presented  an  address  of  condolence  to  Colonel  Ganse- 
voort  on  this  occasion,  to  which  the  latter  made  a  suitable  reply, 
which  alone  has  been  preserved,  and  reads  as  follows 

“  Brother  Warriors  of  the  Six  Nations  :  I  thank  you 
for  your  good  talk. 

“  Brothers:  You  tell  us  you  are  sorry  for  the  cruel  usage 
of  Captain  Gregg,  and  the  murder  of  one  of  our  warriors  ;  that 
you  would  have  immediately  pursued  the  murderers,  had  not 
General  Schuyler,  General  Gates,  and  the  French  General,  de¬ 
sired  you  not  to  take  any  part  in  this -war  ;  and  that  you  have 
obeyed  their  orders,  and  are  resolved  to  do  so.  I  commend 
your  good  inclination  and  intention. 

“  Brothers:  You  say  you  have  sent  a  runner  to  the  Six 

*  It  has  been  asserted  in  history,  that  St.  Leger  encouraged  these  isolated  mur¬ 
ders  by  large  bounties  for  scalps.  Twenty  dollars  is  said  to  have  been  the  price  he 
paid  ;  but  his  despatch  to  Lieut.  Bird,  before  cited,  does  not  corroborate  the  charge 
of  such  inhumanity.  That  despatch  was  a  private  document,  moreover,  not  written 
for  the  light,  or  for  effect,  and  must  therefore  be  received  as  true.  It  was  found 
among  Col.  Gansevoort’s  papers. 


228 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 


Nations,  to  inform  them  of  what  has  happened,  and  that  you 
expect  some  of  your  chiefs  will  look  into  the  affair,  and  try  to 
find  out  the  murderers.  You  have  done  well.  I  shall  be  glad 
to  smoke  a  pipe  with  your  chiefs,  and  hope  they  will  do  as  they 
speak. 

“  Brothers  :  I  hope  the  mischief  has  been  done,  not  by  any 
of  our  good  friends  of  the  Oneida  nation,  but  by  the  Tories, 
who  are  enemies  to  you  as  well  as  to  us,  and  who  are  ready  to 
murder  yourselves,  your  wives,  and  children,  if  you  will  not  be 
as  wicked  as  themselves. 

“  Brothers  :  When  your  chiefs  shall  convince  me  that  In¬ 
dians  of  the  Six  Nations  have  had  no  hand  in  this  wicked  thing, 
and  shall  use  means  to  find  out  the  murderers  and  bring  them 
to  justice,  you  may  be  assured  that  we  will  strengthen  the 
chain  of  friendship,  and  embrace  you  as  our  good  brothers.  I 
will  not  suffer  any  of  our  warriors  to  hurt  you.” 

The  address  contained  two  or  three  additional  paragraphs 
in  reference  to  other  subjects.  Captain  Gregg  recovered, 
and  resumed  his  duties ;  and  having  served  to  the  end  of  the 
war,  lived  many  years  afterward. 

Another  tragic  incident  occurred  at  nearly  the  same  time. 
About  noon,  on  the  3d  of  July,  the  day  being  perfectly  clear, 
Colonel  Willet  was  startled  from  his  siesta  by  the  report  of 
musketry.  Hastening  to  the  parapet  of  the  glacis,  he  saw  a 
little  girl  running  with  a  basket  in  her  hand,  while  the  blood 
was  trickling  down  her  bosom.  On  investigating  the  facts,  it 
appeared  that  the  girl,  with  two  others,  was  picking  berries,  not 
two  hundred  yards  from  the  fort,  when  they  were  fired  upon 
by  a  party  of  Indians,  and  two  of  the  number  killed.  Happily, 
she  who  only  was  left  to  tell  the  tale,  was  but  slightly  wounded. 
One  of  the  girls  killed,  was  the  daughter  of  an  invalid,  who  had 
served  many  years  in  the  British  artillery.  He  was  entitled  to 
a  situation  in  Chelsea  Hospital,  but  had  preferred  rather  to  re¬ 
main  in  the  cultivation  of  a  small  piece  of  ground  at  Fort  Stan- 
wix,  than  again  to  cross  the  ocean.* 

By  the  middle  of  July,  the  Indians  hovering  about  the  fort 
became  so  numerous,  and  so  bold,  as  to  occasion  great  annoy¬ 
ance.  Large  parties  of  soldiers  could  only  venture  abroad  on 
the  most  pressing  emergencies  ;  and  even  one  of  these  was  at- 


*  Willett’s  Narrative. 


1777.]  COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  SIEGE.  229 

tacked,  several  of  its  numbers  killed  and  woun  ed,  and  the 
officer  in  command  taken  prisoner.  The  force  of  the  garrison, 
at  this  time,  consisted  of  about  five  hundred  and  fifty  men — ill- 
supplied,  as  we  have  already  seen,  both  with  provisions  and 
munitions  of  war.  Fortunately,  however,  on  the  2d  of  August, 
the  very  day  of  the  investiture  of  the  fort  by  the  advance  of  St. 
Leger’s  army  under  Thayendanegca  and  Bird,  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Mellon,  of  Colonel  Weston’s  regiment,  arrived  with 
two  hundred  men,  and  two  batteaux  of  provisions  and  military 
stores.  Not  a  moment  was  lost  in  conveying  these  opportune 
supplies  into  the  fort.  Delay  would,  indeed,  have  been  danger¬ 
ous  ;  for  at  the  instant  the  last  loads  arrived  at  the  fort,  the  ene¬ 
my  appeared  on  the  skirt  of  the  forest,  so  near  to  the  boats,  that 
the  captain  who  commanded  them  became  their  prisoner.* 

The  command  of  Colonel  Gansevoort  now  consisted  of  seven 
hundred  and  fifty  men,  all  told :  and  upon  examination  it  was 
ascertained  that  they  had  provisions  for  six  weeks — with  fixed 
ammunition  enough  for  the  small  arms.  But  for  the  cannon 
they  were  lamentably  deficient — having  barely  enough  for  nine 
rounds  per  diem  during  the  period  specified.  A  besieging 
army  was  before  the  fort,  and  its  garrison  was  without  a  flag ! 
But  as  necessity  is  the  mother  of  invention,  they  were  not  long 
thus  destitute.  Stripes  of  white  were  cut  from  ammunition 
shirts ;  blue  from  a  camblet  cloak  captured  from  the  enemy ; 
while  the  red  was  supplied  from  such  odds  and  ends  of  clothes 
of  that  hue  as  were  at  hand.t  And,  thus  furnished,  commenced 
the  celebrated  defence  of  Fort  Schuyler. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  Fort  Schuyler  at  the  commence¬ 
ment  of  the  memorable  siege  of  1777 — an  event,  with  its  attend¬ 
ing  circumstances,  forming  an  important  feature  in  the' Northern 
border  warfare  of  the  Revolution.  Colonel  St.  Leger  £  himself 
arrived  before  the  fort  on  the  3d  of  August,  with  his  whole 
force — a  motley  collection  of  British  regulars,  Hessian  auxilia- 

*  Willett’s  Narrative.  1  Idem. 

J  It  is  difficult,  from  the  books,  to  determine  what  was  at  that  time  the  precise 
rank  of  St.  Leger.  He  has  usually  been  called  a  Brigadier  General.  By  some 
contemporary  writers  he  was  called  Colonel  St.  Leger.  But  in  General  Burgoyne’s 
despatches  to  Lord  George  Germaine,  of  August  20,  1777,  he  is  repeatedly  deno¬ 
minated  Lieutenant- Colonel  St.  Leger.  He  is  also  called  Colonel  St.  Leger  by  Bis- 
sett.  But  he,  nevertheless,  signed  his  name  as  a  Brigadier-General  in  a  letter  toCoL 
Gansevoort,  on  the  9th  of  August. 


230 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


ri  — 

[1/  I  (. 


ries,  Ncw-York  loyalists,  usually  denominated  “  Johnson’s 
Greens,”  together  with  numbers  of  the  Canadians,  and  the  In¬ 
dians  under  Thayendanegea.  Sir  John  Johnson,  and  Colonels 
Claus  and  Butler,*  were  also  engaged  with  him  in  the  expe¬ 
dition.  A  flag  was  sent  into  the  fort  on  the  morning  of  that 
day,  with  a  copy  of  a  rather  pompous  proclamation  from  St. 
Leger,  which,  it  was  probably  supposed,  from  its  vaunting 
threats  and  lavish  promises,  might  produce  a  strong  impression 
upon  the  garrison.  “  The  forces  intrusted  to  my  command 
“  are  designed  to  act  in  concert,  and  upon  a  common  principle, 
“  with  the  numerous  armies  and  fleets  which  already  display, 
“  in  every  quarter  of  America,  the  power,  the  justice,  and,  when 
“  properly  sought,  the  mercy  of  the  King.”  So  commenced  the 
proclamation.  After  denouncing  “  the  unnatural  rebellion  ” 
as  having  already  been  made  the  “  foundation  for  the  com- 
“  pletest  system  of  tyranny  that  ever  God  in  his  displeasure  suf- 
“  fered  for  a  time  to  be  exercised  over  a  froward  and  stubborn 
“  generation,”  and  charging  that  “  arbitrary  imprisonment, 
“  confiscation  of  property,  persecution  and  torture,  unprece- 
“  dented  in  the  inquisitions  of  the  Roman  church,  were  among 
“  the  palpable  enormities  that  verified  the  affirmation  ” — and 
after  denouncing  “  the  profanation  of  religion,”  and  other 
“  shocking  proceedings  ”  of  the  civil  authorities  and  commit¬ 
tees  in  rebellion,  the  proclamation  proceeded — “  animated  by 
“  these  considerations ;  at  the  head  of  troops  in  the  full  powers 
“  of  health,  discipline,  and  valor  ;  determined  to  strike  where 
“  necessary,  and  anxious  to  spare  when  possible,  I,  by  these 
“  presents,  invite  and  exhort  all  persons  in  all  places  where  the 
“  progress  of  this  army  may  point,  and  by  the  blessing  of  God 
“  I  will  extend  it  far,  to  maintain  such  a  conduct  as  may  justify 
“  me  in  protecting  their  lands,  habitations,  and  families.”  The 
object  of  his  address  was  to  hold  forth  security,  and  not  depre¬ 
dation  ;  he  offered  employment  to  those  who  would  join  his 
standard  ;  security  to  the  infirm  and  industrious ;  and  payment 
in  coin  for  all  the  supplies  the  people  would  bring  to  his  camp. 
In  conclusion,  he  said — “  If,  notwithstanding  these  endeavors, 


*  At  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  John  Butler  was  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  a  regi¬ 
ment  of  the  Tryon  County  militia,  of  which  Guy  Johnson  was  the  Colonel  and 
Jelles  Fonda  the  Major.  Sir  John  had  been  commissioned  a  General  after  the  de¬ 
cease  of  his  father. 


*•  #-i  f  f  #■  w  & 


References 


-f  Fort  i  V//y/v//y/ 

R  / Lay .  i'ta/C .  ?  rtuiis 

C  X.  West  4  d'i 

I)  X  X/.v/  ,2  d/l. 

E  S  East  l  d°  . 

F  Powder  Magazine. 

G  Laboi alary 
H  Barracks 
I  Horn  work-  begun 

J  Draw  bridge _ 

K  Covet'd  way _ 

I.  Glacis _  _ 

.M  Sally  port 
S  Commandants  Q rs 
0  Willetts  a  ft  art 


Redoubts  Batteries 
ot  British  Army  .... 

1  Battery  of  3  Guns 

2  Bondi  d  u  4  Mortem 

3  d°  3  Gu  ns _ 

I Redoubts  to  rover 
I  the  batteries _  _ _ 

5  Line  i>C  approaches.  . 
G  British  enrttuijuneid  . 

7  Loyalists . _  _ 

8  Indians ..  _ 

I  9  Ruins  of  Fori  Newport 


e;.  GseGl 

sate 


1777.]  PROGRESS  OF  THE  SIEGE.  231 

“  and  sincere  inclinations  to  effect  them,  the  frenzy  of  hostility 
“  should  remain,  I  trust  I  shall  stand  acquitted  in  the  eyes  of 
“  God  and  men,  in  denouncing  and  executing  the  vengeance 
“  of  the  State  against  the  wilful  outcasts.  The  messengers  of 
“justice  and  of  wrath  await  them  in  the  field ;  and  devastation, 
“  famine,  and  every  concomitant  horror  that  a  reluctant,  but 
« indispensable  prosecution  of  military  duty  must  occasion, 
“  will  bar  the  way  to  their  return.”* 

This  manifesto,  however,  produced  no  effect,  then  or  after¬ 
ward.  The  siege  had  been  anticipated,  and  the  brave  garrison, 
officers  and  men,  had  counted  the  cost  and  determined  to  defend 
the  fortress  to  the  last.  Accordingly,  hostilities  commenced 
actively  on  the  morning  of  the  following  day.  The  Indians, 
concealing  themselves  behind  clumps  of  shrubbery  and  stumps 
of  trees,  annoyed  the  men  who  were  employed  in  raising  the 
pavapets  not  a  little  with  their  rifles.  Several  were  wounded  ; 
and  it  was  found  necessary  immediately  to  station  sharp¬ 
shooters  at  suitable  points,  to  watch  opportunities,  and  fire  in  re¬ 
turn.  The  5th  was  spent  in  much  the  same  manner,  with  the 
addition  of  the  throwing  of  a  few  shells  by  the  enemy — several  of 
which  fell  within  the  fort,  and  some  in  the  barracks.  “  On  the 
“  evening  of  this  day,  soon  after  it  was  dark,  the  Indians,  who 
“  were  at  least  one  thousand  in  number,  spread  themselves 
“  through  the  woods,  completely  encircling  the  fort,  and  com- 
“  menced  a  terrible  yelling,  which  was  continued  at  intervals 
“  the  greater  part  of  the  night.”t 

Having  thus  commenced  his  operations,  Colonel  St.  Leger 
found  means  of  conveying  the  intelligence  to  General  Bur- 
goyne — not  for  a  moment  anticipating  the  distressing  circum¬ 
stances  in  which  the  Northern  Commander-in-chief  already 
found  himself  involved,  though  but  mid-way  in  the  career  of 
victory.  Harassed  incessantly  by  the  foes  he  had  vanquished  ; 
unable  to  obtain  supplies,  except  by  sending  back  for  them  to 
Fort  George,  in  which  service  his  troops  were  already  greatly 
fatigued  ;  not  one  third  of  his  horses  arrived  from  Cana¬ 
da  ;  the  roads  excessively  bad,  and  rendered  all  but  impassa- 

*  For  the  proclamation,  entire,  see  Appendix  No.  III.  It  is  a  copy,  or  nearly  eo, 
of  the  proclamation  almost  simultaneously  issued  by  General  Burgoyne,  announcing 
his  approach  from  Lake  Champlain. 

t  Willett’s  Narrative. 


34 


232 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 


ble  by  a  deluge  of  rain  ;  with  only  four  days  of  provisions  on 
hand;  the  vaunting  General,  who  had  boasted  in  the  British 
capital  that,  with  ten  thousand  men,  he  could  march  through 
the  whole  rebel  country  at  pleasure,  already  found  himself  in 
an  unenviable  situation.  But  on  learning  the  advance  of  Ge¬ 
neral  St.  Leger,  he  instantly  and  justly  considered  that  a  rapid 
movement  forward,  at  this  critical  juncture,  would  be  of  the 
utmost  importance.  If  the  retreating  Americans  should  pro¬ 
ceed  up  the  Mohawk  with  a  view  of  relieving  Fort  Schuyler, 
in  the  event  of  St.  Leger’s  success  against  that  place  they 
would  place  themselves  between  two  fires  ;  or  perhaps  Bur- 
goyne  supposed  that  were  such  a  movement  to  be  made  on  the 
part  of  the  Americans,  he  might  yet  throw  his  army  between 
them  and  Albany,  and  thus  compel  them  either  to  stand  a  ge¬ 
neral  engagement  or  to  strike  off  to  the  right,  and  by  recrossing 
the  Hudson  higher  up,  secure  a  retreat  into  New  England.  If, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  Americans  should  abandon  Fort  Schuyler 
to  its  fate,  and  themselves  fall  back  upon  Albany,  he  argued 
that  the  Mohawk  country  would  of  course  be  entirely  laid  open 
to  him  ;  his  junction  with  St.  Leger  established,  and  the  com¬ 
bined  army  be  at  liberty  to  select  its  future  line  of  operation  * 
But  his  supplies  were  inadequate  to  such  an  extensive  opera¬ 
tion,  and  his  army  was  too  weak  to  allow  him  to  keep  up  such 
a  chain  of  posts  as  would  enable  him  to  bring  them  up  daily 
from  the  depot  at  Lake  George.  With  a  view,  therefore,  of 
obtaining  immediate  relief,  and  of  opening  anew  source  of  sup¬ 
ply,  especially  of  cattle,  from  the  upper  settlements  of  New 
England,  the  expedition  to  Bennington,  the  place  of  deposite  of 
provisions  for  the  Provincial  forces,  was  planned,  and  committed 
to  a  detachment  of  the  Hessian  troops,  under  Colonel  Baum,  for 
execution.  The  signal  failure  of  this  expedition  was  calculated 
still  farther  both  to  embarrass  and  depress  the  invaders  ;  while 
the  brilliant  success  of  the  militia  under  General  Starke  on 
that  occasion,  proving,  as  it  had  done,  that  neither  English 
nor  German  troops  were  invincible,  revived  the  drooping  spirits 
of  the  disheartened  ;  re-inspired  the  people  with  confidence  of 
ultimate  success  ;  and  was  the  source  of  universal  exultation. 

The  progress  of  events  brings  us  back  to  the  lower  Valley  of 


*  London  Universal  Magazine. 


1777.]  ADVANCE  OF  GENERAL  HERKIMER.  233 

the  Mohawk.  No  sooner  was  the  advance  of  St.  Leger  upon 
Fort  Schuyler  known  to  the  Committee  and  officers  of  Tryon 
County,  than  General  Herkimer,  in  conformity  with  the  pro¬ 
clamation  heretofore  cited,  summoned  the  militia  of  his  com¬ 
mand  to  the  field,  for  the  purpose  of  marching  to  the  succor  of 
the  garrison.  Notwithstanding  the  despondency  that  had  pre¬ 
vailed  in  the  early  part  of  the  Summer,  the  call  was  nobly  re¬ 
sponded  to,  not  only  by  the  militia,  but  by  the  gentlemen  ol 
the  County,  and  most  of  the  members  of  the  Committee,  who 
entered  the  field  either  as  officers  or  private  volunteers.  The 
fears  so  generally  and  so  recently  indulged  seemed  all  to  have 
vanished  with  the  arrival  of  the  invader,  and  the  General  soon 
found  himself  at  the  head  of  between  eight  hundred  and  a 
thousand  men,  all  eager  for  action  and  impatient  of  delay. 
Their  place  of  rendezvous  was  at  Fort  Dayton,  (German  Flatts,) 
in  the  upper  section  of  the  Mohawk  Yalley — and  the  most 
beautiful.  The  regiments  were  those  of  Colonels  Klock, 
Yisscher,  Cox,  and  one  or  two  others,  augmented  by  volunteers 
and  volunteer  officers,  who  were  pushing  forward  as  though  de¬ 
termined  at  all  hazards  to  redeem  the  character  of  the  county. 
Indeed,  their  proceedings  were  by  far  too  impetuous,  since  they 
hurried  forward  in  their  march  without  order  or  precaution, 
without  adequate  flanking  parties,  and  without  reconnoitring 
the  ground  over  which  they  were  to  pass.  They  moved  from 
Fort  Dayton  on  the  4th,  and  on  the  5th  reached  the  neighbor¬ 
hood  of  0  risk  any,*  where  they  encamped.  From  this  point 
an  express  t  was  sent  forward  by  General  Herkimer  to  apprise 
Colonel  Gansevoort  of  his  approach,  and  to  concert  measures  of 
co-operation.  The  arrival  of  the  express  at  the  fort  was  to  be 
announced  by  three  successive  discharges  of  cannon,  the  re¬ 
port  of  which,  it  was  supposed,  would  be  distinctly  heard  at 
Oriskany — only  eight  miles  distant.  Delays,  however,  inter¬ 
vened,  so  that  the  messengers  did  not  reach  the  fort  until  ten  or 
eleven  o’clock  on  the  following  morning ;  previous  to  which 
the  camp  of  the  enemy  being  uncommonly  silent,  a  portion  of 
their  troops  had  been  observed  by  the  garrison  to  be  moving 
along  the  edge  of  the  woods  down  the  river,  in  the  direction  of 

*  Probably  the  site  of  Whitestown.  One  of  the  MS.  narratives  in  the  author’s 
possession  says  they  crossed  the  river  at  old  Fort  Schuyler  (now  Utica.) 

f  Adam  Helmer  accompanied  by  two  other  men. 


234 


FIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 

the  Oriskany  Creek.* * * §  The  concerted  signals  were  immediate¬ 
ly  fired  ;t  and  as  the  proposition  of  Herkimer  was  to  force  a 
passage  to  the  fort,  arrangements  were  immediately  made  by 
Colonel  Gansevoort  to  effect  a  diversion  of  the  enemy’s  atten¬ 
tion,  by  making  a  sally  from  the  fort  upon  the  hostile  camp, 
for  which  purpose  two  hundred  men  were  detailed,  consisting 
one  half  of  Gansevoort’s,  and  one  half  of  the  Massachusetts 
troops,  and  one  field-piece— an  iron  three  pounder.  The  exe¬ 
cution  of  tiie  enterprise  was  entrusted  to  Colonel  Willett.! 

It  appears  that  on  the  morning  of  that  day,  which  was  the 
6th  of  August,  General  Herkimer  had  misgivings  as  to  the  pro¬ 
priety  of  advancing  any  farther  without  first  receiving  reinforce¬ 
ments.  His  officers,  however,  were  eager  to  press  forward.  A 
consultation  was  held,  in  which  some  of  the  officers  manifested 
much  impatience  at  any  delay,  while  the  General  still  urged 
them  to  remain  where  they  were  until  reinforcements  could 
come  up,  or  at  least  until  the  signal  of  a  sortie  should  be  re¬ 
ceived  from  the  fort.  High  words  ensued,  during  which 
Colonels  Cox  and  Paris,  and  many  others,  denounced  their 
commander  to  his  face  as  a  Tory  and  coward.  The  brave  old 
man  calmly  replied  that  he  considered  himself  placed  over 
them  as  a  father,  and  that  it  was  not  his  wish  to  lead  them  into 
any  difficulty  from  which  he  could  not  extricate  them.  Burn¬ 
ing,  as  they  now  seemed,  to  meet  the  enemy,  he  told  them 
roundly  that  they  would  run  at  his  first  appearance. §  But  his 
remonstrances  were  unavailing.  Their  clamor  increased,  and 
their  reproaches  were  repeated,  until,  stung  by  imputations  of 
cowardice  and  a  want  of  fidelity  to  the  cause, II  and  somewhat 
irritated  withal,  the  General  immediately  gave  the  order — 


*  Letter  of  Colonel  Willett  to  Governor  Trumbull  of  Connecticut. 

+  MS.  of  Captain  Henry  Seeber,  in  the  author’s  possession.  See,  also,  Willett’s 
Narrative. 

J  Willett’s  letter  to  Governor  Trumbull.  The  officers  serving  in  this  detach¬ 
ment  were  Captain  Van  Benschoten  and  Lieutenant  Stockwell,  who  led  the  ad¬ 
vance  guard  ;  Captains  Allen,  (of  Massachusetts,)  Bleecker,  Johnson,  and  Swart- 
wout;  Lieutenants  Diefendorf,  Conyne,  Bogardus,  M’Clenner,  and  Ball;  Ensigns 
Chase,  Bailey,  Lewis,  Denniston,  Magee,  and  Ament.  The  rear-guard  was  com¬ 
manded  by  Major  Badlam. 

§  Travels  of  President  Dwight,  vol.  iii.  p.  192. 

||  MS.  statement  of  George  Walter,  in  possession  of  the  author;  also  of  Henry 
Seeber. 


BATTLE  OF  OR  I  SKA  NY. 


235 


1777.] 

“  March  on  !”* * * §  The  words  were  no  sooner  heard  than  the 
troops  wave  a  shout,  and  moved,  or  rather  rushed  forward. 
They  marched  in  files  of  two  deep,  preceded  by  an  advanced 
guard  and  keeping  flanks  upon  each  side.! 

Having,  by  10  o’clock,  proceeded  rapidly  forward  to  the  dis¬ 
tance  of  only  two  or  three  miles, {  the  guards,  both  front  and 
flanks,  were  suddenly  shot  down,  the  forest  rang  with  the  war- 
whoops  of  a  savage  foe,  and  in  an  instant  the  greater  part  of 
the  division  found  itself  in  the  midst  of  a  formidable  ambuscade. 
Colonel  St.  Leger,  it  appeared,  having  heard  of  the  advance  of 
General  Herkimer,  in  order  to  prevent  an  attack  in  his  intrench- 
ments,  had  detached  a  division  of  Sir  John  Johnson’s  regiment 
of  Greens,  under  Sir  John’s  brother-in-law,  Major  Watts,  Colo¬ 
nel  Butler  with  his  Rangers,  and  Joseph  Brant  with  a  strong 
body  of  Indians,  to  intercept  his  approach.§  With  true  Indian 
sagacity,  Thayendanegea  had  selected  a  position  admirably  fit¬ 
ted  for  his  purpose,  which  was,  to  draw  the  Americans,  whom 
he  well  knew  to  be  approaching  in  no  very  good  military  array, 
into  an  ambuscade.  The  locality  favored  his  design.  There 
was  a  deep  ravine  crossing  the  path  which  Herkimer  with  his 
undisciplined  array  was  traversing,  “  sweeping  toward  the 
“  East  in  a  semi-circular  form,  and  bearing  a  Northern  and 
“  Southern  direction.  The  bottom  of  this  ravine  was  marshy, 
“  and  the  road  crossed  it  by  means  of  a  causeway.  The  ground, 
“  thus  partly  enclosed  by  the  ravine,  was  elevated  and  level. 
“  The  ambuscade  was  laid  upon  the  high  ground  west  of  the 
“  ravine.”ll 

The  enemy  had  disposed  himself  adroitly,  in  a  circle,  leav¬ 
ing  only  a  narrow  segment  open  for  the  admission  of  the  ill- 
starred  Provincials  on  their  approach.  The  stratagem  was 

*  Statement  of  Adam  Miller,  in  possession  of  the  author. 

t  It  has  been  charged  by  most  writers  that  even  these  ordinary  precautions  were 
not  observed.  Miller  and  Walter,  however,  both  assert  the  fact. 

J  The  battle  ground  is  about  two  miles  west  of  Oriskany,  and  six  from  Whites- 
borough. 

§  In  every  account  of  this  battle  which  has  fallen  under  the  author’s  observation, 
excepting  that  of  Colonel  Willett,  Sir  John  Johnson  is  made  the  British  commander 
at  this  battle.  He  was  not  in  it  at  all,  as  will  appear  a  few  pages  forward.  Even  the 
cautious  and  inquisitive  President  Dwight  falls  into  the  error,  and  carries  it  through 
his  whole  account. 

||  Campbell’s  Annals, 


236 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 


successful.  Unconscious  of  the  presence  of  the  foe,  Herkimer, 
with  his  whole  army  excepting  the  rear-guarcl,  composed  of 
Colonel  Yisscher’s  regiment,  found  himself  encompassed  at 
the  first  fire — the  enemy  closing  up  the  gap  at  the  instant  of 
making  himself  known.  By  thus  early  completing  the  circle,  the 
baggage  and  ammunition  waggons,  which  had  just  descended 
into  the  ravine,  were  cut  off  and  separated  from  the  main  body, 
as  also  was  the  regiment  of  Colonel  Yisscher,  yet  on  the  Eastern 
side  of  the  ravine ;  which,  as  their  general  had  predicted, 
instantly  and  ingloriously  fled,  leaving  their  companions  to 
their  fate.  They  were  pursued,  however,  by  a  portion  of  the 
Indians,  and  suffered  more  severely,  probably,  than  they  would 
have  done,  had  they  stood  by  their  fellows  in  the  hour  of  need, 
either  to  conquer  or  to  fall. 

Being  thrown  into  irretrievable  disorder  by  the  suddenness  of 
the  surprise  and  the  destructiveness  of  the  fire,  which  was 
close  and  brisk  from  every  side,  the  division  was  for  a  time 
threatened  with  annihilation.  At  every  opportunity  the  sa¬ 
vages,  concealed  behind  the  trunks  of  trees,  darted  forward 
with  knife  and  tomahawk  to  ensure  the  destruction  of  those 
who  fell ;  and  many  and  fierce  were  the  conflicts  that  ensued 
hand  to  hand.  The  veteran  Herkimer  fell,  wounded,  in  the 
early  part  of  the  action — a  musket  ball  having  passed  through 
and  killed  his  horse,  and  shattered  his  own  leg  just  below  the 
knee.*  The  General  was  placed  upon  his  saddle,  however, 
against  the  trunk  of  a  tree  for  his  support,  and  thus  continued 
to  order  the  battle.  Colonel  Cox,  and  Captains  Davis  and  Yan 
Sluyck,  were  severally  killed  near  the  commencement  of  the 
engagement ;  and  the  slaughter  of  their  broken  ranks,  from  the 
rifles  of  the  Tories  and  the  spears  and  tomahawks  of  the  Indians, 
was  dreadful.  But  even  in  this  deplorable  situation  the 
wounded  General,  his  men  dropping  like  leaves  around  him, 
and  the  forest  resounding  with  the  horrid  yells  of  the  savages, 
ringing  high  and  wild  over  the  din  of  battle,  behaved  with  the 
most  perfect  firmness  and  composure.  The  action  had  lasted 
about  forty-five  minutes  in  great  disorder,  before  the  Provincials 
formed  themselves  into  circles  in  order  to  repel  the  attacks  ot 
the  enemy,  who  were  concentrating,  and  closing  in  upon  them 


*  Walton’s  MS.  account. 


BATTLE  OF  ORISKANY. 


237 


1777.] 

from  all  sides.* * * §  From  this  moment  the  resistance  of  the  Pro¬ 
vincials  was  more  effective,  and  the  enemy  attempted  to  charge 
with  the  bayonet.  The  firing  ceased  for  a  time,  excepting  the 
scattering  discharges  of  musquetry  from  the  Indians  ;  and  as 
the  bayonets  crossed,  the  contest  became  a  death  struggle,  hand 
to  hand  and  foot  to  foot.  Never,  however,  did  brave  men  stand 
a  charge  with  more  dauntless  courage,  and  the  enemy  for  the 
moment  seemed  to  recoil — -just  at  the  instant  when  the  work 
of  death  was  arrested  by  a  heavy  shower  of  rain,  which  sud¬ 
denly  broke  upon  the  combatants  with  great  fury.  The  storm 
raged  for  upward  of  an  hour,  during  which  time  the  enemy 
sought  such  shelter  as  might  be  found  among  the  trees  at  a 
respectful  distance  ;  for  they  had  already  suffered  severely,  not¬ 
withstanding  the  advantages  in  their  favor. 

During  this  suspension  of  the  battle,  both  parties  had  time  to 
look  about,  and  make  such  new  dispositions  as  they  pleased 
for  attack  and  defence,  on  renewing  the  murderous  conflict. 
The  Provincials,  under  the  direction  of  their  General,  were  so 
fortunate  as  to  take  possession  of  an  advantageous  piece  of 
ground,  upon  which  his  men  formed  themselves  into  a  circle, 
and  as  the  shower  broke  away,  awaited  the  movements  of  the 
enemy.  In  the  early  part  of  the  battle,  the  Indians,  whenever 
they  saw  a  gun  fired  by  a  militia-man  from  behind  a  tree,  rushed 
upon  and  tomahawked  him  before  he  could  re-load.  In  order 
to  counteract  this  mode  of  warfare,  two  men  were  stationed 
behind  a  single  tree,  one  only  to  fire  at  a  time — the  other  re¬ 
serving  his  fire  until  the  Indians  ran  up  as  before.!  The  fight 
was  presently  renewed,  and  by  the  new  arrangement,  and  the 
cool  execution  done  by  the  fire  of  the  militia  forming  the  main 
circle,  the  Indians  were  made  to  suffer  severely;  so  much  so, 
that  they  began  to  give  way,  when  Major  Watts  f  came  up  with 
a  reinforcement,  consisting  of  another  detachment  of  Johnson’s 
Greens. §  These  men  were  mostly  loyalists,  who  had  fled  from 

*  The  first  movement  of  this  kind  was  made  by  Jacob  Seeber,  without  orders,  ac¬ 
cording  to  the  narrative  of  Henry  Seeber. 

f  Campbell’s  Annals. 

|  Brother  of  the  late  venerable  John  Watts,  of  New-York. 

§  Campbell.  Ths  enemy,  as  on  the  march  from  Oswego,  had  posted  a  line  of 
sentinels  at  short  distances  from  each  other,  extending  from  St.  Leger’s  intrench- 
ments  to  the  scene  of  action ;  so  that  communications  could  be  interchanged  rapidly, 
and  at  pleasure. 


238 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 


Tryon  County,  now  returned  in  arms  against  their  former 
neighbors.  As  no  quarrels  are  so  bitter  as  those  of  families,  so 
no  wars  are  so  cruel  and  passionate  as  those  called  civil.  Many 
of  the  Provincials  and  Greens  were  known  to  each  other ;  and 
as  they  advanced  so  near  as  to  afford  opportunities  of  mutual 
recognition,  the  contest  became,  if  possible,  more  of  a  death 
struggle  than  before.  Mutual  resentments,  and  feelings  of  hate 
and  revenge,  raged  in  their  bosoms.  The  Provincials  fired 
upon  them  as  they  advanced,  and  then  springing  like  chafed 
tigers  from  their  covers,  attacked  them  with  their  bayonets  and 
the  butts  of  their  muskets,  or  both  parties  in  closer  contact 
throttled  each  other  and  drew  their  knives ;  stabbing,  and 
sometimes  literally  dying  in  one  another’s  embrace. 

At  length  a  firing:  was  heard  in  the  distance  from  the  fort,  a 
sound  as  welcome  to  the  Provincials  as  it  was  astounding  to 
the  enemy.  Availing  themselves  of  the  hint,  however,  a  ruse- 
de-guerre  was  attempted  by  Colonel  Butler,  which  had  well- 
nigh  proved  fatal.  It  was  the  sending,  suddenly,  from  the  di¬ 
rection  of  the  fort,  a  detachment  of  the  Greens  disguised  as 
American  troops,  in  the  expectation  that  they  might  be  received 
as  a  timely  reinforcement  from  the  garrison.  Lieutenant  Jacob 
Sammons  was  the  first  to  descry  their  approach,  in  the  direction 
of  a  body  of  men  commanded  by  Captain  Jacob  Gardenier — an 
officer  who,  during  that  memorable  day,  performed  prodigies 
of  valor.  Perceiving  that  their  hats  were  American,  Sammons 
informed  Captain  Gardenier  that  succors  from  the  fort  were 
coming  up.  The  quick  eye  of  the  Captain  detected  the  ruse, 
and  he  replied — “  Not  so  :  they  are  enemies  :  don’t  you  see 
their  green  coats  !”*  They  continued  to  advance  until  hailed 
by  Gardenier,  at  which  moment  one  of  his  own  soldiers,  ob¬ 
serving  an  acquaintance,  and  supposing  him  a  friend,  ran  to 
meet  him,  and  presented  his  hand.  It  was  grasped,  but  with  no 
friendly  gripe,  as  the  credulous  fellow  was  dragged  into  the 
opposing  line,  and  informed  that  he  was  a  prisoner.  He  did  not 
yield  without  a  struggle ;  during  which  Gardenier,  watching 
the  action  and  the  result,  sprang  forward,  and  with  a  blow  from 
his  spear  levelled  the  captor  to  the  dust  and  liberated  his  man.t 
Others  of  the  foe  instantly  set  upon  him,  of  whom  he  slew  the 


*  Manuscript  narrative  of  William  Gardenier,  in  the  possession  of  the  author, 
t  Idem, 


1777.]  BATTLE  OF  ORISKANY.  239 

second  and  wounded  a  third.  Three  of  the  disguised  Greens 
now  sprang  upon  him,  and  one  of  his  spurs  becoming  en¬ 
tangled  in  their  clothes,  he  was  thrown  to  the  ground.  Still 
contending,  however,  with  almost  super-human  strength,  both 
of  his  thighs  were  transfixed  to  the  earth  by  the  bayonets  of 
two  of  his  assailants,  while  the  third  presented  a  bayonet  to 
his  breast,  as  if  to  thrust  him  through.  Seizing  this  bayonet 
with  his  left  hand,  by  a  sudden  wrench  he  brought  its  owner 
down  upon  himself,  where  he  held  him  as  a  shield  against  the 
arms  of  the  others,  until  one  of  his  own  men,  Adam  Miller,* 
observing  the  struggle,  flew  to  his  rescue.  As  the  assailants 
turned  upon  their  new  adversary,  Gardenier  rose  upon  his  seat  ; 
and  although  his  hand  was  severely  lacerated  by  grasping  the 
bayonet  which  had  been  drawn  through  it,  he  seized  his  spear 
lying  by  his  side,  and  quick  as  lightning  planted  it  to  the  barb 
in  the  side  of  the  assailant  with  whom  he  had  been  clenched. 
The  man  fell  and  expired — proving  to  be  Lieutenant  M;Don- 
ald,  one  of  the  loyalist  officers  from  Tryon  County.  All  this 
transpired  in  far  less  time  than  is  necessarily  occupied  by  the  re¬ 
lation.  While  engaged  in  the  struggle,  some  of  his  own  men 
culled  out  to  Gardenier — “  for  God’s  sake,  Captain,  you  are 
killing  your  own  men  !”  He  replied — “  they  are  not  our  men — 
they  are  the  enemy — fire  away !”  A  deadly  fire  from  the  Pro¬ 
vincials  ensued,  during  which  about  thirty  of  the  Greens  fell 
slain,  and  many  Indian  warriors.  The  parties  once  more 
rushed  upon  each  other  with  bayonet  and  spear,  grappling  and 
fighting  with  terrible  fury ;  while  the  shattering  of  shafts  and 
the  clashing  of  steel  mingled  with  every  dread  sound  of  war  and 
death,  and  the  savage  yells,  more  hideous  than  all,  presented  a 
scene  which  can  be  more  easily  imagined  than  described.! 
The  unparalleled  fortitude  and  bravery  of  Captain  Gardenier  in¬ 
fused  fresh  spirits  into  his  men,  some  of  whom  enacted  won¬ 
ders  of  valor  likewise.  It  happened  during  the  melee:  in 

*  The  same  whose  private  narrative  has  already  been  cited, 
f  MS.  of  William  Gardenier.  It  was  in  reference  to  these  individual  deeds  of 
prowess,  that  the  eloquent  Gouvemeur  Morris  thus  spoke  in  his  address  before 
the  New- York  Historical  Society: — “Let  me  recall,  gentlemen,  to  your  recollec¬ 
tion,  that  bloody  field  in  which  Herkimer  fell.  There  was  found  the  Indian  and 
the  white  man  born  on  the  banks  of  the  Mohawk,  their  left  hand  clenched  in  each 
other’s  hair,  the  right  grasping  in  a  gripe  of  death,  the  knife  plunged  in  each  other’s 
bosom  j  thus  they  lay  frowning.” 


3  r» 


240 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 

which  the  contending  parties  were  mingled  in  great  confusion, 
that  three  of  Johnson’s  Greens  rushed  within  the  circle  of  the 
Provincials,  and  attempted  to  make  prisoner  of  a  Captain  Dil- 
lenback.  This  officer  had  declared  he  would  never  be  taken 
alive,  and  he  was  not.  One  of  his  three  assailants  seized  his 
gun,  but  he  suddenly  wrenched  it  from  him,  and  felled  him 
with  the  butt.  He  shot  the  second  dead,  and  thrust  the  third 
through  with  his  bayonet.*  But  in  the  moment  of  his  triumph 
at  an  exploit  of  which  even  the  mighty  Hector,  or  either  of  the 
sons  of  Zeruiah  might  have  been  proud,  a  ball  laid  this  brave 
man  low  in  the  dust. 

Such  a  conflict  as  this  could  not  be  continued  longr ;  and  the 
Indians,  perceiving  with  what  ardor  the  Provincials  maintained 
the  fight,  and  finding  their  own  numbers  sadly  diminished,  now 
raised  the  retreating  cry  of  “  Oonah  /”  and  fled  in  every  direc¬ 
tion,  under  the  shouts  and  hurrahs  of  the  surviving  Provincials 
and,  a  shower  of  bullets.  Finding,  moreover,  from  the  firing  at 
the  fort,  that,  their  presence  was  necessary  elsewhere,  the 
Greens  and  Rangers  now  retreated  precipitately,  leaving  the 
victorious  militia  of  Try  on  County  masters  of  the  field. t 

Thus  ended  one  of  the  severest,  and,  for  the  numbers  en¬ 
gaged,  one  of  the  most  bloody  battles  of  the  Revolutionary 
war.  Though  victorious,  the  loss  of  the  Provincials  was  very 
heavy  ;  and  Tryon  County  long  had  reason  to  mourn  that  day. 
Colonel  Paris  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  enemy,  and  afterward 
murdered  by  the  Indians.  Several  other  prisoners  were  also 
killed  by  the  savages,  after  they  had  been  brought  into  Colonel 
Butler’s  quarters ;  and,  as  it  was  said,  by  the  Colonel’s  own 
tacit  consent,  if  not  permission  in  terms.  But  the  general  cha¬ 
racter  of  that  officer  forbids  the  imputation.  +  Major  John  Frey, 
of  Colonel  Klock’s  regiment,  was  likewise  wounded  and  taken  ; 

*  George  Walter  relates  this  incident,  in  his  narrative,  in  the  possession  of  the 
author.  Walter  was  himself  a  witness  of  the  fact,  while  lying  wounded  with  two 
balls,  by  the  side  of  General  Herkimer. 

j  It  is  an  extraordinary  fact,  that  every  historian  who  has  written  of  the  battle  of 
Oriskany,  has  recorded  it  as  a  defeat  of  the  Provincials,  from  Marshall  and  R.amsay 
down,  to  say  nothing  of  the  British  chroniclers.  Such  was  also  the  author’s  im¬ 
pression  until  he  undertook  the  present  investigation.  Captain  Brant  himself,  in 
conversation  with  Samuel  W oodruff,  Esq.  admitted  that  they  were  the  victors ;  and 
all  the  written  statements  which  the  author  has  been  able  to  procure  from  the  surviv¬ 
ors  of  that  battle,  bear  the  same  testimony. 

1  The  late  Doctor  Moses  Younglove,  of  Hudson,  Columbia  County,  was  the 


BATTLE  OF  OR  I  SIC  AN  V. 


241 


1777.] 

and  to  show  the  more  than  savage  fury  burning  in  the  bosoms 
of  the  men  brought  into  conflict  on  this  occasion,  the  disgrace¬ 
ful  fact  may  be  added,  that  his  own  brother,  who  was  in  the 
British  service,  attempted  to  take  his  life  after  he  had  arrived  in 
Butler’s  camp.  The  Major  saw  his  brother  approaching  in  a 
menacing  manner,  and  called  out — “  Brother,  do  not  kill  me  ! 
Do  you  not  know  me But  the  infuriated  brother  rushed 
forward,  and  the  Major  was  only  saved  by  the  interposition  of 
others/  The  whole  number  of  the  Provincial  militia  killed 
was  two  hundred,  exclusive  of  wounded  and  lost  as  prisoners. 
Such,  at  least,  was  the  American  report.  The  British  state¬ 
ments  claimed  that  four  hundred  of  the  Americans  were  killed, 
and  two  hundred  taken  prisoners/ 

Retaining  possession  of  the  field,  the  survivors  immediately 
set  themselves  at  work  in  constructing  rude  litters,  upon  which 
to  bear  off  the  wounded.  Between  forty  and  fifty  of  these, 
among  whom  was  the  commanding  General,  were  removed  in 
this  manner.  The  brave  old  man,  notwithstanding  the  impru¬ 
dence  of  the  morning — imprudence  in  allowing  a  premature 
movement  at  the  dictation  of  his  subordinates — had  nobly  vin¬ 
dicated  his  character  for  courage  during  the  day.  Though 
wounded,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the  onset,  he  had  borne  himself 
during  the  six  hours  of  conflict,  under  the  most  trying  circum¬ 
stances,  with  a  degree  of  fortitude  and  composure  worthy  of  all 
admiration.  Nor  was  his  example  without  effect  in  sustaining 
his  troops  amid  the  perils  by  which  they  were  environed.  At 
one  time  during  the  battle,  while  sitting  upon  his  saddle  raised 

surgeon  of  General  Herkimer’s  brigade.  He  was  taken  prisoner  in  this  battle  by  a 
sergeant  of  Sir  John  Johnson’s  regiment.  After  his  release  he  made  a  deposition 
setting  forth  many  grievous  barbarities  committed,  both  by  the  Indians  and  Tories, 
upon  the  prisoners  who  fell  into  their  hands  that  day.  They  were  cruelly  tortured, 
several  of  them  murdered  ;  and,  as  the  Doctor  had  reason  to  believe,  some  of  them 
were  subsequently  taken  to  an  island  in  Lake  Ontario,  and  eaten.  This  is  scarcely 
to  be  believed.  See  Deposition  of  Dr.  Younglove,  Appendix  No.  IV. 

*  MS.  statement  of  Jacob  Timmerman,  in  the  author’s  possession, 
t  “  On  the  5th  I  learned,  from  discovering  parties  on  the  Mohawk  river,  that  a  body 
of  one  thousand  militia  were  on  their  march  to  raise  the  siege.  On  the  confirmation 
of  this  news,  I  moved  a  large  body  of  Indians,  with  some  troops,  the  same  night,  to 
lay  in  ambuscade  for  them  on  their  march.  They  fell  into  it.  The  completest  vic¬ 
tory  was  obtained.  Above  four  hundred  lay  dead  on  the  field,  amongst  the  number 
of  whom  were  almost  all  the  principal  movers  of  rebellion  in  that,  country.” — Letter 
of  Colonel  Si.  Lrger  to  General  Burgoyne ,  .lug.  11,  1777. 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[  L  /  /  / . 

upon  a  little  hillock,  being1  advised  to  select  a  less  exposed  situa¬ 
tion,  he  replied — “  I  will  face  the  enemy.”  Thus,  “  surrounded 
“  by  a  few  men,  he  continued  to  issue  his  orders  with  firmness. 
“  In  this  situation,  and  in  the  heat  of  the  onslaught,  he  delibe- 
“  rately  took  his  tinder-box  from  his  pocket,  lit  his  pipe,  and 
“  smoked  with  great  composure.”*  At  the  moment  the  soldiers 
were  placing  him  on  the  litter,  while  adjusting  the  blankets  to 
the  poles,  three  Indians  approached,  and  were  instantly  shot 
down  by  the  unerring  rifles  of  three  of  the  militia.  These 
were  the  last  shots  fired  in  that  battle.f 

The  loss  of  the  enemy  in  this  engagement  was  equally,  if 
not  more  severe,  than  that  of  the  Americans.  The  Greens  and 
Rangers  of  Sir  John  Johnson  and  Colonel  Butler  must  have 
suffered  badly,  although  no  returns  were  given  in  the  contem¬ 
poraneous  accounts.  Major  Watts  was  severely  wounded  and 
left  on  the  field,  as  was  supposed,  among  the  slain.  His  death 
was  reported  by  Colonel  Willett,  in  his  letter  to  Governor 
Trumbull,  and  by  other  authorities.  But  such  was  not  the 
fact.  Reviving  from  faintness  produced  by  loss  of  blood,  some 
hours  after  the  action,  he  succeeded  in  crawling  to  a  brook, 
where,  by  slaking  his  thirst,  he  was  preserved  from  speedy 
death,  and  in  the  course  of  two  or  three  days  was  found  by 

*  Campbell.  An  officer,  who  was  in  the  general  staff  at  the  battle  of  Leipzig,  has 
related  to  the  author  a  very  similar  incident  in  the  conduct  of  old  Blucher.  He  was 
not  wounded  ;  but  he  sat  upon  a  hillock,  issuing  his  orders  and  smoking  his  pipe, 
while  the  cannon  balls  were  ploughing  up  the  earth  about  him. 

f  Narrative  of  Jacob  Sammons,  MS.  The  officers  of  the  Tryon  County  militia 
killed  or  wounded  in  this  battle  were  as  follows : — In  Colonel  Frederick  Visscher’s 
regiment,  Captains  John  Davis  and  Samuel  Pettingill,  killed;  Major  Blauvelt  and 
Lieut.  Groat  taken  prisoners  and  never  heard  of  afterward  ;  Captain  Jacob  Garde- 
nier  and  Lieut.  Samuel  Gardenier  wounded.  In  Colonel  Jacob  Klock’s  regiment, 
Major  John  Eisenlord,  and  Major  Van  Sluyck,  and  Captain  Andrew  Dillenback, 
killed ;  Captains  Christopher  Fox  and  John  Breadbeg,  wounded ;  Brigade  Major 
John  Frey,  wounded  and  taken  prisoner.  In  Colonel  Peter  Bellinger’s  regiment, 
Major  Enos  Klepsattle,  Captain  Frederick  Helmer,  and  Lieut.  Petrie,  were  killed. 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Frederick  Bellinger  and  Henry  Walradt'  were  taken  prisoners. 
In  Colonel  Ebenezer  Cox’s  regiment,  Colonel  Cox  and  Lieut.  Col.  Hunt  were 
killed  ;  Captains  Henry  Diefendorf,  and  Robert  Crouse,  and  Jacob  Bowman,  kill¬ 
ed.  Captain  Jacob  Seeber  and  Lieut.  William  Seeber  mortally  wounded.  The 
surgeon,  Moses  Younglove,  was  taken  prisoner.  Among  the  volunteers  not  be¬ 
longing  to  the  militia,  who  were  killed,  were  Isaac  Paris,  (then  a  member  of  the 
Legislature,)  Samuel  Billington,  John  Dygert,  and  Jacob  Snell,  members  of  the 
Committee  of  Safety.  There  was  likewise  a  Captain  Graves  who  fell,  but  to  which 
regiment  he  belonged  the  author  has  not  ascertained. 


BATTLE  OF  ORISKANY. 


243 


1777.] 

some  Indian  scouts,  and  brought  into  St.  Leger’s  camp.* * * §  But 
the  Indians  were  the  most  roughly  handled,  they  having  lost 
nearly  one  hundred  warriors,  several  of  whom  were  sachems  in 
great  favor.  Frederick  Sammons,  who  had  been  detached  up¬ 
on  a  distant  scout  previous  to  the  battle,  returning  some  days 
afterward,  crossed  the  battle-field,  where,  he  says — “I  beheld 
“  the  most  shocking  sight  I  had  ever  witnessed.  The  Indians 
“  and  white  men  were  mingled  with  one  another,  just  as  they 
“  had  been  left  when  death  had  first  completed  his  work, 
“  Many  bodies  had  also  been  torn  to  pieces  by  wild  beasts.5’! 

It  has  been  affirmed  that  the  Indians  were  persuaded  to  join 
in  this  battle  only  with  great  difficulty,  and  not  until  they  had 
been  induced  to  sacrifice  their  reason  to  their  appetites.  It  was 
very  manifest  that  during  the  action  many  of  them  were  intox¬ 
icated.  The  consequence  was,  that  they  suffered  more  severely 
than  ever  before.!  According  to  the  narrative  of  Mary  Jemison, 
the  Indians,  (at  least  the  Senecas,)  were  deceived  into  the  cam¬ 
paign.  “  They  were  sent  for  to  see  the  British  whip  the  rebels. 
“  They  were  told  that  they  were  not  wanted  to  fight,  but  merely 
“  to  sit  down,  smoke  their  pipes,  and  look  on.  The  Senecas 
“  went  to  a  man  ;  but,  contrary  to  their  expectation,  instead  of 
“  smoking  and  looking  on,  they  were  obliged  to  fight  for  their 
‘  lives  ;  and  in  the  end  of  the  battle  were  completely  beaten, 
“  with  a  great  loss  of  killed  and  wound  ed.”§ 

The  whole  Indian  force  was  led  by  Thayendanegea  in 

*  This  statement  respecting  Major  Watts  was  derived  from  the  late  Mr.  John 
Watts,  of  New- York,  his  brother.  As  mentioned  in  the  text,  St.  Leger,  in  his  offi¬ 
cial  report,  did  not  state  the  number  of  his  own  killed  and  wounded.  Colonel  But¬ 
ler,  however,  wrote  to  SirGuy  Carleton — “  Of  the  New-Yorkers,  Captain  M’Donald 
was  killed,  Captain  Watts  dangerously  wounded,  and  one  subaltern.  Of  the  Ran¬ 
gers,  Captains  Wilson  and  Hare  killed,  and  one  private  wounded.  The  Indians 
suffered  much,  having  thirty-three  killed  and  twenty-nine  wounded  ;  the  Senecas  lost 
seventeen,  among  whom  were  several  of  their  chief  warriors,  and  had  sixteen 
wounded.  During  the  whole  action  the  Indians  showed  the  greatest  zeal  for  his 
Majesty’s  cause ;  and  had  they  not  been  a  little  too  precipitate,  scarcely  a  rebel  of 
the  party  would  have  escaped.  Most  of  the  leading  rebels  are  cut  off  in  the  action, 
so  that  any  farther  attempts  from  that  quarter  are  not  to  be  expected.  Captain 
Watts,  of  the  Royal  New-Yorkers,  whose  many  amiable  qualities  deserved  a  better 
fate,  lay  wounded  in  three  places  upon  the  field  two  days  before  he  was  found.” — 
Parliamentary  Register. 

f  MS.  narrative  of  Frederick  Sammons,  in  the  author’s  possession. 

J  Jo  i  nil  of  General  Lincoln. 

§  Life  of  Mary  Jemison. 


244 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 


person — “  the  great  Captain  of  the  Six  Nations,”  as  lie  was 
then  called — and  as  the  Cayugas  had  now  likewise  joined  the 
Mohawks  in  alliance  with  the  arms  of  England — the  Ononda- 
gas  adopting  a  doubtful  policy,  but  always,  in  fact,  acting 
against  the  Provincials — he  must  have  had  a  large  force  in  the 
field.  Of  the  Senecas  alone  thirty-six  were  killed  and  a  great 
number  wounded.  Captain  Brant  was  accustomed,  long  years 
afterward,  to  speak  of  the  sufferings  of  his  “  poor  Mohawks”  in 
that  battle.  Indeed,  the  severity  with  which  they  were  handled 
on  that  occasion,  rendered  them  morose  and  intractable  during 
the  remainder  of  the  campaign  ;  and  the  unhappy  prisoners 
were  the  first  to  minister  with  their  blood  to  their  resentment.* 
“  Our  town,”  says  Mary  Jemison,  “  exhibited  a  scene  of  real 
“  sorrow  and  distress  when  our  warriors  returned  and  recount- 
“  ed  their  misfortunes,  and  stated  the  real  loss  they  had  sus- 
“  tained  in  the  engagement.  The  mourning  was  excessive, 
11  and  was  expressed  by  the  most  doleful  yells,  shrieks,  and 
“  howlings,  and  by  inimitable  gesticulations.” 

It  was  unfortunate  that  General  Herkimer  formed  his  line  of 
march  with  so  little  judgment  that,  when  attacked,  his  men 
were  in  no  situation  to  support  each  other  ;  and  more  unfortu¬ 
nate  still,  that  he  marched  at  all,  so  long  before  he  could  expect 
to  hear  the  concerted  signal  for  the  diversion  to  be  made  in 
his  favor  by  the  sortie  of  Colonel  "Willett.  The  heavy  rain¬ 
storm,  moreover,  which  caused  a  suspension  of  the  battle,  had 
likewise  the  effect  of  delaying  the  sally  for  nearly  an  hour.  It 
was  made,  however,  as  soon  as  it  was  practicable,  and  was  not 
only  completely  successful,  but  was  conducted  with  such  abili¬ 
ty  and  spirit  by  the  gallant  officer  to  whom  it  was  confided,  as 


*  In  Mr.  Samuel  Woodruff’s  memoranda  of  his  conversations  with  Brant,  refer¬ 
red  to  in  the  introduction,  it  is  noted  as  the  admission  of  the  latter,  that  “  he  and  his 
Mohawks  were  compelled  to  flee  in  a  dispersed  condition  through  the  woods,  all 
suffering  from  fatigue  and  hunger  before  they  arrived  at  a  place  of  safety.  Their 
retreat  began  at  nightfall.  They  were  pursued  by  a  body  of  Oneidas,  who  fought 
with  General  Herkimer.  The  night  was  dark  and  lower}'.  Exhausted  by  the  la¬ 
bors  of  the  day,  and  fearful  he  might  be  overtaken  by  the  pursuing  Oneidas,  Brant 
ascended  a  branching  tree,  and  planting  himself  in  the  crotch  of  it,  waited  somewhat 
impatiently  for  daylight.”  There  is  evidently  somewhat  of  error  in  this  statement. 
The  field  of  battle  was  not  more  than  five  miles  from  St.  Leser’s  entrenchments, 
and  the  battle  was  ended  at  2  o’clock  P.  M.  Judge  W.  p.obablv  confounded  this 
battle  with  another — perhaps  that  of  the  Chemung. 


SORTIE  OF  COLONEL  WILLETT. 


245 


1777.] 


to  win  for  him  the  applause  of  the  foe  himself/  In  addition 
to  the  two  hundred  men  detailed  for  this  service,  under  Colo¬ 
nel  Willett’s  command,  as  before  stated,  fifty  more  were  added 
to  guard  the  light  iron  three  pounder  already  mentioned.  With 
these  troops,  and  this  his  only  piece  of  mounted  ordnance,  Co¬ 
lonel  Willett  lost  not  a  moment,  after  the  cessation  of  the  rain, 
in  making  the  sally.  The  enemy’s  sentinels  being  directly 
in  sight  of  the  fort,  the  most  rapid  movements  were  necessary. 
The  sentinels  were  driven  in,  and  his  advanced  guard  attacked, 
before  he  had  time  to  form  his  troops.  Sir  John  Johnson,  whose 
regiment  was  not  more  than  two  hundred  yards  distant  from 
the  advanced  guard,  it  being  very  warm,  was  in  his  tent,  di¬ 
vested  of  his  coat  at  the  moment,  and  had  not  time  to  put  it  on 
before  his  camp  was  assailed.  Such,  moreover,  were  the  cele¬ 
rity  of  Willett’s  movement  and  the  impetuosity  of  the  attack, 
that  Sir  John  could  not  bring  his  troops  into  order,  and  their 
only  resource  was  in  flight.  The  Indian  encampment  was 
next  to  that  of  Sir  John,  and  in  turn  was  carried  with  equal 
rapidity.  The  larger  portion  of  the  Indians,  and  a  detachment 
from  the  regiment  of  Sir  John,  were,  at  the  very  moment  of  this 
unexpected  assault  upon  their  quarters,  engaged  in  the  battle 
of  Oriskany.  Those  who  were  left  behind  now  betook  them¬ 
selves, — Sir  John  and  his  men  to  the  river, — and  the  Indians 
to  their  natural  shelter,  the  woods — the  troops  of  Colonel  Wil¬ 
lett  firing  briskly  upon  them  in  their  flight.  The  amount  of 
spoil  found  in  the  enemy’s  camp  was  so  great,  that  Willett  was 
obliged  to  send  hastily  to  the  fort  for  waggons  to  convey  it 
away.  Seven  of  these  vehicles  were  three  times  loaded  and 
discharged  in  the  fort,  while  the  brave  little  Provincial  band 
held  possession  of  the  encampments.  Among  the  spoils  thus 
captured,  consisting  of  camp  equipage,  clothing,  blankets,  stores, 
&c.  were  five  British  standards,  the  baggage  of  Sir  John 
Johnson,  with  all  his  papers,  the  baggage  of  a  number  of  other 
officers,  with  memoranda,  journals,  and  orderly  books,  contain¬ 
ing  all  the  information  desirable  on  the  part  of  the  besieged.t 


*  London  Universal  Magazine,  1782. 

t  “  Among  other  things  taken  from  the  enemy,  were  several  bundles  of  papers, 
and  a  parcel  of  letters  belonging  to  our  garrison,  which  they  had  taken  from  our 
militia,  but  not  yet  opened.  Here  I  found  one  letter  for  myself:  there  were  like¬ 
wise  papers  belonging  to  Sir  John  Johnson,  and  several  others  of  the  enemy’s  offi- 


246  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1777. 

While  Colonel  Willett  was  returning  to  the  fort,  Colonel  St. 
Leger,  who  was  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  attempted  a 
movement  to  intercept  him.  Willett’s  position,  however,  ena¬ 
bled  him  to  form  his  troops  so  as  to  give  the  enemy  a  full  fire 
in  front,  while  at  the  same  time  he  was  enfiladed  by  the  fire  of 
a  small  field-piece.  The  distance  was  not  more  than  sixty 
yards  between  them ;  and  although  St.  Leger  was  not  back¬ 
ward  in  returning  the  fire,  his  aim  was  nevertheless  so  wild  as  to 
be  entirely  without  effect.  The  assailants  returned  into  the  for¬ 
tress  in  triumph,  without  having  lost  a  man — the  British  flags 
were  hoisted  on  the  flag-staff  under  the  American — and  the  men, 
ascending  the  parapets,  gave  three  as  hearty  cheers  as  were 
ever  shouted  by  the  same  number  of  voices.  Among  the  pri¬ 
soners  brought  off  by  the  victors,  was  Lieutenant  Singleton, 
of  Sir  John  Johnson’s  regiment.  Several  Indians  were  found 
dead  in  their  camp,  and  others  were  killed  in  crossing  the 
river.  The  loss  to  the  enemy,  particularly  in  stores  and  bag¬ 
gage,  was  great ;  while  the  affair  itself  was  of  still  more  im¬ 
portance,  from  the  new  spirit  of  patriotic  enthusiasm  with 
which  it  inspired  the  little  garrison.*  For  this  chivalrous  ex¬ 
ploit  Congress  passed  a  resolution  of  thanks,  and  directed  the 
Commissary  General  of  military  stores  to  procure  an  elegant 
sword,  and  present  the  same  to  Colonel  Willett  in  the  name  of 
the  United  States. 

General  Herkimer  did  not  long  survive  the  battle.  He  was 
conveyed  to  his  own  house  t  near  the  Mohawk  river,  a  few 
miles  below  the  Little  Falls ;  where  his  leg,  which  had  been 
shattered  five  or  six  inches  below  the  knee,  was  amputated 
about  ten  days  after  the  battle,  by  a  young  French  surgeon  in 
the  army  of  General  Arnold,  and  contrary  to  the  advice  of  the 
General’s  own  medical  adviser,  the  late  Doctor  Petrie.  But 
the  operation  was  unskilfully  performed,!  and  it  was  found  im- 

cers,  with  letters  to  and  from  General  St.  Leger,  the  commander.  These  letters 
have  been  of  some  service  to  us.” — Colonel  Willett’s  letter  to  Governor  Trumbull. 

*  In  this  account  of  the  sortie,  the  author  has  adopted  almost  the  very  language 
of  the  brave  Colonel  himself,  in  his  Narrative.  As  he  led  the  affair,  and  was  of 
course  the  best  qualified  to  describe  it,  the  author  could  do  no  better  than  take  his 
own  words.  In  tracing  the  progress  of  the  siege,  it  will  be  often  necessary  to  draw 
from  the  same  indisputable  source. 

|  Yet  standing,  1837. 

|  Col.  Roff  s  statement — MS.  in  possession  of  the  author. 


1777.1  DEATH  OF  GENERAL  HERKIMER.  247 

possible  by  his  attendants  to  stanch  the  blood.  Colonel  Wil¬ 
lett  called  to  see  the  General  soon  after  the  operation.  He  was 
sitting-  up  in  his  bed,  with  a  pipe  in  his  mouth,  smoking,  and 
talking  in  excellent  spirits.  He  died  the  night  following  that 
visit.  His  friend,  Colonel  John  RofF,  was  present  at  the  am¬ 
putation,  and  affirmed  that  he  bore  the  operation  with  uncom¬ 
mon  fortitude.  He  was  likewise  with  him  at  the  time  of  his 
death.  The  blood  continuing  to  flow — there  being  no  physi¬ 
cian  in  immediate  attendance — and  being:  himself  satisfied  that 
the  time  of  his  departure  was  nigh,  the  veteran  directed  the 
Holy  Bible  to  be  brought  to  him.  He  then  opened  it  and  read, 
in  the  presence  of  those  who  surrounded  his  bed,  with  all  the 
composure  which  it  was  possible  for  any  man  to  exhibit,  the 
thirty-eighth  psalm — applying  it  to  his  own  situation.*  He 
soon  afterward  expired  ;  and  it  may  w«fl  be  questioned  whether 
the  annals  of  man  furnish  a  more -striking  example  of  Christian 
heroism — calm,  deliberate,  and  firm  in  the  hour  of  death — than 
is  presented  in  this  remarkable  instance.  Of  the  early  history 
of  General  Herkimer  but  little  is  known.  It  has  been  al¬ 
ready  stated  that  his  family  was  one  of  the  first  of  the  Ger¬ 
mans  who  planted  themselves  in  the  Mohawk  Yalley.  And 
the  massive  stone  mansion,  yet  standing  at  German  Flatts, 
bespeaks  its  early  opulence.  He  was  an  uneducated  man — 
with,  if  possible,  less  skill  in  letters,  even  than  General  Put¬ 
nam,  which  is  saying  much.  But  he  was,  nevertheless,  a 
man  of  strong  and  vigorous  understanding — destitute  of  some 
of  the  essential  requisites  of  generalship,  but  of  the  most 
cool  and  dauntless  courage.  These  traits  were  all  strik¬ 
ingly  disclosed  in  the  brief  and  bloody  expedition  to  Oriska- 
ny.  But  he  must  have  been  well  acquainted  with  that  most 
important  of  all  books — The  Bible.  Nor  could  the  most 
learned  biblical  scholar,  lay  or  clerical,  have  selected  a  portion 
of  the  Sacred  Scriptures  more  exactly  appropriate  to  the  situa¬ 
tion  of  the  dying  soldier,  than  that  to  which  he  himself  spon¬ 
taneously  turned.  If  Socrates  died  like  a  philosopher,  and 
Rousseau  like  an  unbelieving  sentimentalist,  General  Herkimer 
died  like  a  Christian  Hero.  Congress  passed  a  resolution 
requesting  the  Governor  and  Council  of  New- York  to  erect  a 


*  Statement  of  Colonel  RofF,  in  possession  of  the  author. 

30 


248 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 


monument,  at  the  expense  of  the  United  States,  to  the  memory 
of  this  brave  man,  of  the  value  of  five  hundred  dollars.  This 
resolution  was  transmitted  to  the  Governor  of  New-York, 
George  Clinton,  in  a  letter  from  which  the  following  passage 
is  quoted  : — “  Every  mark  of  distinction  shown  to  the  memory 
“  of  such  illustrious  men  as  offer  up  their  lives  for  the  liberty 
“  and  happiness  of  their  country,  reflects  real  honor  on  those 
“  who  pay  the  tribute  ;  and  by  holding  up  to  others  the  pros- 
“  pect  of  fame  and  immortality,  will  animate  them  to  tread  in 
“  the  same  path.”  Governor  Clinton  thus  wrote  to  the  Com¬ 
mittee  of  Try  on  County  on  the  occasion  : — “  Enclosed  you 
“  have  a  letter  and  resolves  of  Congress,  for  erecting  a  monu- 
“  ment  to  the  memory  of  your  late  gallant  General.  While 
“  with  you  I  lament  the  cause,  I  am  impressed  with  a  due 
“  sense  of  the  great  and  justly  merited  honor  the  Continent  has, 
“  in  this  instance,  paid  to  the  memory  of  that  brave  man.” 
Such  were  the  feelings  of  respect  for  the  services  and  memory 
of  the  deceased  entertained  by  the  great  men  of  that  day. 
Sixty  years  have  since  rolled  away,  and  the  journal  of  Con¬ 
gress  is  the  only  monument,  and  the  resolution  itself  the  only 
inscription,  which  as  yet  testify  the  gratitude  of  the  republic  to 
General  Nicholas  Herkimer. 


CHAPTER  XI. 


Siege  of  Fort  Schuyler  continued — Forced  letter  from  prisoners  to  Col.  Gansevoort 
— St.  Leger  summons  the  garrison  to  surrender — Refusal  of  Gansevoort — Appeal 
of  Sir  John  Johnson  to  the  people  ofTryon  County — Secret  expedition  of  Colonel 
Willett  and  Major  Stockwell — Schuyler  orders  Arnold  to  the  relief  of  Gansevoort 
— Willett  proceeds  to  Albany — Arrest  of  Walter  Butler,  and  others,  at  German 
Flatts — Tried  and  convicted  as  a  spy — Reprieved — Sent  to  Albany — Escapes — 
Arnold’s  proclamation — Advance  of  the  besiegers — Uneasiness  of  the  garrison — 
Sudden  flight  of  St.  Leger  and  his  forces — Stratagem  of  Arnold — Story  of  Hon- 
Yost  Schuyler — Merriment  and  mischief  of  the  Indians — Arrival  of  Arnold  at  the 
Fort — The  spoils  of  victory — Public  estimation  of  Gansevoort’s  services — Ad¬ 
dress  to  his  soldiers — His  promotion — Address  of  his  officers. 

Though  in  fact  defeated  at  Oriskany,  the  enemy  claimed,  as 
we  have  seen,  a  victory.  In  one  sense,  it  is  true,  the  achieve¬ 
ment  was  theirs.  They  had  prevented  the  advance  of  the 
Americans  to  the  succor  of  the  fort ;  and  on  their  retreat  the 
Americans  were  unable  to  pursue.  Still  the  field  was  won, 
and  retained  by  them.*  Availing  himself  of  his  questionable 
success,  however,  and  well  knowing  that  days  must  probably 
elapse  before  the  garrison  could  become  apprised  of  the  whole 
circumstances  of  the  engagement  and  its  issue,  St.  Leger  lost 
no  time  in  endeavoring,  by  false  representations,  to  press  the 
besieged  to  a  capitulation.  On  the  same  night  of  the  battle, 
therefore,  at  9  o’clock,  Colonel  Bellinger  and  Major  Frey,  being 
in  St.  Leger’s  camp  as  prisoners,  were  compelled  to  address  a 
note  to  Colonel  Gansevoort,  greatly  exaggerating  the  disasters 
of  the  day,  and  strongly  urging  a  surrender.  In  this  letter 
they  spoke  of  the  defeat  at  Oriskany,  of  the  impossibility  of 
receiving  any  farther  succor  from  below — of  the  formidable 
force  of  St.  Leger,  together  with  his  train  of  artillery — an¬ 
nounced  the  probable  fact  that  Burgoyne  and  his  army  were 
then  before  Albany,  and  stated  that  longer  resistance  would 
only  result  in  “  inevitable  ruin  and  destruction.”!  The  letter 


*  It  was  alleged,  in  some  of  the  contemporaneous  accounts,  that  the  forces  en¬ 
gaged  with  Herkimer  were  ordered  back  in  consequence  of  the  sortie  of  Willett. 
That  circumstance,  however,  does  not  alter  the  essential  facts  of  the  case.  The 
victory  was  the  same. 

t  See  Appendix,  No.  V.  for  a  copy  of  this  letter,  written  while  under  duress. 


250 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[i777. 


was  transmitted  to  Colonel  Gansevoort  by  St.  Leger’s  Adjutant- 
general,  Colonel  Butler,  who,  in  delivering  it,  made  a  verbal 
demand  of  surrender.  Colonel  Gansevoort  replied  that  he 
would  give  no  answer  to  a  verbal  summons,  unless  delivered 
by  Colonel  St.  Leger  himself,  but  at  the  mouth  of  his  cannon. 

On  the  following  day  a  white  flag  approached  the  garrison, 
with  a  request  that  Colonel  Butler,  and  two  other  officers, 
might  be  admitted  into  the  fort  as  bearers  of  a  message  to  the 
commanding  officer.  Permission  being  granted,  those  officers 
were  conducted  blind-folded  into  the  fort,  and  received  by 
Colonel  Gansevoort  in  his  dining-room.  The  windows  of  the 
room  were  shut,  and  candles  lighted  ;  a  table  was  also  spread, 
upon  which  were  placed  some  slight  refreshments.  Colonels 
Willett  and  Mellen  were  present  at  the  interview,  together  with 
as  many  of  the  American  officers  as  could  be  accommodated  in 
the  quarters  of  their  commander.  After  the  officers  were 
seated  and  the  wine  had  been  passed  around,  Major  Ancrom, 
one  of  the  messengers,  addressed  Colonel  Gansevoort  in  sub¬ 
stance  as  follows  : — 

“  I  am  directed  by  Colonel  St.  Leger,  the  officer  commanding 
the  army  now  investing  this  garrison,  to  inform  the  command¬ 
ant  that  the  Colonel  has,  with  much  difficulty,  prevailed  on  the 
Indians  to  agree,  that  if  the  garrison,  without  farther  resistance, 
shall  be  delivered  up,  with  the  public  stores  belonging  to  it,  to 
the  investing  army,  the  officers  and  soldiers  shall  have  all  their 
baggage  and  private  property  secured  to  them.  And  in  order 
that  the  garrison  may  have  a  sufficient  pledge  to  this  effect, 
Colonel  Butler  accompanies  me  to  assure  them,  that  not  a  hair 
of  the  head  of  any  one  of  them  shall  be  hurt.”  (Here  turning 
to  Colonel  Butler,  he  said,  1  That,  I  think,  was  the  expression 
they  made  use  of,  was  it  not  V — to  which  the  Colonel  answered, 
c  Yes.’)  “  I  am  likewise  directed  to  remind  the  commandant, 
that  the  defeat  of  General  Herkimer  must  deprive  the  garrison 
of  all  hopes  of  relief,  especially  as  General  Burgoyne  is  now  in 
Albany  ;  so  that,  sooner  or  later,  the  fort  must  fall  into  our 
hands.  Colonel  St.  Leger,  from  an  earnest  desire  to  prevent 
farther  bloodshed,  hopes  these  terms  will  not  be  refused  ;  as  in 
this  case  it  will  be  out  of  his  power  to  make  them  again.  It 
was  with  great  difficulty  the  Indians  consented  to  the  present 
arrangement,  as  it  will  deprive  them  of  that  plunder  which 


17 77.]  SIEGE  OF  FORT  SCHUYLER.  251 

they  always  calculate  upon  on  similar  occasions.  Should,  then, 
the  present  terms  be  rejected,  it  will  be  out  of  the  power  of  the 
Colonel  to  restrain  the  Indians,  who  are  very  numerous  and 
much  exasperated,  not  only  from  plundering  the  property,  but 
destroying  the  lives,  probably,  of  the  greater  part  of  the  garri¬ 
son.  Indeed,  the  Indians  are  so  exceedingly  provoked  and 
mortified  by  the  losses  they  have  sustained  in  the  late  actions, 
having  had  several  of  their  favorite  chiefs  killed,  that  they 
threaten — and  the  Colonel,  if  the  present  arrangements  should 
not  be  entered  into,  will  not  be  able  to  prevent  them  from  exe¬ 
cuting  their  threats — to  march  down  the  country,  and  destroy 
the  settlement,  with  its  inhabitants.  In  this  case,  not  only  men, 
but  women  and  children,  will  experience  the  sad  effects  of 
their  vengeance.  These  considerations,  it  is  ardently  hoped, 
will  produce  a  proper  effect,  and  induce  the  commandant,  by 
complying  with  the  terms  now  offered,  to  save  himself  from  fu¬ 
ture  regret,  when  it  will  be  too  late.” 

This  singular  oration  was  of  course  delivered  extempora¬ 
neously,  as  also  was  the  following  reply  by  Colonel  Willett, 
with  the  approbation  of  Colonel  Gansevoort  *: — ■ 

“  Do  I  understand  you,  Sir  ?  I  think  you  say,  that  you 
come  from  a  British  colonel,  who  is  commander  of  the  army 
that  invests  this  fort ;  and  by  your  uniform,  you  appear  to  be 
an  officer  in  the  British  service.  You  have  made  a  long  speech 
on  the  occasion  of  your  visit,  which,  stripped  of  all  its  superflui¬ 
ties.  amounts  to  this — that  you  come  from  a  British  colonel,  to 
the  commandant  of  this  garrison,  to  tell  him,  that  if  he  does 
not  deliver  up  the  garrison  into  the  hands  of  your  Colonel,  he 
will  send  his  Indians  to  murder  our  women  and  children. 
You  will  please  to  reflect,  sir,  that  their  blood  will  be  on  your 
head,  not  oil  ours.  We  are  doing  our  duty :  this  garrison  is 
committed  to  our  charge,  and  we  will  take  care  of  it.  After 
you  get  out  of  it,  you  may  turn  round  and  look  at  its  outside, 
but  never  expect  to  come  in  again,  unless  you  come  a  prisoner. 
I  consider  the  message  you  have  brought,  a  degrading  one  for 
a  British  officer  to  send,  and  by  no  means  reputable  for  a  Bri¬ 
tish  officer  to  carry.  For  my  own  part,  I  declare,  before  I 
would  consent  to  deliver  this  garrison  to  such  a  murdering  set 
as  your  army,  by  your  own  account,  consists  of,  I  would  suffer 
my  body  to  be  filled  with  splinters,  and  set  on  fire,  as  you  know 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


252 


[1777. 


has  at  times  been  practised,  by  such  hordes  of  women  and 
children  killers  as  belong  to  your  army.” 

Colonel  Willett  observes  in  his  narrative,  whence  these  facts 
are  drawn,  that  in  the  delivery  he  looked  the  British  major 
full  in  the  face  ;  and  that  he  spoke  with  emphasis  is  not  doubt¬ 
ed.  The  sentiments  contained  in  this  reply  were  received  with 
universal  applause  by  the  Provincial  officers,  who,  far  from 
being  intimidated  by  the  threats  of  the  messengers,  were  at 
once  impressed  with  the  idea  that  such  pressing  efforts  to  in¬ 
duce  a  capitulation  could  only  be  the  effect  of  doubt,  on  the 
part  of  the  enemy  himself,  of  his  ability  either  to  sustain  the 
siege  or  carry  the  works  by  assault.  Before  the  interview  was 
closed,  Major  Anc.rom  requested  that  an  English  surgeon  who 
was  with  him  might  be  permitted  to  visit  the  British  wounded 
in  the  garrison,  which  request  was  granted.  Major  Ancrom 
also  proposed  an  armistice  for  three  days,  which  was  likewise 
agreed  to  by  Colonel  Gansevoort — the  more  readily,  probably, 
because  of  his  scanty  supply  of  ammunition. 

On  the  9th  of  August,  Colonel  Gansevoort  having  refused 
to  recognize  any  verbal  messages  from  the  British  commander, 
Colonel  St.  Leger  transmitted  the  substance  of  Major  Ancrom’s 
speech  in  the  form  of  a  letter — protesting  that  no  indignity  was 
intended  by  the  delivery  of  such  a  message — a  message  that 
had  been  insisted  upon  categorically  by  the  Indians — and  for¬ 
mally  renewing  the  summons  of  a  surrender — adding,  that  the 
Indians  were  becoming  exceedingly  impatient,  and  if  the  pro¬ 
position  should  be  rejected,  the  refusal  would  be  attended  with 
very  fatal  consequences,  not  only  to  the  garrison,  but  to  the 
whole  country  of  the  Mohawk  river. * 

The  reply  of  Colonel  Gansevoort  was  written  with  soldierly 
brevity,  in  the  following  words  : — 


COL.  GANSEVOORT  TO  COL.  ST.  LEGER. 

“  Fort  Schuyler ,  Aug.  9 th,  1777. 

“  Sir, 

“  Your  letter  of  this  day’s  date  I  have  received,  in  answer  to 
which  I  say,  that  it  is  my  determined  resolution,  with  the  forces 
under  my  command,  to  defend  this  fort  to  the  last  extremity,  in 


*  See  Appendix,  No.  VI. 


1777.]  SECRET  EXPEDITION  OF  WILLETT.  253 

behalf  of  the  United  American  States,  who  have  placed  me 
here  to  defend  it  against  all  their  enemies. 

i:  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir, 

“  Your  most  ob’t.  humble  serv’t., 

“  Peter  Gansevoort, 

“  Col.  commanding  Fort  Schuyler. 

“  Gen.  Barry  St.  Leger 

Failing  in  these  attempts  to  induce  a  surrender,  the  besiegers, 
four  days  afterward,  had  recourse  to  another  expedient.  It 
was  the  issuing  of  an  appeal  to  the  inhabitants  of  Tryon 
County,  signed  by  Sir  John  Johnson,  Colonel  Claus,  and  Colo¬ 
nel  John  Butler,  similar  in  its  tenor  to  the  verbal  and  written 
messages  of  St.  Leger  to  Colonel  Gansevoort.  The  appeal 
commenced  with  strong  protestations  of  a  desire  for  the  restora¬ 
tion  of  peace,  with  a  promise  of  pardon,  and  oblivion  for  the 
past,  notwithstanding  the  many  and  great  injuries  the  signers 
had  received,  upon  a  proper  submission  by  the  people.  They, 
too,  were  threatened  with  the  ravages  of  a  victorious  army,  and 
the  resentment  of  the  Indians  for  the  losses  they  had  sustained 
at  Oriskany,  in  the  event  of  rejecting  this  appeal.  In  regard 
to  the  garrison  of  Fort  Schuyler,  its  longer  resistance  was  pro¬ 
nounced  “  mulish  obstinacy,”  and  the  people  of  the  Mohawk 
Valley  were  urged  to  send  up  a  deputation  of  their  principal 
men,  to  oblige  the  garrison  to  do  at  once  what  they  must  be 
forced  to  do  soon — surrender.  If  they  did  not  surrender,  the 
threat  was  again  repeated  that  every  soul  would  be  put  to  death 
by  the  Indians.t  Messengers  were  despatched  with  this  docu¬ 
ment  into  Tryon  County,  but  to  no  good  purpose ;  while,  as 
will  soon  appear,  some  of  those  messengers  were  involved  in 
serious  difficulty  by  their  errand. 

But  if  Colonel  Willett’s  success  in  the  brilliant  execution  of 
the  sortie  on  the  6th,  entitled  him,  as  it  unquestionably  did,  to 
the  commendations  he  received,  a  still  more  perilous  enterprise, 
undertaken  by  him  a  few  days  afterward,  was  thought,  alike  by 
friends  and  foes,  to  entitle  him  to  still  greater  applause.  The 


*  Copied,  by  the  author,  from  the  original  draft,  found  among  the  Gansevoort 
papers. 

t  See  Appendix,  No.  VII.  I  have  found  this  document  only  in  The  Remem¬ 
brancer  for  1777,  page  451. 


254 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 


artillery  of  the  besiegers  was  not  sufficiently  heavy  to  make  any 
impression  upon  the  works,  and  there  was  every  probability  that 
the  garrison  might  hold  out  until  succors  should  be  obtained, 
could  their  situation  be  made  known.  Colonel  Willett  was  not 
only  well  acquainted,  but  exceedingly  popular,  in  Tryon  Coun¬ 
ty  ;  and  it  was  supposed  that,  should  he  show  himself  personally 
among  the  militia  of  that  district,  notwithstanding  the  extent  of 
their  suffering  in  the  late  expedition,  he  might  yet  rally  a  force 
sufficient  to  raise  the  siege.  The  bold  project  was  therefore 
conceived  by  him  of  passing  by  night,  in  company  with  ano¬ 
ther  officer,  through  the  enemy’s  works,  and,  regardless  of  the 
danger  from  the  prowling  savages,  making  his  way  through 
some  forty  or  fifty  miles  of  sunken  morasses  and  pathless  woods, 
in  order  to  raise  the  County  and  bring  relief.*  Selecting  Major 
Stockwell  for  his  companion,  Colonel  Willett  undertook  the 
expedition  on  the  10th,  and  left  the  fort  at  ten  o’clock  that 
night,  each  armed  with  nothing  but  a  spear,  and  provided  only 
with  a  small  supply  of  crackers  and  cheese,  a  small  canteen  of 
spirits,  and  in  all  other  respects  unincumbered,  even  by  a 
blanket.  Having  escaped  from  the  sally-port,  they  crept  upon 
their  hands  and  knees  along  the  edge  of  a  morass  to  the  river, 
which  they  crossed  by  crawling  over  upon  a  log,  and  succeeded 
in  getting  off  unperceived  by  the  sentinels  of  the  enemy, 
although  passing  very  near  to  them.  Their  first  advance  was 
into  a  deep-tangled  forest  in  which,  enveloped  in  thick  darkness, 
they  lost  their  direction,  and  found  it  impossible  to  proceed. 
While  in  this  state  of  uncertainty,  the  barking  of  a  dog  added 
little  to  their  comfort,  inasmuch  as  it  apprized  them  that  they  were 
not  far  from  a  new  Indian  encampment,  formed  subsequent 
to  the  sortie  a  few  days  before.  They  were  therefore  compelled 
to  stand  perfectly  still  for  several  hours,  and  until  the  morning 
star  appeared  to  guide  their  way.  Striking  first  in  a  Northern  di¬ 
rection  for  several  miles,  and  then  Eastwardly,  they  traced  a 
zig-zag  course,  occasionally  adopting  the  Indian  method  of  con¬ 
cealing  their  trail  by  walking  in  the  channels  of  streams,  and 
by  stepping  on  stones  along  the  river’s  edge.  In  this  way  they 
travelled  the  whole  of  the  ensuing  day  without  making  a  single 
halt.  On  the  approach  of  night  they  dared  not  to  strike  a  light, 

*  British  Universal  Magazine. 


EXPEDITION  OF  ARNOLD. 


255 


1777.] 

but  lay  down  to  sleep,  interlocked  in  each  other’s  arms.  Pur¬ 
suing1  their  journey  on  the  12th,  their  little  stock  of  provisions 
being  exhausted,  they  fed  upon  raspberries  and  blackberries,  of 
which  they  found  an  abundance  in  an  opening  occasioned  by  a 
windfall.  Thus  refreshed,  they  pushed  forward  with  renewed 
vigor  and  at  an  accelerated  pace,  and  arrived  at  Fort  Dayton 
at  three  o’clock  in  the  afternoon.* 

The  Colonel  and  his  friend  received  a  hearty  welcome  from 
Colonel  Weston,  whose  regiment  was  then  in  charge  of  Fort 
Dayton,  and  from  whom  he  obtained  the  agreeable  intelligence 
that,  on  learning  the  news  of  General  Herkimer’s  disaster,  Ge* 
neral  Schuyler  had  ordered  Generals  Arnold  and  Larned,  with 
the  Massachusetts  brigade,  to  inarch  to  the  relief  of  Colonel 
Gansevoort.  Colonel  Willett  thereupon  took  horse  immediately 
for  Albany  to  meet  General  Arnold,  who  was  to  command  the 
expedition ;  and  in  four  days  afterward  accompanied  Arnold 
back  to  Fort  Dayton,  where  the  troops  were  assembling.  The 
first  New-York  regiment  had  been  added  to  the  brigade  of 
General  Larned,  who  was  yet  in  the  rear,  bringing  up  the  heavy 
baggage  and  stores. 

During  Willett’s  brief  absence  to  Albany,  an  incident  occur-* 
red  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Dayton,  showing  that  if  he  had 
been  active  in  his  attempts  to  bring  succors  to  the  fort,  the  enemy, 
on  the  other  hand,  had  not  been  idle.  About  two  miles  above 
Fort  Dayton  resided  a  Mr.  Shoemaker,  a  disaffected  gentleman, 
who  had  been  in  his  Majesty’s  commission  of  the  peace.  Hav* 
ing  heard  of  a  clandestine  meeting  of  Tories  at  the  house  of 
that  gentleman,  Colonel  Weston  despatched  a  detachment  of 
troops  thither,  which  came  upon  the  assemblage  by  surprise, 
and  took  them  all  prisoners.  Among  them  was  Lieutenant 
Waller  N.  Butler,  from  St.  Leger’s  army,  who,  with  fourteen  white 
soldiers  and  the  same  number  of  Indians, t  had  visited  the  Ger¬ 
man  Flatts  secretly,  with  the  appeal  of  Sir  John  Johnson, 
Claus,  and  the  elder  Butler,  referred  to  in  a  preceding  page,  for 
the  purpose  of  persuading  the  timid  and  disaffected  inhabitants 
to  abandon  the  Provincial  cause,  and  enrol  themselves  with  the 

*  “  So  successful  was  Colonel  Willett  in  all  his  movements,  that  the  Indians,  be¬ 
lieving  him  to  be  possessed  of  supernatural  power,  gave  to  him  the  name  of  the 
Devil.” — Campbell . 

t  The  Remembrancer  for  1777,  page  395. 

37 


256 


LIFE  OF  HRANT. 


[1777. 


King’s  array  before  Fort  Schuyler.  Butler  was  in  the  midst 
of  his  harangue  to  the  meeting  at  the  moment  of  the  unwelcome 
surprise.  General  Arnold  ordered  a  court-martial,  and  caused 
him  to  be  tried  as  a  spy.*  Of  this  tribunal  Colonel  Willett 
officiated  as  Judge  Advocate.  The  Lieutenant  was  convicted, 
and.  received  sentence  of  death  ;  but  at  the  intercession  of  a 
number  of  officers,  who  had  known  him  while  a  student  at  law 
in  Albany,  his  life  was  spared  by  a  reprieve.  He  was,  however, 
removed  to  Albany  and  closely  imprisoned  until  the  Spring  of 
the  following  year.  When  General  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette 
assumed  the  command  of  the  Northern  department,  the  friends 
of  the  Butler  family,  in  consequence,  as  it  was  alleged,  of  his 
ill-health,  interceded  for  a  mitigated  form  of  imprisonment. 
He  was  then  removed  to  a  private  house  and  kept  under  guard, 
but  shortly  afterward  effected  his  escape — owing,  it  was  report¬ 
ed,  to  treachery — and  was  subsequently  distinguished  as  one 
of  the  severest  scourges  of  the  beautiful  valley  which  had  given 
him  birth. 

The  address  of  Johnson,  Claus,  and  Butler,  having  been 
thus  introduced  among  the  people  of  the  County,  Arnold  issued 
a  proclamation  from  Fort  Dayton  for  the  purpose  of  counter¬ 
acting  its  influence.  It  was  couched  in  severe  language  in  re¬ 
gard  to  St.  Leger  and  his  heterogeneous  army — denounced 
those  of  the  people  who  might  be  seduced  by  his  arts  to  enrol 
themselves  under  the  banner  of  the  king — but  promised  pardon 
to  all,  whether  Americans,  Savages,  Germans,  or  Britons,  who 
might  return  to  their  duty  to  the  States.t 

Meantime  Colonel  St.  Leger  was  pushing  his  operations  be¬ 
fore  the  fort  with  considerable  vigor.  Every  effort  to  intimi¬ 
date  the  garrison  having  failed,  and  the  commander  exhibiting 
an  unsubmitting  spirit,  St.  Leger  “  commenced  approaching 
“  by  sap,  and  had  formed  two  parallels,  the  second  of  which 
“  brought  him  near  the  edge  of  the  glacis  ;  but  the  fire  of  mus- 
“  ketry  from  the  covert  way  rendered  his  farther  progress  very 
<!  difficult.”!  The  fire  of  his  ordnance  producing  no  effect,  his 
only  means  of  annoying  the  garrison  was  by  throwing  shells ; 


*  The  Remembrancer  states  that  Butler  came  “on  a  truce  to  the  inhabitants  of 
the  County.”  But  if  he  did  bear  a  flag,  it  could  be  no  protection  for  such  a  mission 
— as  it  was  not. 

t  See  Appendix,  No.  VIII. 


J  Willett’s  Narrative. 


RAISING  OP  THE  STEGE. 


257 


1777.] 

but  these  proved  of  so  little  consequence  as  to  afford  a  discou¬ 
raging  prospect  of  success.  Having  advanced,  however,  within 
one  hundred  and  fifty  yards;  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that  some 
uneasiness  began  to  be  manifested  within  the  garrison.  Igno¬ 
rant  of  the  fate  of  Colonel  Willett  and  Major  Stockwell,  and 
entirely  cut  off  from  all  communication  from  without,  their 
provisions  daily  exhausting,  and  having  no  certain  prospect  of 
relief,  some  of  the  officers  commenced  speaking  in  whispers  of 
the  expediency  of  saving  the  garrison  from  a  re-enactment  of 
the  Fort  William  Henry  tragedy,  by  acceding  to  St.  Leger’s 
proffered  terms  of  capitulation.  Not  so  the  commander.  After 
weighing  well  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  he  came  to  the 
deliberate  resolve,  in  the  event  of  obtaining  no  succor  from  with¬ 
out,  when  his  provisions  were  about  exhausted,  to  make  a  sally 
at  night,  and  cut  his  way  through  the  encampment  of  the  be¬ 
siegers,  or  perish  in  the  attempt. 

Fortunately,  the  necessity  of  executing  the  bold  determina¬ 
tion  did  not  arrive.  The  siege  had  continued  until  the  22d  of 
August,  when,  suddenly,  without  any  cause  within  the  know¬ 
ledge  of  the  garrison,  the  besiegers  broke  up  their  encampment, 
and  retired  in  such  haste  and  confusion  as  to  leave  their  tents, 
together  with  a  great  part  of  their  artillery,  camp  equipage,  and 
baggage  behind.  What  was  the  motive  for  this  unexpected 
flight  of  a  vaunting  and  all  but  victorious  foe,  was  a  problem 
they  were  unable  to  solve  within  the  garrison,  although  their 
joy  was  not,  on  that  account,  the  less  at  their  deliverance.  It 
subsequently  appeared  that  the  panic  which  produced  this  wel¬ 
come  and  unexpected  change  in  the  situation  of  the  garrison, 
was  caused  by  a  ruse-de-guerre ,  practised  upon  the  forces  of 
St.  Leger  by  General  Arnold,  who  had  been  waiting  at  Fort 
Dayton  several  days  for  the  arrival  of  reinforcements  and  sup¬ 
plies.*  But,  having  heard  that  St.  Leger  had  made  his  ap- 

*  “  I  wrote  you,  the  21st  instant,  from  German  Flatts,  that  from  the  best  intelli¬ 
gence  I  could  procure  of  the  enemy’s  strength,  it  was  much  superior  to  our’s  ;  at 
the  same  time  I  inclosed  you  a  copy  of  the  resolutions  of  a  council  of  war,  and  re¬ 
quested  you  to  send  me  a  reinforcement  of  one  thousand  light  troops.” — Letter  of 
Arnold  to  General  Gates,  Aug .  23,  1777. — “I  have  been  retarded  by  the  badness  of 
the  roads,  waiting  for  some  baggage  and  ammunition,  and  for  the  militia,  who  did 
not  turn  out  with  that  spirit  which  I  expected.  They  are  now  joining  me  in  great 
numbers.  A  few  days  will  relieve  you.” — MS.  letter  from  Arnold  to  Colonel  Ganse- 
voort,  Aug.  22,  1777. 


258 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 

proaches  to  within  a  short  distance  of  the  fort,  Arnold,  on  the 
22d  of  August,  determined  at  all  events  to  push  forward  and 
hazard  a  battle,  rather  than  see  the  garrison  fall  a  sacrifice.* 
With  this  view,  on  the  morning  of  the  23d,  he  resumed  his 
march  for  Fort  Schuyler,  and  had  proceeded  ten  miles  of  the 
distance  from  Fort  Dayton  when  he  was  met  by  an  express 
from  Colonel  Gansevoort,  with  the  gratifying  intelligence  that 
the  siege  had  been  raised.  The  cause  of  this  sudden  movement 
was  yet  as  great  a  mystery  to  the  Colonel  and  his  garrison,  as 
was  the  flight  of  the  host  of  Ben-hadad  from  before  Samaria  to 
the  king  of  Israel,  when  the  Syrian  monarch  heard  the  super¬ 
natural  sound  of  chariots,  and  the  noise  of  horses,  in  the  days 
of  Elisha  the  prophet.  Arnold  was,  of  course,  less  in  the  dark. 
The  circumstances  were  these  : — • 

Among  the  party  of  Tories  and  Indians  captured  at  Shoe¬ 
maker’s  under  Lieutenant  Butler,  was  a  singular  being  named 
Hon-Yost  Schuyler.  His  place  of  residence  was  near  the 
Little  Falls,  where  his  mother  and  a  brother  named  Nicholas, 
were  then  residing.  Hon-Yost  Schuyler  was  one  of  the 
coarsest  and  most  ignorant  men  in  the  valley,  appearing  scarce 
half  removed  from  idiocy  ;  and  yet  there  was  no  small  share  of 
shrewdness  in  his  character.  Living  upon  the  extreme  border 
of  civilization,  his  associations  had  been  more  with  the  Indians 
than  the  whites  ;  and  tradition  avers  that  they  regarded  him 
with  that  mysterious  reverence  and  awe  with  which  they  are 
inspired  by  fools  and  lunatics.  Thus  situated  and  thus  con¬ 
stituted,  Hon-Yost  had  partially  attached  himself  to  the  Royalist 
cause,  though  probably,  like  the  Cow-boys  of  West  Chester,  he 
really  cared  little  which  party  he  served  or  plundered  ;  and 
had  he  been  the  captor  of  the  unfortunate  Andre,  would  have 
balanced  probabilities  as  to  the  best  way  of  turning  the  prize  to 
account.  Be  these  things,  however,  as  they  may,  Hon-Yost 
was  captured,  with  Walter  Butler,  and,  like  him,  was  tried  for 
his  life,  adjudged  guilty,  and  condemned  to  death.  His  mother 
q.nd  brother,  hearing  of  his  situation,  hastened  to  Fort  Dayton, 
and  implored  General  Arnold  to  spare  his  life.  The  old  wo¬ 
man  strongly  resembled  the  gipsey  in  her  character,  and  the 
eloquence  and  pathos  with  which  she  pleaded  for  the  life  of  her 

*  Letter  aboye  cited  from  Arnold  to  General  Gates.  Vide  Remembrancer,  1777, 
page  444. 


1777.]  STORY  OF  HON-YOST  SCHUYLER.  259 

son,  were  long  remembered  in  the  unwritten  history  of  the 
Mohawk  Valley.  Arnold  was  for  a  time  inexorable,  and  the 
woman  became  almost  frantic  with  grief  and  passion  on  account 
of  her  wayward  son.  Nicholas,  likewise,  exerted  himself  to  the 
utmost  in  behalf  of  his  brother.  At  length  General  Arnold 
proposed  terms  upon  which  his  life  should  be  spared.  The 
conditions  were,  that  Hon-Yost  should  hasten  to  Fort  Schuyler, 
and  so  alarm  the  camp  of  St.  Leger  as  to  induce  him  to  raise 
the  siege  and  fly.  The  convict-traitor  gladly  accepted  the 
proposition,  and  his  mother  offered  herself  as  a  hostage  for  the 
faithful  performance  of  his  commission.  Arnold,  however, 
declined  receiving  the  woman  as  a  hostage,  preferring  and  in¬ 
sisting  that  Nicholas  should  be  retained  for  that  purpose.  To 
this  the  latter  readily  assented,  declaring  that  he  was  perfectly 
willing  to  pledge  his  life  that  Hon-Yost  would  fulfil  his  engage¬ 
ments  to  the  utmost.  Nicholas  was,  therefore,  placed  in  con¬ 
finement,  while  Hon-Yost  departed  for  the  camp  of  Colonel  St. 
Leger — having  made  an  arrangement  with  one  of  the  Oneida 
Indians,  friendly  to  the  Americans,  to  aid  him  in  the  enterprise. 
Before  his  departure  several  shots  were  fired  through  Schuyler’s 
clothes,  that  he  might  appear  to  have  had  a  narrow  escape  ;  and 
the  Oneida  Indian,  by  taking  a  circuitous  route  to  Fort  Schuy¬ 
ler,  was  to  fall  into  the  enemy’s  camp  from  another  direction, 
and  aid  Hon-Yost  in  creating  the  panic  desired.  The  emissary 
first  presented  himself  among  the  Indians,  who  were  in  a  very 
suitable  state  of  mind  to  be  wrought  upon  by  exactly  such  a 
personage.  They  had  been  moody  and  dissatisfied  ever  since 
the  battle  of  Oriskany — neither  the  success  nor  the  plunder 
promised  them  had  been  won,  and  they  had  previously  received 
some  vague  and  indefinite  intelligence  respecting  the  approach 
of  Arnold.  They  had  likewise  just  been  holding  a  pow-wovv, 
or  were  actually  convened  in  one,  for  the  purpose  of  consulting 
the  Manitto  touching  the  dubious  enterprise  in  which  they 
were  engaged,  when  Hon-Yost  arrived.  Knowing  their  cha¬ 
racter  well,  he  communicated  his  intelligence  to  them  in  the 
most  mysterious  and  imposing  manner.  Pointing  to  his  riddled 
garments,  he  proved  to  them  how  narrow  had  been  his  escape 
from  the  approaching  army  of  the  rebels.  When  asked  the 
number  of  the  troops  that  Arnold  was  leading  against  them, 
he  shook  his  head  mysteriously,  and  pointed  upward  to  the 


260 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 

leaves  of  the  trees.  The  reports  spread  rapidly  through  the 
camps,  and  reaching  the  ears  of  the  commander,  Hon-Yost  was 
sent  for  to  the  tent  of  St.  Leger  himself.  Here  he  was  inter¬ 
rogated,  and  gave  information  that  General  Arnold,  with  two 
thousand  men,  was  so  near  that  he  would  he  upon  them  within 
twenty-four  hours.  He  gave  St.  Leger  a  pitiable  narrative  of 
his  captivity,  trial,  and  condemnation  to  the  gallows.  It  was 
while  on  his  way  to  execution,  as  he  alleged,  that,  finding  him¬ 
self  not  very  closely  guarded,  he  took  an  opportunity  to  effect 
his  escape — thinking,  at  the  worst,  that  he  could  only  die,  and 
it  would  be  as  well  to  be  shot  as  hanged.  A  shower  of  bullets 
had  indeed  been  let  fly  at  him,  but  fortunately  had  only  wound¬ 
ed  his  clothes,  as  the  General  might  see.*  Meantime  the 
Oneida  messenger  arrived  with  a  belt,  and  confirmed  to  the  In¬ 
dians  all  that  Schuyler  had  said  ;  adding,  that  the  Americans 
had  no  desire  to  injure  the  Indians,  and  were  intent  only  upon 
attacking  the  British  troops  and  rangers.  While  making  his 
way  to  the  camp  of  the  besiegers,  the  ingenious  Oneida  had 
fallen  in  with  some  two  or  three  strangling  Indians  of  his  ac- 
quaintance,  to  whom  he  communicated  his  business,  and  whose 
assistance  in  furthering  the  design  he  engaged.  These  saga- 
cious  fellows  dropped  into  the  Indian  camp  at  different  points, 
and  threw  out  alarming  suggestions — shaking  their  heads 
mysteriously,  and  insinuating  that  a  bird  had  brought  them  in¬ 
telligence  of  great  moment.!  They  spoke  of  warriors  in  great 
numbers  advancing  rapidly  upon  them,  and  used  every  indirect 
method  of  infusing  a  panic  into  the  minds  of  the  listeners  who 
gathered  around  them.  The  Indians  presently  began  to  give 
signs  of  decamping,  and  St.  Leger  assayed  in  vain  to  reassure 
them.  He  convened  a  council  of  their  chiefs,  hoping  that  by 
the  influence  of  Sir  John  Johnson,  and  Colonels  Claus  and 
Butler,  he  should  still  be  able  to  retain  them.  Other  re¬ 
ports,  of  a  yet  more  terrifying  tendency,  getting  afloat,  not  only 
among  the  Indians  but  in  the  other  camp,  the  former  declared 
that  “  the  pow-wow  said  they  must  go  and  a  portion  of  them 
took  their  departure  before  the  council  broke  up.  The  result 
was  a  general  and  precipitate  flight.  It  has  been  stated,  that  in 

*  Remembrancer,  for  1777 — p.  447-44S. 

t  Travels  of  President  Dwight,  vol.  iii.  p.  195-197. 


MERRIMENT  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


261 


1777.] 


the  commencement  of  the  retreat  the  Indians  made  themselves 
merry  at  the  expense  of  their  white  allies,  by  raising  a  shout 
that  the  Americans  were  upon  them,  and  then  laughing  at  the 
groundless  terror  thus  created.*  According  to  the  account  de- 
rived  by  Gordon  from  the  Rev.  Mr.  Kirkland,  an  altercation 
took  place  between  Colonel  St.  Leger  and  Sir  John  Johnson,  the 
former  reproaching  the  latter  with  the  defection  of  the  Indians, 
while  the  Baronet  charged  his  commander  with  but  an  indif¬ 
ferent  prosecution  of  the  siege.  It  was  in  the  gray  of  twilight, 
when  a  couple  of  sachems,  standing  upon  a  little  eminence  not 
far  in  the  rear,  and  overhearing  the  interchange  of  sharp  woj-ds 
between  them,  put  an  end  to  the  unpleasant  colloquy  by  raising 
the  shout — “  they  are  coming! — they  are  coming /”  Both 
St.  Leger  and  Sir  John  recommenced  their  retreat  with  all 
possible  expedition  upon  hearing  such  an  alarm.  Their  troops 
were  equally  nimble  of  foot  on  the  occasion,  throwing  away 
their  knapsacks  and  arms,  and  disencumbering  themselves  of 
every  hindrance  to  the  quick-step  ;  while  the  Indians,  enjoying 
the  panic  and  confusion,  repeated  the  joke  by  the  way  until 
they  arrived  at  the  Oneida  Lake.  It  is  believed,  however,  that 
it  was  not  the  Americans  alone  of  whom  St.  Leger  began  to 
stand  in  fear,  being  quite  as  apprehensive  of  danger  from  his 
own  dusky  allies  as  he  was  of  the  approaching  army  of  Arnold. 
There  is  British  authority  for  stating  that  the  Indians  actually 
plundered  several  of  the  boats  belonging  to  their  own  army; 
robbing  the  officers  of  whatsoever  they  liked.  Within  a  few 
miles  of  the  camp,  they  first  stripped  off  the  arms,  and  afterward 
murdered,  with  their  own  bayonets,  all  those  British,  German, 
and  American  soldiers  who  were  separated  from  the  main 
body.f  Thus  were  the  threats  of  savage  vengeance  sent  by 
Colonel  St.  Leger  to  the  garrison,  in  some  degree  wreaked 

*  Travels  of  President  Dwight,  vol.  iii.  p.  195-197. 

+  British  Universal  Magazine.  Indeed,  St  Leger’s  report  of  this  disastrous  re¬ 
treat,  addressed  to  General  Burgoyne  from  Oswego,  on  the  27th  of  August,  cor¬ 
responds  very  closely  with  the  American  accounts  whence  the  present  narrative  has 
been  drawn.  He  states  that  the  Indians  fell  treacherously  upon  their  friends,  and 
became  more  formidable  than  the  enemy  they  had  to  expect.  He  leaves  no  room, 
however,  to  suppose  that  there  was  any  difficulty  between  Sir  John  Johnson  and 
himself — calling  him  “  his  gallant  coadjutor,”  &c.  and  commending  his  exertions  to 
induce  the  Indians  again  to  meet  the  enemy,  as  also  those  of  Colonels  Claus  and 
Butler. 


262 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


9 


[1777. 

upon  his  own  array.  Hon-Yost  Schuyler  accompanied  the 
flying  host  to  the  estuary  of  Wood  Creek,  where  he  deserted, 
threading  his  way  back  to  Fort  Schuyler  the  same  evening — 
imparting  to  Colonel  Gansevoort  his  first  information  of  the 
advance  of  Arnold.*  From  Fort  Schuyler,  Hon-Yost  proceeded 
back  to  the  German  Flatts.  On  presenting  himself  at  Fort 
Dayton,  his  brother  was  discharged,  to  the  inexpressible  joy  of 
his  mother  and  their  relatives.  But  he  proved  a  Tory  in  grain, 
and  embraced  the  first  opportunity  subsequently  presented, 
which  was  in  October,  of  running  away  to  the  enemy,  with 
several  of  his  neighbors,  and  attaching  himself  to  the  forces  of 
Sir  John  Johnson,  t 

Immediately  on  the  receipt  of  Colonel  Gansevoort’s  despatch 
announcing  St.  Leger’s  retreat,  General  Arnold  pushed  for¬ 
ward  a  detachment  of  nine  hundred  men,  with  directions,  if 
possible,  to  overtake  the  fugitives,  and  render  their  flight  still 
more  disastrous.  On  the  day  following,  Arnold  himself  arrived 
at  the  fort,  where  he  was  received  with  a  salute  of  artillery  and 
the  cheers  of  the  brave  garrison.  He,  of  course,  found  that 
Gansevoort  had  anticipated  his  design  of  harassing  the  rear  of 
the  flying  enemy,  and  had  brought  in  several  prisoners,  together 
with  large  quantities  of  spoil. +  So  great  was  their  panic,  and 
such  the  precipitancy  of  their  flight,  that  they  left  their  tents 
standing,  their  provisions,  artillery,  ammunition,  their  entire 
camp  equipage,  and  large  quantities  of  other  articles  enhancing 
the  value  of  the  booty.  § 

Thus  ended  the  siege  of  Fort  Schuyler,  or  Fort  Stanwix,  as 
the  public  have  always  preferred  calling  it.  St.  Leger  hastened 
with  his  scattered  forces  back  to  Oswego,  and  thence  to  Mon¬ 
treal.  From  that  post  he  proceeded  to  Lake  Champlain,  pass¬ 
ing  up  the  same  to  Ticonderoga,  for  the  purpose  of  joining  the 
army  of  Burgoyne.  Finding  that  the  enemy  had  evacuated  the 
country  between  the  fort  and  Lake  Ontario,  and  that  the  post 
could  be  in  no  immediate  danger  from  that  direction,  Colonel 

*  Letter  of  Colonel  Gansevoort  to  General  Arnold. 

|  After  the  close  of  the  contest,  Hon-Yost  returned  to  the  Mohawk  Valley,  and 
resided  there  until  his  death — which  event  occurred  about  twenty  years  since. 

t  Letter  of  Arnold  to  General  Gates,  Aug.  24,  1777. 

§  Among  other  articles  was  the  escritoire  of  St.  Leger  himself,  containing  his  pri¬ 
vate  papers,  several  of  which  have  been  used  by  the  author  in  writing  this  and  the 
preceding  chapters. 


PROMOTION  OF  GANSEVOORT. 


263 


1777.] 

Gansevoort  took  the  opportunity  of  visiting  his  friends  at  Alba¬ 
ny,  and  at  the  seat  of  the  State  government,  then  jnst  organised 
at  Kingston.  His  reception  was  most  cordial,  as  appears  not 
only  from  contemporaneous  accounts,  but  from  the  following 
modest  address  to  his  fellow-soldiers  of  the  garrison,  on  his  re¬ 
turn  to  resume  his  command : — ■ 

“  I  should  be  wanting  in  justice  to  you,  if  I  did  not  give  some 
testimony  of  your  good  conduct  during  the  time  you  have  been 
in  this  garrison,  and  especially  while  we  were  besieged  by  the 
enemy.  Believe  me,  that  I  am  impressed  with  a  proper  sense 
of  the  behavior  by  which  you  have  done  essential  service  to 
your  country,  and  acquired  immortal  honor  to  yourselves. 
Nothing  can  equal  the  pleasure  I  have  experienced  since  my 
absence,  in  hearing  and  receiving  the  public  approbation  of  our 
country  for  our  services,  which  is,  and  must  be,  to  every  sol¬ 
dier,  a  full  and  ample  compensation  for  the  same.  Permit  me 
to  congratulate  you  upon  the  success  of  the  American  arms, 
both  to  the  Southward  and  Northward.  Every  day  terminates 
with  victory  to  America  ;  and  I  make  not  the  least  doubt,  but 
in  this  campaign  we  shall  effectually  establish  the  Indepen¬ 
dence  of  the  United  States,  and  thereby  secure  to  ourselves  the 
rights  and  liberties  for  which  we  have  so  nobly  stood  forth.”* 

As  an  evidence  of  the  value  placed  upon  the  services  of  the 
Colonel  in  the  defence  of  Fort  Schuyler,  he  was  shortly  after¬ 
ward  promoted  in  the  State  line  to  the  rank  of  Brigadier  Gene¬ 
ral,  while  his  gallantry  was  farther  rewarded  by  a  Colonel’s 
commission  from  Congress  in  the  army  of  the  United  States.f 

♦  Copied  by  the  author  from  the  original  manuscript.  It  was  filed  away  among 
the  Colonel’s  papers,  with  the  following  inscription : — “  A  laconic  address  to  my  fel¬ 
low  officers  and  soldiers  after  our  success  at  Fort  Stanwix.” 

t  There  seems  to  have  been  something  peculiar  and  special  in  this  commission. 
In  a  letter  which  Colonel  Gansevoort  wrote  jointly  to  William  Duer  and  Gouver- 
neur  Morris,  a  copy  of  which  is  preserved  among  his  papers,  he  observes : — “Con¬ 
gress  have  done  me  the  honor  of  appointing  me  Colonel  Commandant  of  Fort  Schuy¬ 
ler.  I  should  esteem  it  as  a  favor  if  you  would  inform  me  whether  I  am  to  receive 
any  pay  for  that  commission,  other  than  as  Colonel  of  the  third  regiment  of  New- 
Yorkers;  and  if  not,  I  should  be  glad  if  you  would  endeavor  to  get  something  al¬ 
lowed  me,  as  my  present  pay  will  not  reimburse  my  table  liquors,  which  you  may 
well  conceive  to  be  something  considerable  as  commanding  officer.  I  am  not  solici¬ 
tous  to  make  money  by  my  commission  ;  but  I  could  wish  not  to  sink  by  it,  as  I  am 
obliged  to  do  now.  The  commission  which  Congress  has  sent  me  as  commandant 
of  Fort  Schuyler,  subjects  me  as  much  to  the  command  of  my  superior  officers,  as 

38 


264 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 


On  leaving  his  regiment,  its  officers  presented  him  with  an  af¬ 
fectionate  letter  of  congratulation  on  his  promotion,  mingled 
with  an  expression  of  their  regret  at  the  loss  to  the  regiment  of 
“  so  worthy  a  patron.”  To  which  the  Colonel  returned  an 
appropriate  letter  of  thanks.*  The  people  of  Tryon  County 
were  of  course  rejoiced,  that  the  blow,  directed,  as  the  enemy 
supposed,  with  unerring  certainty  against  them,  had  been  avert¬ 
ed.  They  had  suffered  severely  in  the  campaign ;  but  there 
were  enough  of  her  sons  yet  left  to  swell  the  ranks  of  General 
Gates  not  a  little  ;  and  they  pressed  ardently  to  join  his  standard, 
although  circumstances  did  not  then  require  them  long  to  re¬ 
main  in  the  field. 

In  October  following,  when  Sir  Henry  Clinton  was  ascending 
the  Hudson  for  the  purpose  either  of  succoring,  or  of  co-ope¬ 
rating  with,  Burgoyne,  Colonel  Gansevoort  was  ordered  to 
Albany  by  General  Gates,  to  take  command  of  the  large  force 
then  concentrating  at  that  place.  Happily,  as  will  appear  in 
the  succeeding  chapters,  there  was  no  occasion  to  test  his 
prowess  in  his  new  and  temporary  command. 


any  former  one.  If  that  was  the  intention  of  Congress,  the  appointment  is  nugatory. 
If  not,  I  wish  Congress  to  alter  the  commission.” 

*  The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  address  referred  to  in  the  text : — “Honored  Sir ; 
From  a  just  sense  of  that  conduct  which  has  hitherto  been  so  conspicuously  shown 
to  advance  the  third  New- York  regiment  to  honor  and  public  notice,  we  congratu¬ 
late  you  that  those  characteristics  which  so  eminently  point  out  the  gentleman  and 
soldier,  have  by  your  personal  bravery  been  deservedly  noticed  by  our  bleeding  coun¬ 
try.  Although  we  rejoice  at  your  promotion,  yet  we  cannot  but  regret  the  loss  of  so 
worthy  a  patron.  That  the  prosperity  which  has  crowned  your  conduct  with  victory 
may  still  be  continued,  is  the  sincere  wish  and  prayer  of,  honored  Sir,  your  most 
obedient  and  very  humble  servants.”  It  was  signed  by  twenty-six  officers.  Colonel 
Gansevoort  replied  as  follows : — “Gentlemen:  Your  polite  address  on  my  promo¬ 
tion  merits  my  sincerest  thanks.  Gratitude,  I  hope,  shall  never  be  wanting  in  me 
to  the  third  N.  Y.  regiment,  who  have,  by  their  firmness  and  discipline,  been  the 
chief  authors  of  my  promotion.  Therefore,  Gentlemen,  please  to  accept  my  warmest 
wishes  for  the  prosperity  of  the  corps,  that  all  their  virtuous  endeavors  in  the  defence 
of  their  bleeding  country  may  be  crowned  with  honor  and  success,  which  will  always 
be  the  earnest  prayer  of,  Gentlemen,  your  most  obliged,  humble  servant.” 


CHAPTER  XII. 


Recurrence  to  the  invasion  of  Burgovne — General  Schuyler  again  superseded  by 
Gates — Causes  of  this  injustice — Battle  of  Stillwater — Both  armies  entrench — 
Battle  and  victory  of  Behmus’s  Heights — Funeral  of  General"  Frazer — Retreat  of 
Burgoyne — Difficulties  increasing  upon  him — His  capitulation — Meeting  of  Bur- 
goyne  and  Gates — Deportment  of  Gates  toward  Gen.  Washington — Noble  con¬ 
duct  of  General  Schuyler. 

The  temporary  pacification  of  the  Western  part  of  the 
State,  resulting  from  the  events  of  which  we  have  just  closed 
the  narrative,  affords  an  opportunity  for  recurring  to  the  inva¬ 
sion  of  Burgoyne,  who  was  left  in  the  mid  career  of  victory, 
checked,  it  is  true,  by  unexpected  and  increasing  difficulties, 
until  brought  to  a  stand  by  the  serious  affair  of  Bennington, 
heretofore  incidentally  disposed  of.  On  shifting  the  scene, 
however,  from  the  head  waters  of  the  Mohawk  to  the  upper 
districts  of  the  Hudson,  General  Gates  is  again  found  in  com¬ 
mand  of  the  Northern  Department — General  Schuyler,  to 
whose  wise  measures  and  indefatigable  exertions  the  country 
was  mainly  indebted  for  arresting  the  progress  of  Burgoyne, 
and  during  whose  command  the  victory  of  Bennington  had 
been  won  by  General  Stark — having  been  most  unjustly  su¬ 
perseded  by  express  resolution  of  Congress.  There  had,  during 
the  present  year,  been  a  very  unwise,  unworthy,  and  capricious 
interference,  on  the  part  of  Congress,  with  the  command  of  this 
department.  On  the  25th  of  March,  without  a  reason  assigned, 
General  Gates  had  superseded  General  Schuyler,  his  superior 
officer,  by  order  of  Congress  ;  and  on  the  22d  of  May,  without 
any  expressed  motive,  General  Schuyler  was  restored  to  the 
command  of  that  department.*  Again,  on  the  1st  of  August,  it 
was  resolved  by  Congress  that  General  Schuyler  should  repair 
to  head-quarters,  while  the  Commander-in-chief  was,  by  the 
same  resolution,  directed  to  order  such  general  officer  as  he 
should  think  proper,  to  assume  the  command  in  Schuyler’s 
place.  The  day  after  the  passage  of  that  resolution,  General 
Washington  received  a  letter  from  the  New  England  delegation 
in  Congress,  suggesting  the  name  of  General  Gates,  as  the  offi- 


*  Memoirs  of  General  Wilkinson,  vol.  i.  p.  1G3. 


266 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


\lm. 

cer  who  would  be  most  likely  to  restore  harmony,  order,  and 
discipline,  and  to  relieve  our  affairs  in  that  quarter.*  We  have, 
in  a  former  chapter,  referred  to  the  prejudices  existing  against 
General  Schuyler,  and  the  causes  of  them.  These  had  now 
become  so  strong,  and  the  Eastern  States,  in  particular,  were 
so  hostile  to  his  longer  continuance  in  the  command,  that  even 
his  friends  acquiesced  in  the  expediency,  though  not  in  the 
justice,  of  his  removal.t  General  Schuyler  himself,  however,  felt 
acutely  the  discredit  of  being  recalled  at  the  most  critical  and 
interesting  period  of  the  campaign  ;  when  the  labor  and  activity 
of  making  preparations  to  repair  the  disasters  of  it  had  been 
expended  by  him  ;  and  when  an  opportunity  was  offered,  as  he 
observed,  for  that  resistance  and  retaliation  which  might  bring 
glory  upon  our  arms.f 

The  Commander-in-chief  paid  no  heed  to  the  advisory  epistle 
from  the  New  England  delegates,  but  in  a  respectful  letter  to 
the  President  of  Congress,  declined  the  honor  of  making  the 
selection.  §  Had  he  not  thus  excused  himself,  it  is  not  presump- 

*  Sparks’s  Life  and  Cor,  of  Washington,  vol.  v.  p.  14.  The  original  of  this  letter 
to  Washington  is  in  the  hand- writing  of  Samuel  Adams,  and  is  signed  by  the  fol¬ 
lowing  names,  in  the  order  in  which  they  here  stand,  viz :  John  Adams,  Nathaniel 
Folsom,  Samuel  Adams,  Henry  Marchant,  Elbridge  Gerry,  Eliphalet  Dyer,  Wil¬ 
liam  Williams. 

t  Marshall. 

f  Address  of  Chancellor  Kent  before  the  New-York  Historical  Society,  Dec.  1S2S. 
The  calumnies  directed  against  St.  Clair  and  Schuyler,  in  regard  to  the  fall  of  Ticon- 
deroga,  were  so  gross  as  to  exceed  belief  in  their  propagation.  These  officers  were  de¬ 
nounced  as  traitors  to  the  country,  acting  in  concert  with  the  enemy,  and  the  ignorant 
and  credulous  were  led  to  believe  that  they  had  received  an  immense  treasure  in  silver 
balls,  fired  by  Burgoyneinto  St.  Clair’s  camp,  and  by  his  order  picked  up,  and  trans¬ 
mitted  to  Schuyler  at  Fort  George.  Wilkinson,  who  was  Gates’s  Adjutant  General, 
avers  that  respectable  people  questioned  him  with  much  gravity  as  to  the  fact ! 
These  slanders  were,  for  factious  purposes,  countenanced  bv  respectable  men,  and 
the  consequence  was,  general  defection  and  desertion,  in  the  early  part  of  the  Summer, 
so  that,  at  one  time,  the  Northern  army  was  reduced  to  less  than  three  thousand, 
and  the  militia  to  less  than  thirteen  hundred — and  these  subject  to  no  effectual  re¬ 
straint. 

§  “At  the  same  time  that  I  express  my  thanks  for  the  high  mark  of  confidence 
which  Congress  has  been  pleased  to  repose  in  me  by  their  resolve,  authorising  me  to 
send  an  officer  to  command  the  Northern  army,  I  should  wish  to  be  excused  from 
making  the  appointment.  For  this,  many  reasons  might  be  mentioned,  which,  I  am 
persuaded,  will  occur  to  Congress  on  reflection.  The  Northern  Department  in  a 
great  measure  has  been  considered  as  separate,  and  more  peculiarly  under  their  di¬ 
rection  ;  and  the  officers  commanding  there  always  under  their  nomination.  I  have 
never  interfered  farther  than  merely  to  advise,  and  to  give  such  aids  as  were  within 


burgoyne’s  campaign. 


267 


1777.] 


I 

i 

i 


tion  to  intimate,  that,  influenced  by  the  peculiar  attitude  which 
Gates  had  even  then  begun  to  assume,  and  acting,  as  Washing¬ 
ton  ever  did,  under  the  stern  behests  of  conscience,  he  would 
have  made  a  different  selection  from  that  proposed  to  him  by 
the  Eastern  representatives,  and  which  ultimately  prevailed. 

General  Gates,  however,  did  not  join  the  Northern  army 
until  the  19th  of  August ;  and  as  the  time  was  not  specified 
within  which  he  was  required  to  report  himself  at  head-quar¬ 
ters,  General  Schuyler  was  allowed  to  remain  at  the  North, 
with  the  approbation  both  of  Congress  and  the  Commander-in- 
chief,  until  after  the  campaign  had  been  closed  by  the  surren¬ 
der  of  the  British  commander  and  his  army.  Nor  were  his 
exertions  the  less  active,  or  his  counsels  the  less  freely  proffered, 
in  the  cause  of  his  country,  because  of  the  injustice  by  which 
liis  pride  had  been  wounded.* 

After  the  evacuation  of  Fort  Edward,!  as  mentioned  in  a 
former  chapter,  General  Schuyler  fell  down  the  river  to  Still¬ 
water,  on  the  3d  of  August,  and  began  to  entrench  his  camp 
there  on  the  4th.  Burgoyne’s  ill-conceived  expedition  to  Ben¬ 
nington,  under  Colonel  Baum,  deprived  him  of  one-sixth  of  his 
effective  force  on  the  16th.  It  was  not  until  near  a  month 
afterward,  during  which  period  the  American  army  had  been 
greatly  strengthened  at  Stillwater,  that  Burgoyne  was  again 
prepared  to  advance.  Having  at  length,  by  dint  of  almost  in¬ 
credible  labor,  brought  up  from  Fort  George  a  supply  of  pro¬ 
visions  for  thirty  days,  and  thrown  a  bridge  of  boats  over  the 
Hudson,  the  British  commander  with  his  army  crossed  on  the 
13th  and  14th  of  September,  and  encamped  on  the  heights  and 
plains  of  Saratoga.  On  the  night  of  the  17th,  Burgoyne  en¬ 
camped  within  four  miles  of  the  American  army ;  and  about 


my  power,  oti  the  requisitions  of  those  officers.  The  present  situation  of  that  depart¬ 
ment  is  delicate  and  critical,  and  the  choice  of  an  officer  to  the  command  may  in¬ 
volve  very  interesting  and  important  consequences.” — Letter  of  Washington  to  the 
President  of  Congress,  Aug.  3,  1777. 

*  “The  zeal,  patriotism,  perseverance,  and  salutary  arrangements  of  General 
Schuyler,  had  roused  the  spirit  of  the  country,  and  vanquished  the  prejudices  excited 
against  him  by  artifice,  intrigue,  and  detraction.” — Wilkinson's  Memoir 8* 

t  It  was  during  a  skirmish  before  Fort  Edward,  when  the  Americans  were  flying 
from  a  party  of  thirty  or  forty  Indians,  that  the  late  General  Matthew  Clarkson,  of 
New-York — then  Major  Clarkson  and  aid  to  General  Arnold — was  wounded  by  a 
ball  which  passed  through  the  muscular  integuments  of  the  throat.  The  wound  was 
supposed  to  be  fatal  at  the  time,  but  he  soon  recovered. 


268 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 

noon  on  the  19th,  advanced  in  full  force  against  it — the  latter 
having,  in  the  mean  time,  advanced  toward  the  enemy  threa 
miles  above  Stillwater.  Burgoyne  commanded  his  right  wing* 
in  person,  covered  by  General  Frazer  and  Colonel  Breyman, 
with  the  grenadiers  and  light-infantry,  who  were  posted  along 
some  high  grounds  on  the  right.  The  front  and  flanks  were 
covered  by  Indians,  Provincials,  and  Canadians.  The  enemy’s 
left  wing  and  artillery  were  commanded  by  Generals  Phillips 
and  Riedesel,  who  proceeded  along  the  great  road.  Colonel 
Morgan,  who  was  detached  to  observe  their  motions,  and  to 
harass  them  as  they  advanced,  soon  fell  in  with  their  pickets 
in  advance  of  their  right  wing,  attacked  them  sharply  and 
drove  them  in.  A  strong  corps  was  immediately  detached  by 
the  enemy  against  Morgan,  who,  after  a  brisk  engagement,  was 
in  turn  compelled  to  give  way.  A  regiment  being  ordered  to 
the  assistance  of  Morgan,  whose  riflemen  had  been  sadly  scat¬ 
tered  by  the  vigor  of  the  attack,  the  battle  was  renewed  at  about 
one  o’clock,  and  was  maintained  with  spirit,  though  with  occa¬ 
sional  pauses,  for  three  hours — the  commanders  on  both  sides 
supporting  and  reinforcing  their  respective  parties.  By  four 
o’clock  the  battle  became  general,  Arnold,  with  nine  Continen¬ 
tal  regiments  and  Morgan’s  corps,  having  completely  engaged 
the  whole  right  wing  of  the  enemy*  The  contest,  accidentally 
commenced,  in  the  first  instance,  now  assumed  the  most  obsti¬ 
nate  and  determined  character.  It  was  maintained  four  hours 
longer — the  soldiers  being  often  engaged  hand  to  hand.  The 
approach  of  night  terminated  the  battle— the  Americans  retreat¬ 
ing  to  their  encampment,  but  not  from  other  necessity  than 
the  darkness.  The  enemy  were  provided  with  artillery,  but 
the  ground  occupied  by  the  Americans  would  not  allow  the 

*  Holmes,  who  follows  Stedman.  General  Wilkinson  denies  that  Arnold  shared 
much  in  this  battle.  He  says: — “Not  a  single  general  officer  was  on  the  field  of 
battle  on  the  19th,  until  evening,  when  General  Lamed  was  ordered  out.  About 
the  same  time  Generals  Gates  and  Arnold  were  in  front  of  the  centre  of  the  camp, 
listening  to  the  peal  of  small  arms,  when  Colonel  Morgan  Lewis,  deputy  quarter¬ 
master  General,  returned  from  the  field,  and  being  questioned  by  the  General,  he 
reported  thffundecisive  progress  of  the  action— -at  which  Arnold  exclaimed,  ‘  by  G — 

I  will 'put  an  end  to  it,'  and  clapping  spurs  to  his  horse,  galloped  off  at  full  speed. 
Colonel  Lewis  immediately  observed  to  General  Gates,  ‘  You  had  better  order  him 
back,  the  action  is  going  well,  and  he  may  by  some  rash  act  do  mischief.’  1  was 
instantly  despatched,  overtook,  and  remanded  Arnold  to  camp." — Memoirs,  vol.  i. 
Chap.  vi. 


burgoyne’s  campaign. 


269 


1777.] 

use  of  field-pieces.  The  fluctuations  of  the  battle  were  frequent 
during  the  day,  and  although  the  British  artillery  fell  into  the 
Tiands  of  the  Americans  at  every  alternate  charge,  the  latter 
could  neither  turn  them  upon  the  enemy  nor  bring  them  off. 
“  The  wood  prevented  the  last,  and  the  want  of  a  match  the 
“  first,  as  the  lint-stock  was  invariably  carried  away,  and  the 
“  rapidity  of  the  transitions  did  not  allow  the  Americans  time 
“  to  provide  one.”* 

General  Wilkinson,  at  that  time  Adjutant  General,  who  was 
himself  in  the  battle,  and  whose  account  of  it  is  the  best 
that  has  been  written,  sustains  the  remark  made  above,  that  the 
engagement  was  perfectly  accidental ;  neither  of  the  opposing 
Generals  meditating  an  attack  at  that  time,  and  yet,  by  a  mu¬ 
tual  misconception  of  each  other’s  purposes,  they  were  kept  the 
whole  day  acting  upon  the  defensive  ;  confining  themselves  to 
the  ground  occupied  at  first  by  accident,  “  and  neither  attempt- 
ing  a  single  manoeuvre  during  one  of  the  longest,  warmest, 
“  and  most  obstinate  battles  fought  in  America.  General  Gates 
believed  that  his  antagonist  intended  to  attack  him,  and  cir- 
“  cumstances  seemed  to  justify  the  like  conclusion  on  the  part 
“  of  Burgoyne  ;  and,  as  the  thickness  and  depth  of  an  inter- 
“  vening  wood  concealed  the  position  and  movements  of  either 
“  army  from  its  adversary,  sound  caution  obliged  the  respective 
“  commanders  to  guard  every  assailable  point.  Had  either  of 
“  the  Generals  been  properly  apprised  of  the  dispositions  of  his 
“  antagonist,  a  serious  blow  might  have  been  struck  either  on 
“  the  left  of  the  American  army,  or  on  the  enemy’s  right but 
although  the  combatants  changed  ground  a  dozen  times  in  the 
course  of  the  day,  the  contest  was  terminated  by  the  darkness, 
on  the  spot  where  it  began .t  Few  actions  have  been  more  re¬ 
markable  than  this,  both  for  vigor  of  attack  and  obstinacy  of 
resistance.! 

Both  armies  remained  in  the  same  positions  until  the  begin¬ 
ning  of  October — each  entrenching  itself  within  lines  and  re- 

*  Memoirs  of  General  Wilkinson,  vol.  i.  chapter  vi. 
t  Idem. 

J  Stedman.  The  loss  on  the  part  of  the  Americans,  in  killed  and  wounded,  was 
between  three  and  four  hundred.  Among  the  former  were  Colonels  Colburn  and 
Adams,  and  several  other  valuable  officers.  The  loss  of  the  British  was  from  six 
hundred  to  a  thousand,  killed,  wounded,  and  taken. 


270 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 

doubts,  which,  in  the  most  eligible  positions,  were  strengthened 
with  batteries.  The  engineer  having  the  direction  of  the 
American  works  at  Behmus’s  Heights,  was  the  celebrated  Polish 
patriot,  Thaddeus  Kosciusko,  who  had  also  served  in  the  same 
capacity  at  Ticonderoga. 

The  action  of  the  19th  of  September  had  again  essentially 
diminished  the  strength  of  Burgoyne,  added  to  which  were  the 
great  and  increasing  difficulties  of  obtaining  supplies,  and  the 
perpetual  annoyances  to  which  he  was  subjected  by  the  Ameri¬ 
can  scouts,  and  still  larger  detachments,  who  were  attacking 
his  pickets,  hanging  upon  his  flanks,  and  cutting  off  his 
foraging  parties.  By  the  4th  of  October  his  supplies  were  so 
far  reduced  that  the  soldiers  were  placed  upon  short  allowance, 
and  his  position  was  in  other  respects  becoming  so  critical, 
that,  hearing  nothing  from  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  for  whose  co¬ 
operation  from  New-York  he  had  been  waiting  since  the  battle 
of  the  19th,  the  idea  of  advancing  was  relinquished,  and  instead 
thereof,  discussions  were  held  respecting  the  practicability  of 
a  retreat.  This  could  only  be  done  by  first  dislodging  the 
Americans,  whose  forces,  disciplined  and  undisciplined,  now  far 
out-numbered  his  own,  from  their  posts  on  the  heights.  On 
the  4th  of  October,  Burgoyne  sent  for  Generals  Phillips, 
Riedesel,  and  Frazer,  to  consult  with  them  on  the  best  measures 
to  be  taken.  His  project  was  to  attack  and  attempt  to  turn  the 
left  wing  of  the  Americans  at  once ;  but  the  other  Generals 
judged  that  it  would  be  dangerous  to  leave  their  stores  under 
so  feeble  a  protection  as  eight  hundred  men,  according  to  the 
proposition  of  their  commander.  A  second  consultation  was  held 
on  the  5th,  at  which  General  Riedesel  positively  declared  that 
the  situation  of  the  army  had  become  so  critical,  that  they  must 
either  attack  and  force  the  entrenchments  of  Gates,  and  thus 
bring  about  a  favorable  change  of  affairs,  or  recross  the  Hudson, 
and  retreat  upon  Fort  George.  Fraser  approved  of  the  latter 
suggestion,  and  Phillips  declined  giving  an  opinion.  General 
Burgoyne,  to  whom  the  idea  of  retreating  was  most  unwelcome, 
declared  that  he  would  make,  on  the  7th,  a  reconnoisance  as 
near  as  possible  to  the  left  wing  of  the  Americans,  with  a  view 
of  ascertaining  whether  it  could  be  attacked  with  any  prospect  of 
success.  He  would  afterward  either  attack  the  army  of  Gates, 


BATTLE  OF  SARATOGA. 


271 


1777.] 

or  retreat  by  the  route  in  the  rear  of  Battenkill.  This  was  his 
, final  determination,  and  dispositions  were  made  accordingly.* 
Early  in  the  afternoon  of  the  7th,  General  Burgoyne  drew 
out  fifteen  hundred  men  for  the  purpose  of  making  his  proposed 
reconnoisance,  which  he  headed  himself,  attended  by  Generals 
Phillips,  Riedesel,  and  Frazer.  They  advanced  in  three 
columns  toward  the  left  wing  of  the  American  positions,  enter¬ 
ed  a  wheat-field,  displayed  into  line,  and  then  began  cutting  up 
the  wheat  for  forage.  The  movement  having  been  seasonably 
discovered,  the  centre  advanced  guard  of  the  Americans  beat 
to  arms  ;  the  alarm  was  repeated  throughout  the  line,  and 
the  troops  repaired  to  the  alarm  posts.  Colonel  Wilkinson 
being  at  head-quarters  at  the  moment,  was  despatched  to  as¬ 
certain  the  cause  of  the  alarm.  He  proceeded  to  within  sixty  or 
seventy  rods  of  the  enemy,  ascertained  their  position,  and  return¬ 
ed  ;  informing  General  Gates  that  they  were  foraging  ;  attempt¬ 
ing  also  to  reconnoitre  the  American  left,  and  likewise,  in  his 
opinion,  offering  battle.  After  a  brief  consultation,  Gates  said 
he  would  indulge  them ;  and  Colonel  Morgan,  whose  rifle  corps 
was  formed  in  front  of  the  centre,  was  directed  “  to  begin  the 
game.”!  At  his  own  suggestion,  however,  Morgan  was  allowed 
to  gain  the  enemy’s  right  by  a  circuitous  course,  while  Poor’s 
brigade  should  attack  his  left.+  The  movement  was  admirably 
executed  ;  the  New-York  and  New  Hampshire  troops  attacked 
the  enemy’s  front  and  left  wing  with  great  impetuosity  ;  while, 
true  to  his  purpose,  Morgan,  just  at  the  critical  moment,  poured 
down  like  a  torrent  from  the  hill,  and  attacked  the  enemy’s 
right  in  front  and  flank.  The  attack  was  soon  extended  along 
the  whole  front  of  the  enemy  with  great  determination.  Major 
Ackland,  at  the  head  of  the  grenadiers,  sustained  the  attack  of 
Poor  with  great  firmness.  §  But  on  his  right  the  light  infantry, 
in  attempting  to  change  front,  being  pressed  with  ardor  by  Co¬ 
lonel  Dearborn,  were  forced  to  retire  under  a  close  fire,  and  in 
great  disorder.  They  were  re-formed  by  the  Earl  of  Balcarras 

*  Memoirs  of  Madame  the  Baroness  de  Riedesel. 

f  General  Burgoyne  afterward  stated  to  Wilkinson,  in  conversation,  that  his 
purpose  on  that  day  was  only  to  reconnoitre  and  obtain  forage,  and  that  in  half  an 
hour,  had  his  motives  not  been  penetrated  by  Wilkinson  and  he  not  been  attacked, 
he  should  have  finished  his  observations  and  returned  to  his  camp. 

J  Wilkinson’s  Memoirs.  §  Holmes. 

39 


272 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 


behind  a  fence  in  the  rear  of  their  first  position  ;  but,  being 
again  attacked  with  great  audacity  in  front  and  flanks  by  su-^ 
perior  numbers,  resistance  became  vain,  and  the  whole  line* 
commanded  by  Burgoyne  in  person,  gave  way,  and  made  a 
precipitate  and  disorderly  retreat  to  his  camp.*  The  right  of 
Burgoyne  had  given  way  first,  the  retreat  of  which  was  covered 
by  the  light  infantry  and  a  part  of  the  24th  regiment.  The 
left  wing  in  its  retreat  would  inevitably  have  been  cut  to  pieces, 
but  for  the  intervention  of  the  same  troops,  performing  in  its 
behalf  the  same  service  that,  a  few  moments  before,  they  had 
done  for  the  right.  This  retreat  took  place  in  exactly  fifty-two 
minutes  after  the  first  shot  was  fired — the  enemy  leaving  two 
twelve  and  six  six  pounders  on  the  field,  with  the  loss  of  more 
than  four  hundred  officers  and  men,  killed,  wounded,  and  cap¬ 
tured,  and  among  them  the  flower  of  his  officers,  viz :  General 
Frazer,  Major  Ackland,t  Sir  Francis  Cook,  and  many  others. 


*  Memoirs  of  General  Wilkinson. 

t  Idem.  General  Wilkinson  gives  an  interesting  incident  respecting  Major  Ack- 
land.  While  pursuing  the  flying  enemy,  passing  over  killed  and  wounded,  he  heard  a 
voice  exclaim — “Protect  me,  sir,  against  this  boy!”  Turning  his  head,  he  saw  a  lad, 
thirteen  or  fourteen  years  of  age,  deliberately  aiming  at  a  wounded  officer,  lying  in 
the  angle  of  a  worm-fence.  The  purpose  of  the  boy  was  arrested — the  officer 
proved  to  be  the  brave  Ackland  who  had  commanded  the  grenadiers,  and  was 
wounded  in  both  legs.  He  was  immediately  sent  to  head-quarters.  The  story  of 
Major  Ackland  has  been  rendered  familiar  to  all,  even  before  escaping  the  nursery', 
by  the  interesting  narrative  of  Lady  Harriet,  his  wife,  who  was  with  the  army,  and 
who,  two  days  after  the  battle,  came  to  the  American  camp,  under  a  flag,  to  join  her 
husband.  The  incident,  from  the  embellishments  it  received,  was  touching  and  ro¬ 
mantic.  When  divested  of  its  poetry,  however,  and  reduced  to  the  plain  matter  of 
fact,  according  to  the  statement  of  the  late  General  Dearborn,  which  he  authorized 
Wilkinson  to  publish  in  his  memoirs,  the  affair  was  not  so  very  extraordinary  that 
it  might  not  have  been  enacted  by  any  other  pretty  woman  under  the  same  circum¬ 
stances,  who  loved  her  husband.  Major  Ackland  had  already  been  sent  down  to 
Albany,  when  Lady  Harriet  arrived  at  the  camp  of  General  Gates.  She  was 
treated  with  all  possible  courtesy,  and  permitted  to  follow  and  join  him.  Major 
Ackland  was  a  gallant  officer  and  a  generous  foe.  While  in  New- York,  on  his 
parole,  he  did  all  in  his  power  to  favor  the  treatment  of  distinguished  American 
prisoners.  After  his  return  to  England,  he  sacrificed  his  life  in  defence  of  American 
honor.  Having  procured  a  regiment,  at  a  dinner  of  military  men,  the  courage  of 
the  Americans  was  questioned.  He  repelled  the  imputation  with  decision.  High 
words  ensued,  in  the  course  of  which  Ackland  gave  the  lie  direct  to  a  subordinate  offi¬ 
cer  named  Lloyd.  A  meeting  was  the  consequence,  in  which  he  was  shot  through  the 
head.  Lady  Harriet  lost  her  senses,  and  continued  deranged  two  years ;  after  which 
she  married  a  gentleman  named  Brudenell,  who  had  accompanied  her  from  the  camp 
of  Burgoyne,  at  Saratoga,  to  that  of  Gates,  in  search  of  her  wounded  husband. 


BATTLE  OF  SARATOGA. 


273 


1777.] 

The  British  troops  had  scarcely  entered  their  lines,  when  the 
Americans,  led  by  General  Arnold,  pressed  forward,  and,  under 
a  tremendous  fire  of  grape-shot  and  musketry,  assaulted  their 
works  throughout  their  whole  extent  from  right  to  left.  To¬ 
ward  the  close  of  the  day,  the  enemy’s  intrenchments  were 
forced  by  the  left  of  the  Americans,  led  by  Arnold  in  person, 
who,  with  a  few  of  his  men,  actually  entered  the  works  ;  but 
his  horse  being  killed,  and  the  General  himself  badly  wounded 
in  the  leg,  they  were  forced  to  retire,  and  the  approach  of  dark¬ 
ness  induced  them  to  desist  from  the  attack.*  Meantime,  on 
the  left  of  Arnold’s  detachment,  the  Massachusetts  troops,  under 
Colonel  Brooks,  had  been  still  more  successful — having  turned 
the  enemy’s  right,  and  carried  by  storm  the  works  occupied  by 
the  German  reserve.  Colonel  Breyman,  their  commander,  was 
killed  ;  and  his  corps,  reduced  to  two  hundred  men,  and  hotly 
pressed  on  all  sides,  was  obliged  to  give  way.  This  advan¬ 
tage  was  retained  by  the  Americans  ;  and  darkness  put  an  end 
to  an  action  equally  brilliant  and  important  to  the  Continental 
arms.  Great  numbers  of  the  enemy  were  killed,  and  two  hun¬ 
dred  prisoners  taken.  The  loss  of  the  Americans  was  incon- 
siderable.t 

On  the  morning  of  the  8th,  before  daybreak,  the  enemy  left 
his  position  and  defiled  into  the  plain  where  his  provisions 
were  ;  but  was  obliged  to  halt  until  the  evening,  because  his 
hospital  could  not  be  sooner  removed.!  The  Americans  im- 

*  Subsequent  to  the  battle  of  the  19th  September,  and  previous  to  that  now  under 
review,  Arnold  had  had  some  difficulty  with  Gates.  A  sharp  correspondence  en 
sued,  in  the  course  of  which  the  former  demanded  permission  to  join  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief  in  Pennsylvania.  The  consequence  was,  that  Arnold  found  him¬ 
self  without  any  command  on  the  7th.  He  was  exceedingly  chafed  at  his  position  ; 
but,  orders  or  no  orders,  he  could  not  be  kept  from  the  field.  His  conduct  was  very 
strange,  and  he  has  been  charged  by  Wilkinson  and  others  with  intoxication  that 
day.  Be  it  so  or  not,  before  the  action  was  over,  he  was  in  the  hottest  of  it,  and  ex¬ 
ercising  command.  He  exposed  himself  foolishly  and  presumptuously  in  front  of 
the  German  division  ;  and  it  was  without  orders  that  he  collected  a  few  desperate 
followers,  with  whom  he  entered  the  enemy’s  intrenchment,  where  he  received  his 
wound. 

■f  Holmes. 

|  Memoirs  of  the  Baroness  de  Riedesel.  Of  this  lady,  General  Wilkinson  says — 
“  I  have  more  than  once  seen  her  charming  blue  eyes  bedewed  with  tears  at  the  recital 
of  her  sufferings.  With  two  infant  children  she  accompanied  her  husband,  Major 
General  the  Baron  de  Riedesel  from  Germany  to  England,  from  England  to  Canada, 
and  from  the  last  place  to  the  termination  of  General  Burgoyne’s  campaign,  in  which 


274 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777 


mediately  moved  forward,  and  took  possession  of  the  aban¬ 
doned  camp.  Burgoyne  having  condensed  his  force  upon  some 
heights  which  were  strong  by  nature,  and  covered  in  front  by 
a  ravine  running  parallel  with  the  entrenchment  of  his  late 
camp,  a  random  fire  of  artillery  and  small  arms  was  kept  up 
through  the  day — particularly  on  the  part  of  the  enemy’s  sharp¬ 
shooters  and  Provincials,  who  were  stationed  in  coverts  of  the 
ravine,  which  rendered  their  fire  annoying  to  every  person 
crossing  their  line  of  vision.*  It  was  by  a  shot  from  one  of 
these  lurking  parties,  that  General  Lincoln,  late  in  the  day, 
received  a  severe  wound  in  the  leg  while  riding  near  the  line. 

The  gallant  Frazer,  who  had  been  mortally  wounded  the 
day  before,  died  at  8  o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the  8th.  On 
the  evening  of  his  fall,  when  it  was  rendered  certain  that  he 
could  not  recover,  he  sent  for  General  Burgoyne,  and  requested 
that  he  might  be  buried  at  6  o’clock  the  following  evening,  on 
the  crest  of  a  hill  upon  which  a  breastwork  had  been  con¬ 
structed.  It  was  a  subject  of  complaint  against  Burgoyne,  that 
in  order  to  comply  with  this  request,  he  delayed  his  retreat,  and 
thus  contributed  to  the  misfortunes  of  his  army.  Be  that  as  it 
may,  the  dying  soldier’s  request  was  observed  to  the  letter.  At 
the  hour  appointed  the  body  was  borne  to  the  hill  that  had 
been  indicated,  attended  by  the  Generals  and  their  retinues ; 
the  funeral  service  was  read  by  the  Chaplain  ;  and  the  corpse 
interred,  while  the  balls  of  the  American  cannon  were  flying 
around  and  above  the  assembled  mourners.f 

she  suffered  more  than  the  horrors  of  the  grave  in  their  most  frightful  aspect.”  Her 
Memoirs  were  published  in  Berlin  in  1800.  They  are  full  of  interest.  Some  of 
the  distressing  scenes  which  attended  the  close  of  Burgoyne’s  campaign  are  so 
graphically  told  by  the  Baroness,  and  afford  such  striking  illustrations  of  the  horrors 
of  war,  that  the  author  has  ventured  to  transfer  a  few  pages  to  the  Appendix  of  the 
present  volume.  See  Appendix,  No.  IX. 

*  Memoirs  of  General  Wilkinson. 

f  The  Baroness  Riedesel,  from  whose  spirited  Memoirs  the  circumstances  of  this 
funeral  are  drawn,  states  that  General  Gates  protested  afterward  that  had  he  known 
what  was  going  on,  he  would  have  stopped  the  fire  immediately.  It  must  have  been 
a  solemn  spectacle,  and  General  Burgoyne  himself  described  it  with  his  usual  elo¬ 
quence  and  felicity  cf  expression  : — “  The  incessant  cannonade  during  the  solem¬ 
nity  ;  the  steady  attitude  and  unaltered  voice  with  which  the  chaplain  officiated, 
though  frequently  covered  with  dust,  which  the  shot  threw  up  on  all  sides  of  him  ; 
the  mute  but.  expressive  mixture  of  sensibility  and  indignation  upon  every  counte¬ 
nance  ;  these  objects  will  remain  to  the  last,  of  life  upon  the  mind  of  every  man  who 
\yas  present.  The  growing  duskiness  added  to  the  scenery,  and  the  whole  marked 


buugoyne’s  campaign. 


275 


1777.] 

It  was  evident  from  the  movements  in  the  enemy’s  camp, 
that  he  was  preparing  to  retreat ;  but  the  American  troops, 
having  in  the  delirium  of  joy  consequent  upon  their  victory, 
neglected  to  draw  and  eat  their  rations — being  withal  not  a 
little  fatigued  with  the  two  davs’  exertions,  fell  back  to  their 
camp,  which  had  been  left  standing  in  the  morning.  Retreat 
was.  indeed,  the  only  alternative  remaining  to  the  British  com¬ 
mander,  since  it  was  now  quite  certain  that  he  could  not  cut 
his  way  through  the  American  army,  and  his  supplies  were 
reduced  to  a  short  allowance  for  live  days.  He  accordingly  com¬ 
menced  his  retreat  that  night,  but  lingered  by  the  way  ;  so  that 
on  the  10th  he  was  yet  near  Saratoga,  where  he  took  up  a  po¬ 
sition.  During  this  retreat  he  ordered  the  farm-houses  to  be 
burnt  by  the  way,  among  which  was  the  elegant  mansion  of 
General  Schuyler,  with  its  mills  and  out-buildings.  This  con¬ 
duct  on  the  part  of  the  British  commander  was  viewed  as 
alike  disreputable  and  unnecessary.* 

Well  knowing  that  a  farther  retreat,  with  a  view,  if  possible, 
of  reaching  his  depdt  at  Fort  George,  and  escaping  through  the 
lakes,  was  now  the  only  movement  to  which  Burgoyne  could 
have  recourse  to  save  the  shattered  remains  of  his  army,  Gates 
lost  no  time  in  throwing  several  strong  detachments  of  troops 
into  his  rear.  A  division  of  fourteen  hundred  was  stationed  on 
the  heights  opposite  the  ford  at  Saratoga ;  two  thousand  in  his 
rear,  to  prevent  his  retreat  upon  Fort  Edward  ;  and-  fifteen 
hundred  at  a  ford  yet  higher  up.  Apprehensive  that  he  should 
be  entirely  penned  up,  Burgoyne  sent  forward  a  corps  of  artifi¬ 
cers  to  repair  the  bridges  ;  but  these,  though  strongly  guarded, 
were  driven  precipitately  back.  His  thoughts  were  next  di¬ 
rected  to  the  opening  of  a  passage  by  the  way  of  Fort  Ed¬ 
ward  ;  but  the  Americans  had  already  re-possessed  themselves 

a  character  of  that  juncture,  that  would  make  one  of  the  finest  subjects  for  the  pencil 
of  a  master  that  the  field  ever  exhibited.  To  the  canvass,  and  to  the  faithful  page 
of  a  more  important  historian,  gallant  friend!  I  consign  thy  memory.  There  may 
thy  talents,  thy  manly  virtues,  their  progress  and  their  period,  find  due  distinction  ; 
and  long  may  they  survive,  long  after  the  frail  record  of  my  pen  shall  be  forgotten !’’ 
— State  of  the  Expedition  from  Canada,  fyc.  fyc.  p.  169. 

*  “The  cruelties  wliich  mark  the  retreat  of  your  army,  in  burning  the  gentle¬ 
men’s  and  farmers’  houses  as  it  passed  along,  are  almost,  among  civilized  nations, 
without  precedent ;  they  should  not  endeavor  to  ruin  those  they  could  not  conquer ; 
their  conduct  betrays  more  of  the  vindictive  malice  of  the  monk  than  the  generosity 
of  a  soldier.” — Letter  of  Gates  to  Burgoyne,  Oct.  12,  1777. 


276 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 


of  that  work,  and  were  well  provided  with  artillery.  Thus 
environed  with  difficulties,  which  were  increasing  every  hour, 
his  effective  force  reduced  to  less  than  three  thousand  five  hun¬ 
dred  men, — the  American  army  increasing  every  moment, 
and  now  forming  an  almost  entire  circle  around  him, — harassed 
at  all  points,  especially  by  the  sharp-shooters  who  hovered 
about  him, — Burgoyne  was  driven  to  the  necessity  of  entering 
into  a  convention  with  General  Gates,  which  was  done  by  the 
unanimous  consent  of  a  general  council  of  his  officers.  The 
preliminaries  were  soon  adjusted  ;  and  on  the  17th  of  October, 
the  royal  army  surrendered  prisoners  of  war.  At  the  opening 
of  the  campaign,  the  army  of  Burgoyne  numbered  nine  thou¬ 
sand  two  hundred  and  thirteen  men.  The  number  that  laid 
down  their  arms,  was  five  thousand  seven  hundred  and  fifty- 
two.  His  Indian  allies  had  all,  or  nearly  all,  abandoned  him 
several  days  before. 

On  the  same  day  that  the  articles  of  capitulation  were  car¬ 
ried  into  effect,  Burgoyne,  with  his  general  officers,  was  re¬ 
ceived  in  the  quarters  of  General  Gates,  and  entertained  by  him 
at  dinner.  They  were  received  with  the  utmost  courtesy,  and 
with  the  consideration  due  to  brave  but  unfortunate  men. 
The  conversation  was  unrestrained,  affable,  and  free.*  Indeed, 
the  conduct  of  Gates  throughout,  after  the  terms  of  the  surren¬ 
der  had  been  adjusted,  was  marked  with  equal  delicacy  and 
magnanimity,  as  Burgoyne  himself  admitted  in  a  letter  to  the 
Earl  of  Derby.  In  that  letter,  the  captive  General  particularly 
mentioned  one  circumstance  which,  he  said,  exceeded  all  he 
had  ever  seen  or  read  of  on  a  like  occasion.  It  was  the  fact, 
that  when  the  British  soldiers  had  marched  out  of  their  camp 
to  the  place  where  they  were  to  pile  their  arms,  not  a  man  of 
the  American  troops  ioas  to  be  seen — General  Gates  having 
ordered  his  whole  army  out  of  sight,  that  not  one  of  them 


*  Memoirs  of  the  Baroness  do  Riedesel.  The  first  meeting  of  Burgoyne  with  Gates 
is  thus  described  by  Wilkinson  : — “  General  Gates,  advised  of  Burgoyne’s  approach, 
met  him  at  the  head  of  his  camp — Burgoyne  in  a  rich  royal  uniform,  and  Gates  in  a 
plain  blue  frock ;  when  they  had  approached  nearly  within  sword’s  length,  they 
reined  up  and  halted.  I  then  named  the  gentlemen,  and  General  Burgoyne,  raising 
his  hat  most  gracefully,  said — ‘The  fortune  of  war,  General  Gates,  has  made  me 
your  prisoner to  which  the  conqueror,  returning  a  courtly  salute,  promptly  replied 
— ‘I  shall  always  be  ready  to  bear  testimony  that  it  has  not  been  through  any  fault 
of  your  Excellency.’  ” 


1777.]  close  of  burgoyne’s  campaign.  277 

should  be  a  spectator  of  the  humiliation  of  the  British  troops, 
nor  otfer  the  smallest  insult  to  the  vanquished.  This  was  a  re¬ 
finement  of  delicacy,  and  of  military  generosity  and  politeness, 
reflecting  the  highest  credit  upon  the  conqueror;  and  was 
spoken  of  by  the  officers  of  Burgoyne  in  the  strongest  terms  of 
approbation.* 

It  was,  perhaps,  no  fault  of  General  Gates,  that  he  had  been 
placed  in  command  at  the  North  just  at  the  auspicious  mo¬ 
ment  when  the  discomfiture  of  Burgoyne  was  no  longer  pro¬ 
blematical.  He  was  ordered  by  Congress  to  the  station,  and 
performed  his  duty  well.  But  it  is  no  less  true  that  the  laurels 
won  by  him  ought  to  have  been  harvested  by  Schuyler.  Ge¬ 
neral  (then  Colonel)  Wilkinson,  who  was  not  only  an  active  of¬ 
ficer  in  that  campaign,  but  a  member  of  Gates’s  own  military 
family,  has  placed  this  question  in  its  true  aspect.  He  main¬ 
tains  that  not  only  had  the  army  of  Burgoyne  been  essentially 
disabled  by  the  loss  of  a  heavy  detachment,  artillery  and  bag¬ 
gage,  and  by  the  defeat  of  the  Hessians  at  Bennington,  before 
the  arrival  of  Gates,  but  that  the  repulse  of  St.  Leger  at  Fort 
Schuyler  had  deranged  his  plans,  while  safety  had  been  restored 
to  the  western  frontier,  and  the  panic  thereby  caused  to  subside. 
He  likewise  maintains  that  after  the  reverses  at  the  North,  no 
wise  in  justice  attributable  to  him,  and  before  the  arrival  of 
Gates,  the  zeal,  patriotism,  and  salutary  arrangements  of  Gene¬ 
ral  Schuyler  had  vanquished  the  prejudices  excited  against 
him  ;  that  by  the  defeat  of  Baum  and  St.  Leger,  Schuyler  had 
been  enabled  to  concentrate  and  oppose  his  whole  Continental 
force  against  the  main  body  of  the  enemy  ;  and  that  by  him, 
also  before  the  arrival  of  Gates,  the  friends  of  the  Revolution 
had  been  re-animated  and  excited  to  manly  resistance,  while 
the  adherents  of  the  royal  cause  were  intimidated,  and  had 
shrunk  into  silence  and  inactivity.  From  these  premises,  which 
are  indisputable,  it  is  no  more  than  a  fair  deduction  to  say, 
“  that  the  same  force  which  enabled  Gates  to  subdue  the  Bri- 

*  Remembrancer  of  1777,  pages  482,  83.  A  letter  published  in  that  repository 
of  the  events  of  the  American  Revolution,  at  the  same  time,  stated  that  “some  few 
of  the  New  England  men  desired  to  have  Burgoyne  in  their  hands  for  half  an  hour. 
Being  asked  for  what  purpose,  they  said  they  would  do  him  no  manner  of  harm; 
they  would  only  tar  and  feather  him,  and  make  him  stand  on  the  head  of  one  of  his 
own  empty  heef-harrels,  and  read  his  own  proclamation.”—  >t>.  4S1,  82..  If  made 
at  all,  the  suggestion  must  have  been  merely  the  sportive  sally  of  a  wag. 


278 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 


tc  tish  army,  would  have  produced  a  similar  effect  under  the 
“  orders  of  General  Schuyler  ;  since  the  operations  of  the  cam¬ 
paign  did  not  involve  a  single  instance  of  professional  skill, 
11  and  the  triumph  of  the  American  arms  was  accomplished  by 
“  the  physical  force  and  valor  of  the  troops,  under  the  pro¬ 
jection  AND  DIRECTION  OF  THE  GoD  OF  BATTLES.”* 

Flushed  with  his  fortuitous  success,  or  rather  with  the  suc¬ 
cess  attending  his  fortuitous  position,  Gates  did  not  wear  his 
honors  with  any  remarkable  meekness.  On  the  contrary,  his 
bearing  even  toward  the  Commander-in-chief  was  far  from 
respectful.  He  did  not  even  write  to  Washington  on  the  occa¬ 
sion,  until  after  a  considerable  time  had  elapsed.  In  the  first 
instance  Wilkinson  was  sent  as  the  bearer  of  despatches  to 
Congress,  but  did  not  reach  the  seat  of  that  body  until  fifteen 
days  after  the  articles  of  capitulation  had  been  signed  ;  and 
three  days  more  were  occupied  in  arranging  his  papers  before 
they  were  presen ted.t  The  first  mention  which  Washington 
makes  of  the  defeat  of  Burgoyne,  is  contained  in  a  letter  written 
to  his  brother  on  the  18th  of  October — the  news  having  been 
communicated  to  him  by  Governor  Clinton.  He  spoke  of  the 
event  again  on  the  19th,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  General  Put¬ 
nam.  On  the  25th,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  that  officer,  he 
acknowledges  the  receipt  of  a  copy  of  the  articles  of  capitulation 
from  him — adding,  that  that  was  the  first  authentic  intelligence 
he  had  received  of  the  affair,  and  that  he  had  begun  to  grow 
uneasy,  and  almost  to  suspect  that  the  previous  accounts  were 
premature.  And  it  was  not  until  the  2d  of  November  that 
Gates  deigned  to  communicate  to  the  Commander-in-chief  a 
word  upon  the  subject,  and  then  only  incidentally,  as  though  it 
were  a  matter  of  secondary  importance.! 

*  Wilkinson’s  Memoirs,  vol.  i.  chap.  v. 

f  Sparks.  “It  was  on  this  occasion  that  one  of  the  members  made  a  motion  in 
Congress,  that  they  should  compliment  Colonel  Wilkinson  with  the  gift  of  a  pair  of 
spurs.” 

|  Idem.  All  that  Gates  said  upon  the  subject  in  the  letter  referred  to,  was 
comprised  in  these  few  words : — “  Congress  having  been  requested  immediately  to 
transmit  copies  of  all  my  despatches  to  them,  I  am  confident  your  Excellency  has 
long  ago  received  all  the  good  news  from  this  quarter.”  Two  days  before  this,  in  a 
letter  directed  to  Gates,  Washington  had  administered  one  of  those  mild  and  digni¬ 
fied  rebukes  so  very  like  himself.  In  this  letter,  written  in  reference  to  a  special 
mission  of  Colonel  Hamilton  to  the  North,  the  Commander-in-chief  said  : — “  By 
this  opportunity  I  do  myself  the  pleasure  to  congratulate  you  on  the  signal  success 


1777.]  NOBLE  CONDUCT  OF  SCHUYLER.  279 

General  Schuyler  was  in  the  camp  with  Gates  at  the  time  of 
the  surrender,  though  without  any  personal  command  ;  and 
when  Burgoyne,  with  his  general  officers,  arrived  in  Albany, 
they  were  the  guests  of  Schuyler,  by  whom  they  were  treated 
with  great  hospitality.  The  Baroness  de  Riedesel  speaks  with 
great  feeling  of  the  kindness  she  received  from  General  Schuy¬ 
ler  on  her  first  arrival  in  the  camp  of  General  Gates,  and  after¬ 
ward  at  the  hands  of  Mrs.  Schuyler  and  her  daughters  in  Alba¬ 
ny.  The  urbanity  of  his  manners,  and  the  chivalric  magna¬ 
nimity  of  his  character,  smarting  as  he  was  under  the  extent 
and  severity  of  his  pecuniary  losses,  are  attested  by  General 
Burgoyne  himself,  in  his  speech  in  1778,  in  the  British  House 
of  Commons.  He  there  declared  that,  by  his  orders,  “  a  very 
“  good  dwelling-house,  exceeding  large  store-houses,  great  saw- 
“  mills,  and  other  out-buildings,  to  the  value  altogether  perhaps 
“  of  £10,000  sterling,”  belonging  to  General  Schuyler,  at  Sara¬ 
toga,  were  destroyed  by  fire  a  few  days  before  the  surrender. 
He  said  farther,  that  one  of  the  first  persons  he  saw,  after  the 
convention  was  signed,  was  General  Schuyler  ;  and  when  ex¬ 
pressing  to  him  his  regret  at  the  event  which  had  happened  to 
his  property,  General  Schuyler  desired  him  “  to  think  no  more 
“  of  it,  and  that  the  occasion  justified  it,  according  to  the  prin- 
“  ciples  and  rules  of  war.  He  did  more,”  said  Burgoyne  ;  “  he 
“sent  an  aid-de-camp*  to  conduct  me  to  Albany,  in  order,  as 
“  he  expressed  it,  to  procure  better  quarters  than  a  stranger 
“  might  be  able  to  find.  That  gentleman  conducted  me  to  a 
“  very  elegant  house,  and,  to  my  great  surprise,  presented  me 
“  to  Mrs.  Schuyler  and  her  family.  In  that  house  I  remained 
“  during  my  whole  stay  in  Albany,  with  a  table  of  more  than 
“  twenty  covers  for  me  and  my  friends,  and  every  other  possi- 
“  ble  demonstration  of  hospitality.”! 


of  the  army  under  your  command,  in  compelling  General  Burgoyne  and  his  whole 
force  to  surrender  themselves  prisoners  of  war.”  *  *  *  *  “At 

the  same  time  I  cannot  but  regret  that  a  matter  of  such  magnitude,  and  so  interest¬ 
ing  to  our  general  operations,  should  have  reached  me  by  report  only,  or  through  the 
channel  of  letters  not  bearing  that  authenticity  which  the  importance  of  it  required,  and 
which  it  would  have  received  by  a  line  under  your  signature,  stating  the  simple 
facts.” — Letters  of  Washington,  vol.  v.  pages  104,  112,  113,  124,  125. 

*  The  late  Colonel  Richard  Varick,  then  the  military  secretary  of  Gen.  Schuyler, 
t  Parliamentary  History,  vol.  xix.  p.  1 182 — as  quoted  by  Chancellor  Kent  in  his 
address  before  the  New- York  Historical  Society. 

40 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


Sir  Henry  Clinton’s  attempt  to  co-operate  with  Eurgoyne — Storming  of  Forts  Clin¬ 
ton  and  Montgomery — Burning  of  iEsopus — Review  of  military  operations  else¬ 
where — Expedition  to  Peekskill — Of  Gov.  Tryon  to  Danbury — Progress  of  Sir 
William  Howe  in  Pennsylvania — Battle  of  Brandywine — Massacreof  the  Paoli — 
Battle  of  Germantown — Death  of  Count  Donop — Murder  of  Captain  Deitz  and 
family  at  Berne — John  Taylor — Lady  Johnson  ordered  to  leave  Albany — Exas¬ 
peration  of  Sir  John — Attempts  to  abduct  Mr.  Taylor — An  Indian  and  white  man 
bribed  to  assassinate  General  Schuyler — Fresh  alarms  in  Tryon  County — Ad¬ 
dress  of  Congress  to  the  Six  Nations — The  appeal  produces  no  effect — Articles 
of  confederation — Close  of  the  year 

Simultaneously  with  the  events  rapidly  sketched  in  the 
preceding  chapter,  an  expedition  from  New-York  to  the  North 
was  undertaken  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  to  which  an  incidental 
reference  has  already  been  made.  The  obvious  intention  of 
Sir  Henry  was  to  relieve  General  Burgoyne  ;*  but  it  was  un¬ 
dertaken  at  too  late  a  period  to  render  him  any  assistance  ;  a 
fact  admitted  by  Sir  Henry  himself,  who  excused  the  delay  by 
stating  that  he  could  not  attempt  it  sooner  without  leaving  the 
defences  of  New-York  too  feebly  guarded.  This  expedition 
consisted  of  about  three  thousand  men,  convoyed  by  a  fleet  un¬ 
der  Commodore  Hotham,  who  proceeded  up  the  Hudson  river 
early  in  October,  and  was  destined,  in  the  first  instance,  against 
Forts  Montgomery  and  Clinton,  near  the  Southern  boundary  of 
the  highlands.  These  fortresses  had  been  constructed  chiefly  for 
the  purpose  of  preventing  the  ships  of  the  enemy  from  ascend¬ 
ing  the  river,  and  were  not  defensible  in  the  rear.  They 
were  commanded  by  Governor  Clinton,  with  the  assistance  of 
General  James  Clinton,  his  brother. 

The  troops  of  the  enemy  were  landed  at  Stoney  Point, 
twelve  miles  below  the  forts.  A  small  advanced  party  of  the 
Americans  was  met  and  attacked  at  about  10  o’clock  in  the 
morning  of  the  6th  of  October,  when  within  two  and  a  half 
miles  of  the  fort.  This  party  was  of  course  driven  in,  having 
returned  the  enemy’s  fire.t  When  arrived  within  a  mile  of 
the  forts,  Sir  Henry  divided  his  troops  into  two  columns  ;  the 
one,  consisting  of  nine  hundred  men  under  Lieutenant  Colonel 

*  Letter  from  Washington  to  General  Putnam,  Oct.  19,  1777. 
f  Letter  from  Governor  Clinton  to  the  Committee  of  Safety,  Oct.  7,  1777. 


1777.]  FORTS  CLINTON  AND  MONTGOMERY.  281 

Campbell,  was  destined  for  the  attack  on  Fort  Montgomery ; 
the  other,  under  the  immediate  command  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
was  to  storm  the  stronger  post  of  Fort  Clinton.*  Ascertaining 
that  the  enemy  were  advancing  to  the  west  side  of  the  moun¬ 
tain,  to  attack  his  rear,  Governor  Clinton  ordered  a  detachment 
of  upward  of  one  hundred  men,  under  Col.  Lamb,  together  with 
a  brass  field-piece  and  fifty  men  more,  to  take  a  strong  position 
in  advance.  They  were  soon  sharply  engaged,  and  another  de¬ 
tachment  of  an  equal  number  was  sent  to  their  assistance.  They 
kept  their  field-piece  sharply  playing  upon  the  enemy’s  advanc¬ 
ing  column,  and  were  only  compelled  to  give  way  by  the  point 
of  the  bayonet — spiking  their  field-piece  before  they  relinquish¬ 
ed  it.  In  this  preliminary  encounter  the  loss  of  Sir  Henry 
was  severe. 

Pressing  rapidly  onward,  both  forts  were  in  a  few  minutes 
attacked  with  vigor  upon  all  sides.  The  fire  was  incessant 
during  the  afternoon  until  about  five  o’clock,  when  a  flag  ap¬ 
proaching,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Livingston  was  ordered  to  re¬ 
ceive  it.  The  officer  was  the  bearer  of  a  peremptory  summons 
to  surrender,  as  he  alleged,  to  prevent  the  effusion  of  blood. 
Nor  would  he  treat,  unless  upon  the  basis  of  a  surrender  of  the 
garrison  as  prisoners  of  war,  in  which  case  he  was  authorised 
to  assure  them  of  good  usage.  The  proposition  being  rejected 
“  with  scorn, ”f  in  about  ten  minutes  the  attack  was  renewed, 
and  kept  up  until  after  dark,  when  the  enemy  forced  the 
American  lines  and  redoubts  at  both  forts,  and  the  garrisons, 
determined  not  to  surrender,  undertook  to  fight  their  way  out. 
The  last  attack  of  the  enemy  was  desperate ;  but  the  Ameri 
cans,  militia  as  well  as  regulars,  resisted  with  great  spirit, 
and,  favored  by  the  darkness,  many  of  them  escaped.  Govern¬ 
or  Clinton  himself  escaped  by  leaping  a  precipice  in  the  dark, 
and  jumping  into  a  boat,  in  which  he  was  conveyed  away. 
His  brother  was  wounded  and  taken  prisoner.  Of  the  British 
forces,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Campbell  and  Count  Grabouski,  a 
Polish  nobleman,  engaged  as  a  volunteer  under  Sir  Henry, 
were  slain.  The  loss  of  the  Americans,  killed,  wounded,  and 
missing,  was  stated  at  two  hundred  and  fifty.  The  British  loss 

*  Holmes. 

+  Letter  of  Governor  Clinton  to  the  Council  of  Safety,  from  which  the  facts  of 
this  affair  are  chiefly  drawn. 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


282 


[177  7 


was  stated  at  two  hundred,  but  was  believed  to  have  been  much 
more  than  that  of  the  Americans.* * * § 

On  the  7th,  a  summons  to  surrender,  signed  jointly  by  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  and  Commodore  Hotham,  was  sent  to  Fort  Con¬ 
stitution  ;f  but  the  flag  was  fired  upon,  and  returned.  To 
avenge  the  insult,  an  attack  was  immediately  determined  upon, 
but  on  arriving  at  the  fort  on  the  following  day,  there  was  no 
enemy  to  assault — an  evacuation  having  taken  place,  so  preci¬ 
pitate  as  to  leave  considerable  booty  to  the  conqueror. t  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  proceeded  no  farther,  but  a  strong  detachment 
of  his  army,  under  General  Vaughan,  pursued  the  enter¬ 
prise,  with  Commodore  Hotham,  as  far  north  as  iEsopus,§  de¬ 
stroying  several  vessels  by  the  way.  At  iEsopus  Creek  there 
were  two  small  batteries  and  an  armed  galley,  mounting,  how¬ 
ever,  in  all,  but  six  or  seven  guns.  These  were  easily  silenced. 
General  Vaughan  then  effected  a  landing,  marched  to  the 
town,  and  laid  it  in  ashes.  Large  quantities  of  stores  had  been 
accumulated  at  this  place,  which  were  of  course  destroyed. 
Disappointed,  however,  by  the  disastrous  termination  of  the 
campaign  of  Burgoyne,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  made  an  expeditious 
return  to  the  city. 

But  the  war  was  this  year  fruitful  in  military  events  in 
other  parts  of  the  confederation,  some  of  the  principal  of  which 
may  appropriately  be  passed  in  review  at  this  stage  of  the  pre¬ 
sent  chapter.  In  the  month  of  March,  after  the  return  of  the 
British  troops  from  their  bootless  expedition  through  the  Jer- 

*  “I  believe,  from  the  bravery  of  the  garrison  of  Fort  Montgomery,  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  purchased  victory  at  no  inconsiderable  expense.  General  Campbell  was 
certainly  killed.  This  they  mention  in  their  own  official  account,  but  call  him 
Lieutenant  Colonel  of  the  fifty-second  regiment.  He  was  a  General  on  the  Ameri¬ 
can  establishment,  so  declared  in  one  of  the  orderly  books  which  fell  into  our 
hands.” — Letter  of  Washington  to  General  Putnam.  [Sparks  corrects  the  Com¬ 
mander-in-chief  upon  this  point — believing  that  General  Campbell  was  another  per¬ 
son,  who  was  at  Staten  Island  at  the  time  in  question.] 

t  Situated  at  West  Point. 

I  Letter  of  Commodore  Hotham  to  Sir  William  Howe.  “  The  whole  number  of 
cannon  taken  in  the  three  forts  amount  to  sixty-seven,  with  a  large  quantity  of  pro¬ 
visions,  ammunition,  and  stores  of  all  kinds.” 

§  The  ancient  Dutch  name  of  Kingston,  the  present  shire  town  of  the  County  of 
Ulster,  N.  Y.  It  was  a  large  and  wealthy  inland  town,  built  almost  entirely  of 
stone,  upon  a  rich  and  beautiful  plain  about  three  miles  from  the  river.  The  naked 
walls  of  many  of  the  houses  destroyed  by  General  Vaughan,  were  standing,  unre¬ 
paired,  until  within  five  or  six  years. 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  WAR. 


2S3 


1  /  /  /  .J 

sies,  to  New- York,  Colonel  Bird  was  detached  against  Peek- 
skill,  with  five  hundred  men,  for  the  purpose  of  destroying 
the  American  stores  deposited  at  that  place.  General  M£Dou- 
gall,  commanding  a  small  guard  at  the  depdt,  on  the  approach 
of  a  force  which  he  had  not  the  power  to  resist,  set  fire  to  the 
stores  and  retreated.  A  similar  expedition,  for  the  same  object, 
was  directed  against  Danbury  toward  the  close  of  April,  con¬ 
sisting  of  two  thousand  men  under  the  conduct  of  Major  Gene¬ 
ral  Tryon.  Landing  at  Compo  Creek,  between  Norwalk  and 
Fairfield,  the  march  of  Governor  Tryon  to  the  point  of  his  des¬ 
tination  was  almost  unopposed.  A  large  quantity  of  provi¬ 
sions — beef,  pork,  and  flour — had  been  collected  by  the  Ameri¬ 
cans  at  that  place,  which  were  guarded  only  by  about  one 
hundred  militia  and  Continental  troops.  Not  being  able  to  op¬ 
pose  the  enemy,  Colonel  Huntington  retired  to  a  neighboring 
height,  and  awaited  reinforcements.  The  town  of  Danbury 
and  the  stores  were  burnt  on  the  26th  of  April.*  During  the 
afternoon  and  the  following  night  Generals  Wooster,  Arnold, 
and  Silliman  collected  such  militia  forces  as  they  could,  for  the 
purpose  of  harassing  the  retreat  of  the  enemy  the  next  morning. 
With  three  hundred  men,  Wooster  gallantly  attacked  his  rear 
at  11  o’clock  on  the  27th,  while  Arnold,  with  five  hundred 
more,  awaited  his  arrival  at  Ridgeway.  Wooster  fell,  mortally 
wounded,  and  his  troops  were  obliged  to  give  way.  At  Ridge¬ 
way,  Arnold  skirmished  with  the  enemy  for  about  an  hour,  but 
could  not  make  a  stand,  or  prevent  them  from  remaining  at 
that  place  over  night.  On  the  28th,  the  march  of  the  enemy 
was  resumed,  as  also  was  the  skirmishing;  by  General  Arnold, 
which  was  continued  until  5  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  ;  when,  as 
they  approached  their  ships,  the  Americans  charged  with  in¬ 
trepidity,  but  were  repulsed  and  broken.  Embarking  immedi¬ 
ately,  Governor  Tryon  returned  to  New- York,  with  a  loss  of 
one  hundred  and  seventy  men.  The  loss  of  the  Americans 
was  one  hundred.  These  predatory  excursions  were  retaliated 
by  the  Americans  under  Colonel  Meigs,  who  made  a  brilliant 
expedition  against  Sag  Harbor,  where  the  enemy  had  collected 

*  The  property  destroyed  consisted  of  eighteen  houses  ;  eight  hundred  barrels  of 
pork  and  beef ;  eight  hundred  barrels  of  flour ;  two  thousand  bushels  of  grain,  and 
seventeen  hundred  tents. 


284 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 


a  quantity  of  stores.  The  guard  was  taken  by  surprise — the 
place  carried  by  the  bayonet — the  stores  destroyed,  including 
twelve  transport  vessels — and  Colonel  Meigs  re-crossed  the 
Sound  to  Guilford  without  the  loss  of  a  man. 

After  the  return  of  the  British  forces  from  New  Jersey,  Sir 
William  Howe  suffered  them  to  remain  upon  Staten  Island  un¬ 
til  near  midsummer,  when,  as  the  reader  has  seen  in  a  previous 
chapter,  he  embarked  with  sixteen  thousand  men,  and  sailed 
for  the  Chesapeake  Bay.  On  the  24th  of  August  he  landed  at 
Elkton,  whence,  after  being  joined  by  Generals  Grant  and 
Knyphausen,  he  directed  his  march  upon  Philadelphia.  Anti¬ 
cipating  the  design  of  the  British  commander,  Washington 
threw  himself,  with  his  whole  disposable  force,  between  Sir 
William  and  Philadelphia,  for  the  purpose  of  intercepting  and 
bringing  him  to  a  general  engagement.  The  disastrous  battle 
of  Brandywine  was  fought  on  the  11th  of  September.  The 
loss  of  the  Americans  was  three  hundred  killed  and  six  hun¬ 
dred  wounded  and  taken  prisoners.  That  of  the  enemy  was 
about  one  hundred  killed  and  four  hundred  wounded.  While 
General  Washington  with  the  main  army  retreated  across 
the  Schuylkill,  General  Wayne  was  left  at  the  Paoli  with  fif¬ 
teen  hundred  men,  for  the  purpose  of  gaining  and  harassing 
the  enemy’s  rear.  But,  notwithstanding  the  wonted  vigilance 
of  this  officer,  he  was  surprised  in  the  course  of  the  night,  and 
routed,  by  General  Gray,  who  had  been  detached  for  that  pur¬ 
pose  with  two  regiments  of  the  enemy’s  line  and  a  body  of 
light  troops.  General  Wayne  had  attempted  to  conceal  him¬ 
self  upon  an  elevated  piece  of  woodland,  having  an  opening  of 
a  few  acres  upon  which  his  troops  bivouacked  for  the  night, 
in  perfect  security,  as  was  supposed.  The  approach  of  the 
enemy  was  so  cautious  as  to  take  the  Americans  completely 
by  surprise.  Guided  by  the  light  of  their  fires,  the  enemy 
succeeded  in  cutting  off  their  outposts  and  pickets  without 
noise,  and  then  rushed  upon  the  sleeping  camp  without  firing 
a  gun,  and  depending  alone  upon  the  bayonet.  Three  hun¬ 
dred  were  slain,  many  of  whom  were  transfixed  with  bayonets 
as  they  lay  sleeping  in  their  tents.  But,  though  surprised, 
General  Wayne  was  cool  and  self-possessed  ;  and,  as  the  enemy 
himself  acknowledged,  “  by  his  prudent  dispositions”  in  the 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  WAR. 


285 


1777.] 

moment  of  alarm,  succeeded  in  bringing  off  the  remainder  of 
his  troops.* 

General  Washington  had  taken  post  on  the  Eastern  bank  of 
the  Schuylkill,  about  sixteen  miles  from  Germantown.  General 
Howe  marched  upon  Germantown  with  his  main  army,  where 
he  arrived  on  the  26th  of  September.  On  the  27th  Lord  Corn¬ 
wallis  took  possession  of  Philadelphia  without  resistance.  On 
the  4th  of  October,  the  battle  of  Germantown  was  fought,  in 
which  it  was  claimed  by  the  enemy  that  the  Americans  were 
defeated,  although  it  was,  in  fact,  a  drawn  battle.  This  action 
was  produced  by  an  attempt  of  the  Commander-in-chief  to  ef¬ 
fect  something  by  way  of  surprise.  Having  ascertained  the 
situation  of  the  enemy,  the  Americans  marched  all  night,  and 
arrived  at  Germantown  at  daylight.  The  enemy  was  attacked 
upon  two  quarters,  in  both  of  which  the  Americans  were  suc¬ 
cessful.  Indeed,  the  enemy,  as  it  was  afterward  ascertained, 
were  thrown  into  such  a  state  of  tumult  and  disorder,  and  so 
panic-stricken,  that  a  retreat  to  Chester  had  been  resolved  upon. 
But  the  morning  was  so  excessively  dark  and  foggy,  that  nei¬ 
ther  the  advantages  gained  by  the  Americans,  nor  the  confusion 

*  Some  twenty  years  ago,  the  citizen  soldiers  of  the  neighborhood  of  the  Paoli 
piously  collected  the  remains  of  such  of  the  brave  men  who  were  slain  on  that  occa¬ 
sion  as  could  be  found,  and  interred  them  on  the  field  of  the  massacre.  A  small 
mound  was  raised  over  them,  which  is  walled  in,  and  surrounded  by  a  plain  marble 
monument — a  square  block,  with  an  urn  at  the  top,  bearing  inscriptions  upon  each 
of  the  sides,  in  the  following  words  : — 

First  :  “  Sacred  to  the  memory  of  the  patriots,  who,  on  this  spot,  fell  a  sacrifice 
to  British  barbarity,  during  the  struggle  for  American  Independence,  during  the 
night  of  the  20th  of  September,  1777.” 

Second  :  “  Here  repose  the  remains  of  fifty-three  American  soldiers,  who  were 
the  victims  of  cold-blooded  cruelty  in  the  well-known  massacre  of  the  Paoli,  while 
under  the  command  of  Gen.  Anthony  Wayne,  an  officer,  whose  military  conduct, 
bravery,  and  humanity,  were  equally  conspicuous  throughout  the  Revolutionary 
war.” 

Third  :  “The  atrocious  massacre,  which  this  stone  commemorates,  was  perpe¬ 
trated  by  British  troops  under  the  immediate  command  of  Maj.  Gen.  Gray.” 

Fourth:  “This  memorial  in  honor  of  Revolutionary  patriotism,  was  erected 
September  20,  1817,  by  the  Republican  Artillerists  of  Chester  County,  aided  by  the 
contributions  of  their  fellow-citizens.” 

An  annual  military  parade  is  held  upon  this  interesting  field.  The  name — The 
Paoli — is  derived  from  a  celebrated  tavern,  at  two  miles  distance,  on  the  Great 
Lancaster  Road,  which  was  established  contemporaneously  with  the  Corsican  strug¬ 
gle  for  independence,  and  named  in  honor  of  the  unfortunate  chieftain  of  that  enter¬ 
prise.  It  bears  the  same  name  still. — Journal  of  a  Visit  to  the  field  of  Brandywine , 
by  the  author. 


286 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 


of  the  enemy,  could  be  perceived.  This  circumstance,  by  con¬ 
cealing  from  the  Americans  the  true  situation  of  the  enemy, 
obliged  the  Commander-in-chief  to  act  with  more  caution  and 
less  expedition  than  he  could  have  wished  ;  and,  what  was 
still  more  unfortunate,  it  served  to  keep  the  different  divisions 
of  the  Americans  in  ignorance  of  each  other’s  movements,  and 
prevent  their  acting  in  concert.  It  also  occasioned  them  to 
mistake  one  another  for  the  enemy.  In  this  situation,  it  was 
considered  unsafe  to  push  too  far  through  a  strong  village, 
while  enveloped  in  a  haze  so  thick  as  to  border  upon  positive 
darkness.  The  consequence  was  a  retreat,  by  the  Americans  at 
the  very  instant  when  victory  was  declaring  in  their  favor. 
The  action  lasted  two  hours,  and  the  fighting  was  severe — the 
loss  of  the  Americans  being  about  one  hundred  men,  killed, 
wounded,  and  missing.  Among  the  slain  was  the  brave  Gene¬ 
ral  Nash,  of  North  Carolina.  Severe,  however,  as  the  action 
was,  the  enemy  were  rendered  nothing  better  by  the  event ; 
while  the  result  was  regarded  by  Washington  t£  as  rather  un¬ 
fortunate  than  injurious.”* 

But  all  the  advantages  thus  gained  by  the  enemy,  had  been 
more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  reverses  of  St.  Leger,  and 
the  nearly  simultaneous  capture  of  Burgoyne  and  his  well-ap¬ 
pointed  army  at  the  North.  Another  circumstance,  gratifying 
to  the  friends  of  the  American  arms,  was  the  repulse  of  Count 

*  This  brief  account  of  the  battle  of  Germantown  is  drawn  from  Washington’s 
letters  to  the  President  of  Congress,  his  brother,  and  Governor  Trumbull.  General 
Washington  attributed  the  successes  of  Sir  William  Howe  in  Pennsylvania,  and 
his  own  consequent  disasters,  to  the  apathy  and  disaffection  of  the  people  of  that 
State.  In  one  of  his  letters  upon  the  subject,  he  says  : — “The  Norlhern  army,  be¬ 
fore  the  surrender  of  General  Burgoyne,  was  reinforced  by  upward  of  twelve  hun¬ 
dred  militia,  who  shut  tire  only  door  by  which  Burgoyne  could  retreat,  and  cut  off  all 
his  supplies.  How  different  our  case  1  The  disaffection  of  a  great  part  of  tire  in¬ 
habitants  of  this  State,  the  languor  of  others,  and  the  internal  distraction  of  the  whole, 
have  been  among  the  great  and  insuperable  difficulties  which  I  have  met  with,  and 
have  contributed  not  a  little  to  my  embarrassments  this  campaign.” — Letter  oj 
Washington  to  London  Carter,  Oct.  27,  1777.  Many  other  letters  from  the  Com¬ 
mander-in-chief,  written  during  the  winter  and  spring  of  1778,  complain  of  the  con¬ 
duct  of  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  in  supplying  the  enemy  in  Philadelphia  with  pro¬ 
visions — particularly  from  Bucks  County.  In  a  letter  to  Maj.  General  Armstrong, 
of  that  State,  dated  at  Valley  Forge,  March  27th,  he  says  : — “  The  situation  of  mat¬ 
ters  in  this  State  is  melancholy  and  alarming.  We  have  daily  proof  that  a  majority 
of  the  people  in  this  quarter  are  only  restrained  from  supplying  the  enemy  with 
horses  and  every  kind  of  necessary,  through  fear  of  punishment ;  and,  although  I 
have  made  a  number  of  severe  examples,  I  cannot  put  a  stop  to  the  intercourse.” 


IMXJIIDER  OF  THE  DEITZ  FAMILY. 


287 


1777.] 

Donop,  at  Red  Bank.  The  Count,  a  brave  and  experienced 
officer,  fell,  mortally  wounded  ;  and  about  400  of  his  troops  were 
killed.*  The  laurels  won  by  Colonel  Christopher  Greene,  the 
American  commander,  on  that  occasion,  were  not  the  less 
creditably  worn  because  of  the  necessity  which  compelled  him 
subsequently  to  abandon  the  post,  on  the  approach  of  Cornwal¬ 
lis  with  a  greatly  superior  force. 

But  neither  the  fall  of  Burgoyne,  nor  the  flight  of  St.  Leger, 
relieved  the  border  settlements  beyond  Albany  from  their  ap¬ 
prehensions.  Though  in  less  danger  of  a  sweeping  invasion, 
yet  the  scouts  and  scalping  parties  of  the  Tories  and  Indians 
were  continually  hovering  upon  their  outskirts  ;  and  so  crafty 
were  the  foe,  and  so  stealthy  their  movements,  that  no  neighbor¬ 
hood,  not  even  the  most  populous  villages,  felt  themselves  secure 
from  those  sudden  and  bloody  irruptions  which  mark  the  annals 
of  Indian  warfare.  Very  soon  after  the  capture  of  Burgoyne, 
there  was  an  occurrence  in  the  neighborhood  of  Albany,  of  a 
highly  painful  description.  Previous  to  the  commencement  of 
the  war,  a  militia  company  had  been  organized  in  the  town  of 
Berne,  comprising  eighty-five  men,  commanded  by  Captain 
Ball.  On  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities,  the  Captain,  with 
sixty-three  of  his  men,  went  over  to  the  enemy.  Thus  deserted 
by  their  leader,  the  command  of  the  residue  of  the  company 
devolved  upon  the  ensign,  Peter  Deitz.  These  all  embraced 
the  cause  of  the  country,  and  for  the  safety  of  their  settlement 
threw  up  a  little  picketed  fort,  at  a  place  now  called  the  Beaver 
Dam.  Deitz  was  soon  afterward  commissioned  a  captain,  and 
his  brother.  William  Deitz,  his  lieutenant.  On  the  approach 
of  Burgoyne  they  marched  to  Saratoga,  and  joined  the  army  of 
Gates.  Here  the  Captain  was  killed  by  the  accidental  dis¬ 
charge  of  the  gun  of  one  of  his  own  men.  William  Deitz  im- 
mediately  succeeded  to  the  vacancy  ;  and  rendered  such  good 
service  in  the  campaign  as  specially  to  incur  the  vengeance  of 
the  Tories  and  Indians.  Availing  themselves  of  an  early  op¬ 
portunity  to  glut  their  hate,  a  party  of  them  stole  into  the  set- 

*  Count  Donop  died  of  his  wounds  three  days  after  the  action,  at  a  house  near  the 
fort.  A  short  time  before  his  death,  he  said  to  Monsieur  Duplessis,  a  French  offi¬ 
cer  who  constantly  attended  him  in  his  illness,  “It  is  finishing  a  noble  career  early. 

I  die  the  victim  of  my  ambition,  and  of  the  avarice  of  my  sovereign.” — Travels  of 
the  J\larqv,is  Chastellux. 


41 


288 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 

tlement  of  Berne,  where  they  surprised  and  made  prisoner  of 
the  Captain  in  his  own  house.  They  next  brought  him  forth 
into  the  court,  bound  him  to  the  gate-post,  and  then  succes¬ 
sively  brought  out  his  father  and  mother,  his  wife  and  children, 
and  deliberately  murdered  them  all  before  his  eyes !  The 
Captain  was  himself  carried  a  prisoner  to  Niagara,  where  he 
ultimately  fell  a  sacrifice  to  their  cruelty.*  An  instance  of 
more  cool  and  fiend-like  barbarity  does  not  occur  in  the  annals 
of  this  extraordinary  contest.  It  was  only  equalled  by  the  con¬ 
duct  of  the  Tories  afterward  at  Wyoming,  and  transcended  by 
the  refinement  of  cruelty  practised  by  a  French  officer,  during 
one  of  the  earlier  wars  of  the  Indians,  upon  an  unhappy 
prisoner  among  the  remote  tribe  of  the  Dionondadies,  as  relat¬ 
ed  by  La  Potherie.t 

Other  incidents  occurred  at  Albany  and  in  its  neighborhood, 
at  about  the  same  period,  which  are  deemed  worthy  of  note. 
At  the  time  of  Sir  John  Johnson’s  flight  from  Johnstown,  his 
lady  had  remained  behind,  and  was  removed  immediately,  or 
soon  afterward,  to  Albany.  It  was  in  this  year  that  Mr.  John 
Taylor,!  after  having  performed  several  important  confidential 
services  under  the  direction  of  General  Schuyler,  was  appoint¬ 
ed  a  member  of  the  Albany  Council  of  Safety.  He  was  a  man 
of  great  shrewdness  and  sagacity,  deliberate  in  the  formation  of 
his  purposes,  and  resolute  in  their  execution  when  matured. 
The  Whigs  of  Albany  were  greatly  annoyed  during  the  whole 
contest  by  the  loyalists  resident  among  them ;  many  of  whom,  it 
was  discovered  from  time  to  time,  must  have  been  in  corres¬ 
pondence  with  the  enemy.  The  duties  of  the  Council  of 
Safety  were  consequently  the  more  arduous,  requiring  sleepless 
vigilance  and  unwearied  activity  ;  together  with  firmness  and 
energy  in  some  cases,  and  great  delicacy  in  others.  A  watch¬ 
ful  though  general  surveillance  was  necessarily  enforced  over 

*  Albany  Monthly  Magazine,  conducted  by  the  late  Horatio  G.  SpafFord,  1S15. 

|  Vide  Colden’s  Canada,  and  Smith’s  History  of  New- York. 

{  The  gentleman  here  referred  to  was  much  in  the  civil  service,  and  occasionally 
as  a  volunteer  in  the  military,  during  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  and  was  almost 
constantly  in  public  life,  afterward  in  the  councils  of  the  State,  until  within  a  few 
years  of  his  death.  He  was  nine  years  Lieutenant-Governor,  and  for  a  time  the 
acting  Governor  of  the  State ;  to  which  station  he  was  first  chosen  in  1813.  His 
life  was  rather  useful  than  brilliant ;  but  he  was  a  sound  patriot,  and  died  the  death 
of  a  Christian  in  1829 — aged  87. 


JOHN  TAYLOR  AND  LADY  JOHNSON. 


289 


1777.] 


the  community  at  large,  while  an  eye  of  closer  scrutiny  was 
kept  upon  the  character  and  conduct  of  great  numbers  of  indi¬ 
viduals  composing  that  community.  Mr.  Taylor  was  in  every 
respect  equal  to  the  station,  and  was  singularly  fortunate  both 
in  detecting  and  defeating  the  evil  machinations  of  the  adhe¬ 
rents  of  the  Crown. 

Among  his  early  discoveries  was  the  important  circumstance 
that  Lady  Johnson  was  in  active  and  frequent  correspondence 
with  her  husband,  and  that  the  facilities  derived  from  confi¬ 
dential  agents  and  her  powerful  connexions,  enabled  her  to 
keep  the  enemy  on  either  side — in  New-York  and  Canada — 
correctly  advised,  not  only  of  the  movements  and  designs  of 
each  other,  but  likewise  of  the  situation  of  American  affairs. 
Under  these  circumstances  Mr.  Taylor  proposed  a  resolution 
to  the  Council,  directing  her  removal  forthwith  from  that  part 
of  the  country.  The  proposition  was  received  with  disfavor, 
and  encountered  much  opposition  in  the  Council.  Some  of 
the  members  seemed  to  lack  the  firmness  necessary  to  adopt 
such  a  resolution,  anticipating  the  resentment  and  probable 
vengeance  of  the  Baronet,  on  hearing  that  his  lady  had  been 
treated  with  any  thing  bordering  upon  harshness  ;  while  others, 
probably,  thought  the  precaution  either  would  be  useless,  or 
that  it  was  scarce  worth  while  thus  to  wage  war  upon  a 
woman.  Convinced,  however,  of  the  danger  of  her  longer 
presence  in  that  section  of  the  country,  Mr.  Taylor  urged  her 
removal  so  strenuously  as  at  length  to  prevail ;  taking  upon 
himself  the  execution  of  the  order. 

Sir  John,  greatly  exasperated  at  the  measure,  availed  himself 
of  a  flag  to  admonish  the  mover  of  the  resolution,  that  should 
the  chances  of  war  throw  that  gentleman  into  his  possession, 
he  should  be  instantly  delivered  over  to  the  fury  of  the  savages. 
The  reply  of  the  Councillor  was  characteristic  of  the  man  : — 
“  If  Mr.  Taylor  should  be  so  fortunate  as  to  have  Sir  John 
“  Johnson  in  his  power,  he  should  most  assuredly  be  treated  as 
“  a  gentleman.”  Several  attempts  were  subsequently  made  by 
the  enemy,  probably  under  the  direction  of  Sir  John,  to  make 
a  captive  of  that  gentleman.  It  being  his  custom  to  ride  fre¬ 
quently  on  horseback  for  exercise,  and  often  on  the  road  lead¬ 
ing  toward  Schenectady,  in  company,  generally,  with  his  inti¬ 
mate  friend  through  life,  Major  Popham,  who  was  then  in  the 


290 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 


military  family  of  General  James  Clinton,  a  small  scout  of  In¬ 
dians,  under  the  direction  of  Captain  Brant,  was  on  one  occa¬ 
sion  planted  in  ambush  upon  that  road,  at  a  point  where  it  was 
supposed  he  would  be  sure  to  pass.  Providentially,  however, 
and  for  reasons  never  explained,  and  perhaps  not  known  to 
themselves,  on  the  morning  referred  to  the  friends  shortened 
their  ride,  and  wheeled  about  without  passing  the  ambuscade, 
though  approaching  it  within  striking  distance.  One  of  the 
Indians,  afterward  taken  prisoner,  stated  that  Mr.  Taylor  might 
easily  have  been  shot,  but  that  their  orders  were  to  take  him 
alive. 

Another,  and  a  yet  bolder  scheme  was  subsequently  adopted 
to  effect  the  capture  of  the  sagacious  Committee-man,  for  which 
purpose  a  party  of  the  enemy  were  actually  introduced  not 
only  into  the  city  of  Albany,  but  into  the  loft  of  Mr.  Taylor’s 
own  stable,  standing  in  the  rear  of  his  house  and  upon  the 
margin  of  the  river.  In  order,  moreover,  to  facilitate  their 
flight  with  the  intended  captive,  a  canoe  had  been  procured 
and  moored  at  the  water’s  edge.  Their  design  was  to  enter 
the  house  in  the  night,  and  seize  and  bear  him  silently  away. 
One  of  the  servants  happening  to  step  into  the  yard  after  the 
family  had  retired  to  rest,  the  lurking  foes  thought  the  time  for 
a  rush  had  arrived.  But  in  their  preparations  to  spring  for¬ 
ward  they  alarmed  the  servant  too  soon,  and  he  was  enabled  to 
get  back  into  the  house,  bolt  the  door,  and  give  timely  warn¬ 
ing.  The  insidious  purpose  was  of  course  frustrated/ 

Nor  were  these  the  only  hostile  attempts  directed,  at  about 
the  same  period,  against  individuals  at  Albany ;  General 
Schuyler  was  again  selected  for  a  victim  even  of  assassination. 
Smarting  under  their  disappointment  in  the  overthrow  of  Bur- 
goyne,  to  which  discomfiture  the  energy  and  efforts  of  Schuyler 
had  so  essentially  contributed,  a  conspiracy  was  formed  either 
to  capture  or  destroy  him.  For  this  purpose  the  Tories  cor¬ 
rupted  a  white  man,  who  had  been  patronised  by  the  General, 
and  who  was  even  then  in  his  employment,  to  do  the  foul  deed, 
and  also  one  of  the  friendly  Indians,  whose  clan  had  for  years 


*  The  facts  in  this  statement  respecting  Lady  Johnson  and  Mr.  Taylor,  have 
been  derived  from  an  extended  biographical  sketch  of  the  latter,  written  by  his  sur¬ 
viving  friend,  the  venerable  Major  William  Popham,  and  also  from  a  letter  ad¬ 
dressed  to  the  author  by  General  John  T.  Cooper. 


1777.]  FRESH  ALARMS  IN  TRYON  COUNTY.  291 

been  in  the  habit  of  hunting  upon  his  premises  in  Saratoga, 
during  the  fishing  season  at  Fish  Creek,  which  ran  through  his 
farm,  and  in  which  immense  quantities  of  fish  were  then  taken.* 
To  effect  their  object,  the  two  assassins  took  their  station  un¬ 
der  a  covert,  in  a  valley  about  half  a  mile  from  the  General’s 
premises,  and  by  which  they  had  previously  ascertained  he  was 
shortly  to  pass.  They  soon  descried  his  approach  on  horseback. 
As  he  advanced,  they  took  deliberate  aim  ;  when,  with  a  sudden 
movement,  the  Indian  struck  up  his  associate’s  gun  with  the 
exclamation — “  I  cannot  kill  him  :  I  have  eaten  his  bread  too 
often  /” t 

Early  in  the  Autumn,  the  inhabitants  of  Unadilla  and  the 
contiguous  settlements  in  that  direction,  were  again  imploring 
the  commander  of  Fort  Schuyler  for  a  detachment  of  troops  to 
protect  them  from  another  expedition,  which,  the  Oneidas  had 
informed  them,  Colonels  Johnson  and  Butler  were  getting  on 
foot  at  Oswego.  The  project,  according  to  the  news  obtained 
from  the  Oneidas,  contemplated  a  simultaneous  descent  of  the 
Tories  and  Indians  upon  five  different  points,  comprehending 
all  the  principal  settlements  west  of  Schenectady.  These  un¬ 
pleasant  tidings  were  in  some  degree  confirmed,  by  the  disco¬ 
very  of  a  large  scouting  party  of  the  enemy  on  the  Sacondaga, 
at  the  north  of  Johnstown. 

The  alarm  was  increased,  toward  the  close  of  October,  by 
the  arrival  of  an  express  at  the  Canajoharie  Castle,  announcing 
that  within  a  few  days  Sir  John  Johnson  would  return  to  Os¬ 
wego,  with  six  hundred  regular  troops  and  a  large  body  of  In¬ 
dians.  It  was  stated  that  Sir  John  had  succeeded  in  raising 
twenty-two  Indian  nations  in  arms  against  the  Colonists.  They 
were  about  sending  a  belt  to  the  Oneidas,  and  in  the  event  of 
their  refusal  to  take  up  the  hatchet  with  their  brethren  in  be¬ 
half  of  the  King,  they  were  themselves  to  be  attacked  as  the 
first  measure  of  the  invasion.  These  facts  were  immediately 
communicated  to  General  Schuyler  by  a  letter  dated  October 
25th,  announcing  also  the  flight,  to  the  ranks  of  Sir  John 

*  The  herring  fishery  was  considerable  at  Fish  Ceeek  at  the  period  referred  to. 
The  Indians  took  them  in  large  quantities— dried  and  pounded  them  into  powder, 
which  they  mixed  with  corn-meal,  and  packed  away  in  boxes  made  of  bark,  for  future 
consumption. 

t  Facts  communicated  to  the  author  by  Mrs.  James  Cochran  of  Oswego. 


292 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 

Johnson,  of  Hon-Yost  Schuyler,  and  twelve  or  fourteen  of  his 
neighbors  at  Fall  Hill  and  in  that  vicinity,  as  heretofore  stated. 
The  letter  contained  a  strong  appeal  for  an  additional  force  to 
defend  the  valley — with  an  assurance,  that  in  the  event  of  re¬ 
ceiving  no  farther  means  of  security,  the  greater  part  of  the 
inhabitants  had  become  so  discouraged  that  they  would  proba¬ 
bly  lay  down  their  arms  ;*  in  other  words,  throw  themselves 
upon  the  protection  of  the  King. 

But,  after  all  the  alarm,  nothing  very  serious  resulted  from 
these  threatening  indications  during  the  residue  of  the  year  1777. 
Still  the  Congress  was  unwilling  that  the  year  should  close 
without  making  one  more  effort  to  win  back  the  Six  Nations 
from  the  British  service,  at  least  to  a  state  of  neutrality,  if  no¬ 
thing  more.  With  this  view,  on  the  3d  of  December  the  fol¬ 
lowing  address  to  the  Indians  of  those  Nations  was  reported  by 
the  Committee  on  Indian  affairs,  and  adopted.  It  is  inserted  at 
length  in  this  order,  on  account  of  its  eloquence,  and  its  sur¬ 
passing  excellence  among  the  documents  connected  with  the 
Indian  diplomacy  of  the  republic  : — 

Address  of  the  Congress  to  the  Six  Nations. 

“Brothers,  Sachems,  and  Warriors:  The  great  coun¬ 
cil  of  the  United  States  call  now  for  your  attention.  Open 
your  ears  that  you  may  hear,  and  your  hearts  that  you  may 
understand. 

“  When  the  people  on  the  other  side  of  the  great  water,  with¬ 
out  any  cause,  sought  our  destruction,  and  sent  over  their  ships 
and  their  warriors  to  fight  against  us,  and  to  take  away  our 
possessions,  you  might  reasonably  have  expected  us  to  ask  for 
your  assistance.  If  we  are  enslaved,  you  cannot  be  free.  For 
our  strength  is  greater  than  yours.  If  they  would  not  spare 
their  own  brothers  of  the  same  flesh  and  blood,  would  they 
spare  you  ?  If  they  burn  our  houses  and  ravage  our  lands, 
could  yours  be  secure  ? 

u  But,  Brothers,  we  acted  on  very  different  principles. 
Far  from  desiring  you  to  hazard  your  lives  in  our  quarrel,  we 
advised  you  to  remain  still  in  ease  and  at  peace.  We  even  en¬ 
treated  you  to  remain  neuter :  and  under  the  shade  of  your 

*  MS.  letter  to  General  Schuyler — Secretary’s  office,  Albany. 


1777.]  ADDRESS  TO  THE  SIX  NATIONS.  293 

trees  and  by  the  side  of  your  streams,  to  smoke  your  pipe  iti 
safety  and  contentment.  Though  pressed  by  our  enemies,  and 
when  their  ships  obstructed  our  supplies  of  arms  and  powder 
and  clothing,  we  were  not  unmindful  of  your  wants.  Of  what 
was  necessary  for  our  own  use,  we  cheerfully  spared  you  a 
part.  More  we  should  have  done,  had  it  been  in  our  power. 

“  Brothers,  Cayugas,  Senecas,  Tuscaroras,  and  Mo¬ 
hawks  :  Open  your  ears  and  hear  our  complaints.  Why  have 
you  listened  to  the  voice  of  our  enemies  ?  Why  have  you  suf¬ 
fered  Sir  John  Johnson  and  Butler  to  mislead  you  ?  Why 
have  you  assisted  General  St.  Leger  and  his  warriors  from  the 
other  side  of  the  great  water,  by  giving  them  a  free  passage 
through  your  country  to  annoy  us ;  which  both  you  and  we 
solemnly  promised  should  not  be  defiled  with  blood  ?  Why 
have  you  suffered  so  many  of  your  nations  to  join  them  in 
their  cruel  purpose  ?  Is  this  a  suitable  return  for  our  love  and 
kindness,  or  did  you  suspect  that  we  were  too  weak  or  too 
cowardly  to  defend  our  country,  and  join  our  enemies  that  you 
might  come  in  for  a  share  of  the  plunder  ?  What  has  been 
gained  by  this  unprovoked  treachery  ?  what  but  shame  and  dis¬ 
grace  !  Your  foolish  warriors  and  their  new  allies  have  been 
defeated  and  driven  back  in  every  quarter  ;  and  many  of  them 
justly  paid  the  price  of  their  rashness  with  their  lives.  Sorry 
are  we  to  find  that  our  ancient  chain  of  union,  heretofore  so 
strong  and  bright,  should  be  broken  by  such  poor  and  weak 
instruments  as  Sir  John  Johnson  and  Butler,  who  dare  not 
show  their  faces  among  their  countrymen  ;  and  by  St.  Leger,  a 
stranger  whom  you  never  knew  !  What  has  become  of  the 
spirit,  the  wisdom,  and  the  justice  of  your  nations  ?  Is  it  pos¬ 
sible  that  you  should  barter  away  your  ancient  glory,  and 
break  through  the  most  solemn  treaties,  for  a  few  blankets  or  a 
little  rum  or  powder?  That  trifles  such  as  these  should  prove 
any  temptation  to  you  to  cut  down  the  strong  tree  of  friendship, 
by  our  common  ancestors  planted  in  the  deep  bowels  of  the 
earth  at  Onondaga,  your  central  council-fire  ?  That  tree  which 
has  been  watered  and  nourished  by  their  children  until  the 
branches  had  almost  reached  the  skies  !  As  well  misfit  we  have 
expected  that  the  mole  should  overturn  the  vast  mountains  of 
the  Alleghany,  or  that  the  birds  of  the  air  should  drink  up  the 
waters  of  Ontario ! 


294 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1777. 


“Brothers,  Cayugas,  Senecas,  Onondagas,  and  Mo¬ 
hawks  :  Look  into  your  hearts,  and  be  attentive.  Much  are 
you  to  blame,  and  greatly  have  you  wronged  us.  Be  wise  in  time. 
Be  sorry  and  mend  your  faults.  The  great  council,  though  the 
blood  of  our  friends,  who  fell  by  your  tomahawks  at  the  German 
Flatts,  cries  aloud  against  you,  will  yet  be  patient.  We  do  not 
desire  to  destroy  you.  Long  have  we  been  at  peace ;  and  it 
is  still  our  wish  to  bury  the  hatchet,  and  wipe  away  the  blood 
which  some  of  you  have  so  unjustly  shed.  Till  time  should 
be  no  more,  we  wish  to  smoke  with  you  the  calumet  of  friend¬ 
ship  around  your  central  fire  at  Onondaga.  But,  Brothers, 
mark  well  what  we  now  tell  you.  Let  it  sink  deep  as  the  bot¬ 
tom  of  the  sea,  and  never  be  forgotten  by  you  or  your  children. 
If  ever  again  you  take  up  the  hatchet  to  strike  us — if  you  join 
our  enemies  in  battle  or  council — if  you  give  them  intelligence, 
or  encourage  or  permit  them  to  pass  through  your  country  to 
molest  or  hurt  any  of  our  people — we  shall  look  on  you  as  our 
enemies,  and  treat  you  as  the  worst  of  enemies,  who,  under  a 
cloak  of  friendship,  cover  your  bad  designs,  and  like  the  con¬ 
cealed  adder,  only  wait  for  an  opportunity  to  wound  us  when 
we  are  most  unprepared. 

“  Brothers  :  Believe  us  who  never  deceive.  If,  after  all 
our  good  counsel  and  all  our  care  to  prevent  it,  we  must  take 
up  the  hatchet,  the  blood  to  be  shed  will  lie  heavy  on  your 
heads.  The  hand  of  the  thirteen  United  States  is  not  short. 
It  will  reach  to  the  farthest  extent  of  the  country  of  the  Six 
Nations  ;  and  while  we  have  right  on  our  side,  the  good  Spirit, 
whom  we  serve,  will  enable  us  to  punish  you,  and  put  it  out 
of  your  power  to  do  us  farther  mischief. 

“Brothers,  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras  :  Hearken  to 
what  we  have  to  say  to  you  in  particular.  It  rejoices  our 
hearts  that  we  have  no  reason  to  reproach  you  in  common 
with  the  rest  of  the  Six  Nations.  We  have  experienced  your 
love,  strong  as  the  oak,  and  your  fidelity,  unchangeable  as 
truth.  You  have  kept  fast  hold  of  the  ancient  covenant  chain, 
and  preserved  it  free  from  rust  and  decay,  and  bright  as  silver. 
Like  brave  men,  for  glory  you  despised  danger ;  you  stood 
forth  in  the  cause  of  your  friends,  and  ventured  your  lives  in 
our  battles.  While  the  sun  and  moon  continue  to  give  light 
to  the  world,  we  shall  love  and  respect  you.  As  our  trusty 


1777.]  ADDRESS  TO  THE  SIX  NATIONS.  295 

friends,  we  shall  protect  you,  and  shall  at  all  times  consider  your 
welfare  as  our  own. 

“  Brothers  of  the  Six  Nations  :  Open  your  ears  and 
listen  attentively.  It  is  long  ago  that  we  explained  to  you  our 
quarrel  with  the  people  on  the  other  side  of  the  great  water. 
Remember  that  our  cause  is  just ;  you  and  your  forefathers 
have  long  seen  us  allied  to  those  people  in  friendship.  By  our 
labor  and  industry  they  flourished  like  the  trees  of  the  forest, 
and  became  exceedingly  rich  and  proud.  At  length  nothing 
would  satisfy  them,  unless,  like  slaves,  we  would  give  them  the 
power  over  our  whole  substance.  Because  we  would  not  yield 
to  such  shameful  bondage,  they  took  up  the  hatchet.  You  have 
seen  them  covering  our  coasts  with  their  ships,  and  a  part  of 
our  country  with  their  warriors  ;  but  you  have  not  seen  us  dis¬ 
mayed  ;  on  the  contrary,  you  know  that  we  have  stood  firm 
like  rocks,  and  fought  like  men  who  deserved  to  be  free.  You 
know  that  we  have  defeated  St.  Leger,  and  conquered  Burgoyne 
and  all  their  warriors.  Our  chief  men  and  our  warriors  are 
now  fighting  against  the  rest  of  our  enemies,  and  we  trust  that 
the  Great  Spirit  will  soon  put  them  in  our  power,  or  enable  us 
to  drive  them  all  far  beyond  the  great  waters. 

“Brothers  :  Believe  us  that  they  leel  their  own  weakness, 
and  that  they  are  unable  to  subdue  the  thirteen  United  States. 
Else  why  have  they  not  left  our  Indian  brethren  in  peace,  as 
they  first  promised  and  we  wished  to  have  done  ?  Why  have 
they  endeavored,  by  cunning  speeches,  by  falsehood  and  mis¬ 
representations,  by  strong  drink  and  presents,  to  embitter  the 
minds  and  darken  the  understandings  of  all  our  Indian  friends 
on  this  great  continent,  from  the  North  to  the  South,  and  to  en¬ 
gage  them  to  take  up  the  hatchet  against  us  without  any  pro¬ 
vocation?  The  Cherokees,  like  some  of  you,  were  prevailed 
upon  to  strike  our  people.  We  carried  the  war  into  their  coun¬ 
try,  and  fought  them.  They  saw  their  error,  they  repented, 
and  we  forgave  them.  The  United  States  are  kind  and  merci¬ 
ful,  and  wish  for  peace  with  all  the  world.  We  have,  therefore, 
renewed  our  ancient  covenant  chain  with  their  nation. 

“  Brothers  :  The  Shawanese  and  Delawares  give  us  daily 
proofs  of  their  good  disposition  and  their  attachment  to  us,  and 
are  ready  to  assist  us  against  all  our  enemies.  The  Chicka- 
saws  are  amony  the  number  of  our  faithful  friends.  And  the 

o 


296 


LIFE  OF  BRANT 


[1777. 


Choctaws,  though  remote  from  us,  have  refused  to  listen  to  the 
persuasions  of  our  enemies,  rejected  all  their  offers  of  corrup¬ 
tion,  and  continue  peaceable.  The  Creeks  are  also  our  steady 
friends.  Oboylaco,  their  great  chief,  and  the  rest  of  their 
sachems  and  warriors,  as  the  strongest  mark  of  their  sincere 
friendship,  have  presented  the  great  council  with  an  eagle’s 
tail  and  rattle  trap.  They  have  desired  that  these  tokens  might 
be  shown  to  the  Six  Nations  and  their  allies,  to  convince  them 
that  the  Creeks  are  at  peace  with  the  United  States.  We  have 
therefore  directed  our  commissioners  to  deliver  them  into  your 
hands.  Let  them  be  seen  by  all  the  nations  in  your  alliance, 
and  preserved  in  your  central  council  house  at  Onondaga. 

“Brothers,  Sachems  and  Warriors  of  the  Six  Na¬ 
tions  :  Hearken  to  our  counsel.  Let  us  who  are  born  on  the 
same  great  continent,  love  one  another.  Our  interest  is  the 
same,  and  we  ought  to  be  one  people,  always  ready  to  assist 
and  serve  each  other.  What  are  the  people  who  belong  to  the 
other  side  of  the  great  waters  to  either  of  us  ?  They  never  come 
here  for  our  sakes,  but  to  gratify  their  own  pride  and  avarice. 
Their  business  now  is  to  kill  and  destroy  our  inhabitants,  to 
lay  waste  our  houses  and  farms.  The  day,  we  trust,  will  soon 
arrive,  when  we  shall  be  rid  of  them  forever.  Now  is  the  time 
to  hasten  and  secure  this  happy  event.  Let  us  then,  from  this 
moment,  join  hand  and  heart  in  the  defence  of  our  common 
country.  Let  us  rise  as  one  man,  and  drive  away  our  cruel 
oppressors.  Henceforward  let  none  be  able  to  separate  us.  If 
any  of  our  people  injure  you,  acquaint  us  of  it  and  you  may 
depend  upon  full  satisfaction.  If  any  of  yours  hurt  us,  be  you 
ready  to  repair  the  wrong  or  punish  the  aggressor.  Above  all, 
shut  your  ears  against  liars  and  deceivers,  who,  like  false  mete¬ 
ors,  strive  to  lead  you  astray,  and  to  set  us  at  variance.  Believe 
no  evil  of  us  till  you  have  taken  pains  to  discover  the  truth. 
Our  council-tire  always  burns  clear  and  bright  in  Pennsylvania. 
Our  commissioners  and  agents  are  near  your  country.  We 
shall  not  be  blinded  by  false  reports  or  false  appearances. 

“  Brothers  :  What  may  be  farther  necessary  at  this  time 
for  our  common  good  you  will  learn  from  our  commissioners, 
who  sit  round  our  council-fire  at  Albany.  Hear  what  they 
say,  and  treasure  it  up  in  your  hearts.  Farewell.” 

This  appeal  produced  no  effect.  It  was  one  of  the  misfor- 


CLOSE  OF  THE  YEAR. 


297 


1777.] 

tunes  incident  to  the  poverty  of  the  country  at  that  crisis,  that 
Congress  was  unable  to  conciliate  the  friendship  of  the  Indians, 
by  such  a  liberal  dispensation  of  presents  as  they  had  been  in 
the  habit  of  receiving  from  the  superintendents  of  the  crown, 
and  as  they  were  yet  enabled  to  receive  from  the  British  go¬ 
vernment  at  or  by  the  way  of  Montreal.  Thayendanegea,  ear¬ 
ly  in  the  preceding  year,  had  taunted  General  Herkimer,  at 
Unadilla,  with  the  poverty  of  the  Continental  government, 
which,  he  said,  was  not  able  to  give  the  Indians  a  blanket. 
The  fact  was  but  too  true ;  and  the  officers  of  the  crown  were 
not  slow  in  availing  themselves  of  it,  not  only  by  appeals  to 
their  cupidity,  but  by  a  more  lavish  bestowment  of  presents 
than  ever.  Thus  Guy  Johnson,  in  one  of  his  speeches  to  the 
Six  Nations  at  the  West,  put  the  significant  questions  to  them  : 
“  Are  they,”  (the  rebels,  as  he  probably  called  them)  “  able  to 
“  give  you  any  thing  more  than  a  piece  of  bread  and  a  glass  of 
“rum?  Are  you  willing  to  go  with  them,  and  suffer  them  to 
“  make  horses  and  oxen  of  you,  to  put  you  to  the  wheelbar- 
“  rows,  and  to  bring  us  all  into  slavery  ?”  While,  therefore, 
the  Americans  were  unable  to  furnish  the  Indians  with  those 
necessaries  of  life,  for  a  supply  of  which  they  had  become  ac¬ 
customed  to  rely  upon  the  white  man,  they  found  an  abundance 
of  stores  at  Montreal,  wide  open  at  their  approach.  And  under 
these  circumstances,  with  the  single  exceptions  of  the  Oneidas, 
and  the  feeble  band  of  the  Tuscaroras,  all  the  efforts  of  Con¬ 
gress  to  conciliate  their  friendship,  or  even  to  persuade  them  to 
neutrality,  proved  unavailing. 

Thus  ended  the  military  operations  of  the  year  1777.  At  the 
close  of  the  Pennsylvania  campaign,  the  British  army  went  into 
winter  quarters  in  Philadelphia,  and  the  American  at  Yalley 
Forge.  On  the  15th  day  of  November,  what  are  now  called  the 
old  “  Articles  of  Confederation  and  Perpetual  Union,”  between 
the  thirteen  Colonies,  were  adopted  by  Congress ;  and  on  the  22d 
of  the  same  month,  it  was  resolved  that  all  proposals  for  a  trea¬ 
ty  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  inconsistent 
with  the  independence  of  the  former,  should  be  rejected.  It  was 
likewise  farther  resolved,  that  no  conference  should  be  held 
with  any  commissioners  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  unless,  as 
a  measure  preliminary,  the  fleets  and  armies  of  that  power 
were  withdrawn. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


Treaty  of  alliance  with  France — Policy  of  France — Incidents  of  the  Winter — Pro¬ 
jected  expedition  against  St  Johns — Lafayette  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
North — Failure  of  the  enterprise  for  lack  of  means — Disappointment  and  chagrin 
ofLafayette — Unpleasant  indications  respecting  the  Western  Indians — Indian 
council  at  Johnstown — Attended  by  Lafayette — Its  proceedings — And  result — 
Reward  offered  for  Major  Carleton — Letter  of  Lafayette — He  retires  from  the 
Northern  Department — Return  of  the  loyalists  for  their  families — Unopposed — 
Their  aggressions — Prisoners  carried  into  Canada — Their  fate — Re-appearance 
of  Brant  at  Oghkwaga  and  Unadilla — Anecdote  of  Brant — Comparative  cruelty  of 
the  Tories  and  Indians — Murder  of  a  family — Exposed  situation  of  the  people — 
Captain  McKean — Sends  a  challenge  to  Brant — Burning  of  Springfield — First 
battle  in  Schoharie. 


The  opening  of  the  year  1778  was  marked  by  an  event 
that  diffused  universal  joy  among  the  people.  It  had  been 
rightly  judged  by  American  statesmen,  that,  smarting  under  the 
loss  which  France  had  experienced  by  the  war  ending  in  1763, 
of  her  broad  North  American  possessions,  the  government  of 
that  country  would  be  nothing  loth  to  aid  in  the  infliction  of  a 
like  dismemberment  of  territory  upon  Great  Britain.  With  a 
view,  therefore,  of  cultivating  friendly  relations  with  France, 
and  deriving  assistance  from  her  if  possible,  Commissioners 
had  been  despatched  to  the  Court  of  Versailles,  in  1776,  with 
the  plan  of  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  to  be  submitted  to 
that  government.  Still,  more  than  a  year  had  elapsed,  during 
which  the  Commissioners  *  had  been  exerting  themselves  to  the 
utmost,  to  obtain  a  recognition  of  the  Independence  of  the 
United  States  without  success.  It  was  evident  that  France 
looked  upon  the  revolt  of  the  American  Colonies  with  secret 
satisfaction  ;  but  she  had  been  so  much  weakened  by  the 
former  contest,  that  time  was  needed  for  repose  and  recovery  of 
her  strength.  Hence,  from  the  arrival  of  the  Commissioners  in 
the  French  capital,  in  December  1776,  to  the  close  of  1777, 
they  had  been  living  upon  “  hope  deferred.”  It  is  true  that 
the  Americans  received  great  assistance  from  the  French,  in 
supplies  of  arms  and  ammunition  ;  and  although  not  openly  al¬ 
lowed,  yet  means  were  found  by  the  American  privateers,  se- 

*  The  Commissioners  were,  Benjamin  Franklin,  Silas  Deane,  and  Arthur  Lee. 
Mr.  Jefferson  had  been  originally  designated  as  one  of  the  Commissioners ;  but, 
declining  the  appointment,  Mr.  Lee  was  selected  in  his  stead. 


1778.] 


ALLIANCE  WITH  FRANCE. 


299 


cretly  to  dispose  of  their  prizes  in  French  ports.  Still,  the 
government  was  lavish  in  its  professions  of  friendship  for 
England,  even  though  confidentially  giving  the  Americans 
strong  assurances  of  sympathy  and  ultimate  assistance.  The 
untoward  result  of  Burgoyne’s  campaign,  intelligence  of  which 
was  received  in  Paris  early  in  December,  was  the  opportune 
means  of  ending  this  vascillating  policy  on  the  part  of  the 
Court  of  Versailles.  The  feelings  of  the  French  people  toward 
England  could  no  longer  be  disguised  ;  since  the  news  occa¬ 
sioned  as  much  general  joy  as  though  the  victory  had  been 
achieved  by  their  own  arms.*  The  consequence  was,  that,  on 
the  6th  of  February,  the  French  government  entered  into  treaties 
of  amity,  commerce,  and  alliance,  with  the  United  States,  on 
principles  of  the  most  perfect  reciprocity  and  equality.  The 
French  cabinet  clearly  foresaw  that  this  measure  would  soon 
produce  a  war  between  themselves  and  England,  and  acted  in 
the  expectation  of  such  a  consequence.  Indeed,  M.  Girard, 
one  of  the  French  Secretaries  of  State,  in  his  conferences  with 
the  American  Commissioners,  had  the  frankness  to  avow  that 
they  were  not  acting  wholly  for  the  sake  of  the  United  States, 
but  because  they  thought  the  moment  a  favorable  one  for  hum¬ 
bling  their  haughty  rival,  by  aiding  in  the  dismemberment  of 
her  empire.  Hence  the  King  had  not  only  determined  to  acknow¬ 
ledge  the  Independence  of  the  United  States,  but  to  support  it 
— without  the  expectation  of  compensation.! 

The  news  of  the  treaty  with  France  was  not  received  in  the 
United  States  until  late  in  the  Spring.!  Meantime  other  cir- 

*  Letter  of  the  Commissioners.  t  Marshall. 

!  The  event  was  commemorated  in  the  American  camp,  on  the  7th  of  May,  in  a 
style  corresponding  with  its  importance — a  general  order  for  the  celebration  having 
been  issued  by  the  Commander-in-chief.  It  began  as  follows : — “  It  having  pleased 
the  Almighty  Ruler  of  the  Universe  to  defend  the  cause  of  the  United  American 
States,  and  finally  to  raise  us  up  a  powerful  friend  among  the  princes  of  the  earth,  to 
establish  our  liberty  and  independency  upon  a  lasting  foundation ;  it  becomes  us  to 
set  apart  a  day  for  gratefully  acknowledging  the  divine  goodness,  and  celebrating  the 
important  event,  which  we  owe  to  his  divine  interposition.”  The  pageant  was 
strictly  military,  and  is  described  by  the  letters  of  that  day  as  exceedingly  brilliant 
The  joy  manifested  was  unfeigned  and  unspeakable.  The  Commander-in-chief 
dined  in  public  with  all  the  officers  of  his  army.  “  When  his  Excellency  took  his 
leave,  there  was  a  universal  clap,  with  loud  huzzas,  which  continued  until  he  had 
proceeded  a  quarter  of  a  mile,  during  which  time  there  were  a  thousand  hats  tossed 
in  the  air.  His  Excellency  turned  round  with  his  retinue,  and  huzzaed  several 
times.” — Letter  of  an  officer. 


300 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 


cumstances  occurred  during  the  Winter,  in  the  Northern  part 
of  New-York,  deserving  of  note  in  the  present  narrative.  First 
among  these,  was  the  notable  project  of  General  Gates  for  a 
second  descent,  in  mid-winter,  upon  Canada.  In  November  fol¬ 
lowing  the  defeat  of  Burgoyne,  on  the  reorganization  of  the 
Board  of  War,  Gates,  in  the  first  flush  of  his  popularity,  was 
placed  at  its  head  as  president.  He  had  not  been  long  at 
Yorktown,*  where  Congress  was  then  in  session,  before  he 
conceived  the  project  of  directing  an  irruption  into  Canada 
across  the  ice  upon  Lake  Champlain,  for  the  purpose  of  de¬ 
stroying  the  stores  and  shipping  of  the  enemy  at  St.  Johns ; 
and,  possibly,  of  striking  a  sudden  blow  upon  Montreal.  It 
was  subsequently  but  too  well  ascertained  that  the  condition  of 
the  Northern  army,  with  which  Gates  certainly  ought  to  have 
been  acquainted,  was  by  no  means  such  as  to  warrant  the  un¬ 
dertaking  of  any  offensive  enterprise.  Still  the  victorious  com¬ 
mander  of  the  North  had  the  address  to  obtain  a  vote  of 
Congress  directing  the  expedition,!  the  conduct  of  which  was 
entrusted  to  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette.  This  gallant  young 
nobleman  had  been  burning  with  a  desire  to  distinguish  him¬ 
self  in  a  separate  command,  and  this  project  opened  to  him  the 
prospect  of  realizing  the  object  dearest  to  his  heart. 

But,  neither  in  the  inception  nor  in  the  maturing  of  the  en¬ 
terprise,  had  the  Commander-in-chief  been  consulted  ;  and  the 
first  knowledge  he  possessed  of  the  project  was  derived  from  a 
letter  from  General  Gates,  inclosing  another  to  the  Marquis, 
informing  him  of  his  appointment  to  the  command.!  The  dis¬ 
respect  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  to  whom  the  youthful 
soldier  was  bound  by  the  strongest  ties  of  friendship  and  respect, 
was  so  manifest,  that  the  Marquis  at  first  hesitated  in  accepting 

*  York,  in  Pennsylvania.  f  Journals  of  Congress,  vol.  iv.  p.  48. 

{  “  I  am  much  obliged  by  your  polite  request  of  my  opinion  and  advice  on  the 
expedition  to  Canada  and  other  occasions.  In  the  present  instance,  as  I  neither 
know  the  extent  of  the  objects  in  view,  nor  the  means  to  be  employed  to  effect  them, 
it  is  not  in  my  power  to  pass  any  judgment  upon  the  subject.  I  can  only  sincerely 
wish  that  success  may  attend  k,  both  as  it  may  advance  the  public  good,  and  on 
account  of  the  personal  honor  of  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  for  whom  I  have  a  very 
particular  esteem  and  regard.” — [Letter  of  Washington  to  Gates,  Jan.  27,  1778.] 
“  I  shall  say  no  more  of  the  Canada  expedition,  than  that  it  is  at  an  end.  I  never 
was  made  acquainted  with  a  single  circumstance  relating  to  it.” — Letter  of  Wash* 
ington  to  General  Armstrong,  of  Pennsylvania. 


1778.]  PROPOSED  CAMPAIGN  AGAINST  CANADA.  301 

the  command.  Nor  was  his  reluctance  lessened  by  the  suspi¬ 
cious  circumstance  that  General  Conway,  the  base  instrument 
of  the  Gates  faction  in  the  conspiracy  against  Washington,  had 
been  assigned  as  his  second  in  command.  Soaring  above  all 
selfish  considerations,  however,  Washington  advised  the  Mar¬ 
quis  to  accept  the  trust  confided  to  him  by  Congress.  Lafayette, 
therefore,  repaired  from  the  camp  at  Yalley  Forge  to  York  town, 
to  be  more  particularly  advised  as  to  the  object  and  the  details 
of  the  enterprise.  The  plan  of  organizing  a  light  but  efficient 
force,  to  make  a  sudden  dash  upon  St.  Johns,  and  destroy  the 
flotilla  which  gave  the  enemy  the  command  of  Lake  Champlain, 
and  to  inflict  such  farther  injury  as  might  be  effected  in  a  rapid 
campaign,  was  fully  unfolded  to  him.  Ample  supplies  of  men 
and  means  were  promised  by  Gates  ;  and,  after  securing  the 
services  of  the  Baron  de  Kalb  to  the  expedition — an  officer 
older  in  rank  than  Conway,  who  would  necessarily  be  his  se¬ 
cond  in  command — the  Marquis  accepted  the  appointment. 

Full  of  high  hopes,  a  brilliant  enterprise  before  him,  and 
panting  for  an  opportunity  to  signalize  himself  in  a  separate 
command,  the  Marquis  pushed  forward  to  Albany,  amid  all  the 
rigors  of  winter,  to  enter  at  once  upon  the  service,  and  appa¬ 
rently  with  as  much  confidence  as  though  he  had  achieved  the 
exploit.  Sad,  however,  was  his  disappointment  at  the  posture 
of  affairs  on  his  arrival  at  Albany.  Conway,  who  had  arrived 
there  three  days  before  him,  at  once  assured  him  that  the  expe¬ 
dition  was  quite  impossible.  Such,  likewise,  was  the  opinion 
of  Generals  Schuyler,  Lincoln,  and  Arnold,  the  latter  two  of 
whom  were  detained  at  Albany  by  the  unhealed  wounds  re¬ 
ceived  upon  the  fields  of  Saratoga.  Indeed,  he  was  not  long  in 
ascertaining,  from  the  quarter-master,  commissary,  and  cloth¬ 
ier-generals,  that  there  was  a  lamentable  deficiency  of  almost 
every  necessary  of  which  he  had  been  led  to  expect  an  abun¬ 
dant  supply.  The  number  of  troops  was  altogether  inadequate. 
Three  thousand  effective  men  were  believed  to  be  the  smallest 
force  that  would  suffice,  and  that  number  was  promised.  But 
scarcely  twelve  hundred  could  be  mustered  fit  for  duty,  and  the 
greater  part  of  these  were  too  naked  even  for  a  Summer  cam¬ 
paign.*  Their  pay  was  greatly  in  arrear  ;  and  officers  and 


*  Letter  of  Lafayette  to  General  Washington,  dated  Albany,  Feb.  19.  1778. 


302 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 

men  were  alike  indisposed  to  the  service.*  Originally  it  had 
been  intended  to  confide  the  proposed  expedition  to  General 
Stark,  whose  prowess  at  the  battle  of  Bennington  had  rendered 
him  exceedingly  popular  with  the  people  ;  and  it  was  supposed 
that  he  could  at  once  bring  into  the  field  a  sufficient  number  of 
his  mountaineers  to  strike  the  blow  with  success.!  Stark  was 
invited  to  Albany,  and  James  Duane  was  sent  thither  from  Con¬ 
gress  to  confer  with  him  upon  the  subject.  But  the  induce¬ 
ment  offered  by  Congress  being  in  the  form  of  a  bounty,  con¬ 
tingent  only  upon  success,  was  thought  not  sufficient ;  and 
when  a  representation  of  the  circumstances  was  made  by  Mr. 
Duane  to  that  body,  the  scheme  was  changed  and  enlarged,  at 
the  suggestion  of  General  Gates,  according  to  the  plan  which 
the  Marquis  was  to  execute. 

Having  attentively  examined  the  situation  of  affairs,  and  the 
means  within  his  control,  and  consulted  with  the  several  able 
captains  at  Albany,  the  young  soldier  saw  with  inexpressible 
chagrin  that  the  obstacles  were  insuperable.  In  the  language 
of  another,  amounting  to  a  bitter  satire,  whether  thus  intended 
or  not — “  the  Generals  only  were  got  in  readiness  and  the 
gallant  Marquis  was  compelled  to  relinquish  the  enterprise, 
without  even  the  poor  privilege  of  making  an  attempt.  He  cer¬ 
tainly  had  great  reason,  not  only  for  vexation,  but  disgust — 
advised,  as  he  had  been,  to  announce  to  his  court  the  degree  of 
confidence  reposed  in  him  by  Congress,  in  thus  confiding  to 
him  a  separate  command  of  such  importance — not,  of  course, 

*  On  the  19th  of  February  James  Duane  wrote  to  Governor  Clinton  respecting 
the  impracticability  of  the  enterprise,  since  the  Marquis  could  find  neither  the  troops 
nor  the  preparations.  In  the  course  of  his  letter,  Mr.  Duane  said  of  the  Marquis  : — 
“  His  zeal  for  this  country,  of  which  he  has  given  marks  even  to  enthusiasm,  and  his 
ardent  desire  of  glory,  lead  him  to  wish  the  expedition  practicable ;  but  he  is  too 
considerate  to  pursue  it  rashly,  or  without  probable  grounds  of  a  successful  issue. 
I  must  mention  to  your  Excellency  a  circumstance  which  shows  the  liberality  of  his 
disposition.  He  determined,  on  his  entering  into  Canada,  to  supply  his  army 
through  his  own  private  bills  on  France  to  the  amount  of  five  or  six  thousand 
guineas,  and  to  present  that  sum  to  Congress  as  a  proof  of  his  love  to  America  and 
the  rights  of  human  nature.” 

f  “  I  was  to  find  General  Stark  with  a  large  body,  and  indeed  General  Gates  told 
me  ‘  General  Stark  will  have  burnt  the  fleet  before  your  arrival .’  Well :  the  first  let¬ 
ter  I  receive  in  Albany  is  from  General  Stark,  who  wishes  to  know  ‘  what  number  of 
men,  from  where,  for  what  time,  and  for  what  rendezvous,  I  desire  him  to  raise.’  ” 
— Letter  from  Lafayette  to  Washington.. 

J  Marshall. 


THE  PROJECT  ABANDONED. 


303 


1778.] 

suspecting,  for  a  moment,  that  General  Gates  could  have  been 
so  ignorant  of  the  actual  situation  of  the  department  from  which 
he  had  been  so  recently  transferred.* 

The  Marquis  wrote  to  his  greatest  and  best  friend,  the  Com¬ 
mander-in-chief,  upon  the  subject  of  what  he  called  his  “  dis¬ 
tressing  and  ridiculous  situation,”  in  the  bitterness  of  his  spirit. 
“  I  am  sent,”  said  he,  “  with  a  great  noise,  at  the  head  of  an 
“  army,  to  do  great  things.  The  whole  continent,  France,  and, 
“  what  is  the  worst,  the  British  army,  will  be  in  expectation. 
“  How  far  they  will  be  deceived,  how  far  we  shall  be  ridiculed, 
“you  may  judge  by  the  candid  account  you  have  got  of  the 
“state  of  our  affairs.”  It  is  quite  evident,  from  the  tenor  of  the 
letter  we  are  quoting,  that  the  Marquis  suspected  that  he  had 
been  purposely  detached  from  the  company  of  Washington 
with  some  sinister  design  : — “  There  are  things,  I  dare  say,  in 
“  which  I  am  deceived.  A  certain  Colonel  is  not  here  for  no- 
“ thing.”  *  *  *  “I  am  sure  a  cloud  is  drawn  before  my  eyes. 
“  However,  there  are  points  I  cannot  be  deceived  in.”  *  *  * 
“  They  have  sent  me  more  than  twenty  French  officers.  I  do 
“  not  know  what  to  do  with  them.  I  am  at  a  loss  to  know 
“  how  to  act,  and  indeed  I  do  not  know  for  what  I  am  here  rny- 
“  self.”  And  again,  toward  the  close  of  the  letter,  he  says  : — “  I 
“  fancy  the  actual  scheme  is,  to  have  me  out  of  this  part  of  the 
“  continent,  and  General  Conway  as  chief  under  the  immedi- 
“  ate  direction  of  General  Gates.  How  they  will  bring  it  about 
“  I  do  not  know,  but  be  certain  something  of  that  kind  will  ap- 
“  pear.  You  are  nearer  than  myself,  and  every  honest  man  in 
“  Congress  is  your  friend  ;  therefore  you  may  foresee  and  pre- 
“  vent  the  evil  a  hundred  times  better  than  I  can.”t 

The  true  position  of  affairs  at  Albany  having  been  made 
known  to  Congress,  it  was  resolved  to  instruct  the  Marquis  to 
suspend  the  expedition,  and  at  the  same  time  to  assure  him 
“  that  Congress  entertained  a  high  sense  of  his  prudence,  acti- 
“  vity,  and  zeal ;  and  that  they  were  fully  persuaded  nothing 
“  would  have  been  wanting  on  his  own  part,  or  on  the  part  of 


*  The  history  of  this  abortive  project  has  been  drawn  chiefly  from  a  long  MS. 
letter  from  James  Duane  to  Governor  Clinton,  in  the  author’s  possession.  On  his 
way  to  Albany,  the  Marquis  visited  Mr.  Duane,  and  was  accompanied  by  him  thither. 

|  Letter  from  Lafayette  to  Washington,  dated  Albany,  Feb.  23,  177S. — Vide 
Sparks,  Cor.  of  Washington,  vol.  v. — Appendix. 

43 


304  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1778. 

“  the  officers  who  accompanied  him.  to  give  the  expedition  the 

utmost  possible  effect.”  * 

But,  to  return  to  the  Indian  affairs  of  the  Mohawk  Yalley. 
Early  in  the  year,  various  unpleasant  symptoms  were  percepti¬ 
ble,  indicating  the  design  of  a  renewed  and  more  extensive  In¬ 
dian  war  than  had  been  anticipated  at  any  previous  moment. 
Information  was  received  from  the  remote  West,  of  a  general 
disposition  among  the  nations  in  the  region  of  the  great  lakes, 
and  the  upper  Mississippi,  to  join  the  Mohawks,  Cayugas, 
Onondagas,  and  Senecas,  against  the  United  States.  The 
master-spirit  of  those  threatened  movements  was  Joseph  Brant, 
whose  winter-quarters  were  at  the  central  and  convenient  point 
of  Niagara.  Nor  were  Sir  John  Johnson  and  his  associates, 
Claus  and  Butler,  inactive ;  while  the  British  commander  at 
Detroit,  Colonel  Hamilton,  was  at  the  same  time  exercising  a 
powerful  influence  over  the  surrounding  nations  of  the  forest. 
On  the  opening  of  the  .year,  therefore,  great  fears  were  enter¬ 
tained  for  the  security  of  the  frontiers  from  the  Mohawk  to  the 
Ohio.  Still,  with  the  Six  Nations,  Congress  resolved  to  make 
yet  another  effort  of  conciliation — to  secure  their  neutrality,  if 
nothing  farther.  Accordingly,  on  the  2d  of  February,  resolu¬ 
tions  were  passed,  directing  a  council  to  be  held  with  these 
nations  at  Johnstown,  in  the  County  of  Tryon.  General 
Schuyler  and  Volkert  P.  Douw  were  appointed  commissioners 
for  that  purpose,  and  Governor  Clinton  was  requested  to  de¬ 
signate  a  special  commissioner  to  be  present  on  the  occasion.  In 
pursuance  of  this  solicitation,  James  Duane  was  appointed  for 
that  duty.  The  resolutions  of  Congress  instructed  the  com¬ 
missioners  “  to  speak  to  the  Indians  in  language  becoming  the 
u  representatives  of  free,  sovereign,  and  independent  States,  and 
“  in  such  a  tone  as  would  convince  them  that  they  felt  them- 
11  selves  to  be  so.”t  It  was  left  to  the  discretion  of  the  com¬ 
missioners  to  determine  whether  it  would  be  prudent  to  insist 
upon  their  taking  up  arms  in  behalf  of  the  States,  or  whether  to  < 
content  themselves  with  efforts  to  secure  their  neutrality. 

The  directions  were,  that  the  council  should  be  holden  be¬ 
tween  the  15th  and  20th  of  February ;  but  so  slow  or  reluc¬ 
tant  were  the  Indians  in  assembling,  that  the  proceedings  were 

*  Secret  Journal,  March  2d,  cited  by  Sparks. 

t  Journals  of  Cong.  vol.  iv.  page  63. 


1778.]  INDIAN  COUNCIL  AT  JOHNSTOWN.  305 

not  commenced  until  the  9th  of  March.  Whether  General 
Schuyler  attended,  is  not  known.  The  Marquis  de  Lafayette, 
who  was  then  temporarily  in  command  of  the  Northern  De¬ 
partment,  accompanied  Mr.  Dnane  to  Johnstown,  and  was  pre¬ 
sent  at  the  council.  More  than  seven  hundred  Indians  were 
collected  at  the  treaty,  consisting  of  Oneidas,  Tuscaroras, 
Onondagas,  a  few  Mohawks,  and  three  or  four  Cayugas ;  but 
not  a  single  Seneca,  which  was  by  far  the  most  powerful  na¬ 
tion.  On  the  contrary,  they  had  the  boldness  to  send  a  mes  ■ 
sage,  affecting  great  surprise,  “  that  while  our  tomahawks  were 
“  sticking  in  their  heads,  their  wounds  bleeding,  and  their  eyes 
“  streaming  with  tears  for  the  loss  of  their  friends  at  German 
“  Flatts,*  the  commissioners  should  think  of  inviting  them  to  a 
“  treaty !” 

The  proceedings  were  opened  by  an  address  from  Congress, 
framed  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  resolutions  already 
cited,  asserting  the  power  of  the  United  States,  and  their  magna¬ 
nimous  conduct  toward  the  Six  Nations — and  charging  them 
distinctly  with  the  ingratitude,  cruelty,  and  treachery,  with 
which  their  pacific  advances  had  been  requited,  and  for  which 
reparation  was  demanded.  From  this  charge  of  treachery, 
the  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras  were  not  only  honorably  excepted, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  were  applauded  for  their  firmness  and  in¬ 
tegrity,  and  assured  of  friendship  and  protection. 

An  Onondaga  chief  spoke  in  behalf  of  the  guilty  tribes.  He 
exculpated  himself  and  his  brother  sachems,  casting  the  blame 
on  the  young  and  head-strong  warriors,  who,  he  said,  would  not 
listen  to  prudent  councils — illustrating  their  own  internal  diffi¬ 
culties  by  those  occasionally  existing  among  the  people  of  the 
States,  which  it  was  at  times  found  impossible  to  repress.  He 
also  spoke  of  the  difficulty  they  were  obliged  to  encounter,  in 
withstanding  the  influence  of  Butler  and  others  in  the  service 
of  the  Crown,  acquired  by  bribery  and  other  kindred  artifices. 

An  Oneida  chief  answered  for  his  own  nation  and  the  Tus¬ 
caroras,  with  a  spirit  and  dignity  which  would  not  have  dis¬ 
graced  a  Roman  senator.  He  pathetically  lamented  the  dege¬ 
neracy  of  the  unfriendly  tribes ;  predicted  their  final  destruc¬ 
tion  ;  and  declared  the  fixed  and  unalterable  resolution  of  the 

*  Oriskany,  meaning.  The  quotation  is  from  a  manuscript  letter  of  James 
Duane. 


306 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1773. 


tribes  which  he  represented,  at  every  hazard,  to  hold  fast  the 
covenant  chain  with  the  United  States,  and  be  buried  with 
them  in  the  same  grave,  or  with  them  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of 
victory  and  peace.  He  fully  evinced  the  sincerity  of  these  pro¬ 
fessions,  by  desiring  that  the  United  States  would  erect  a  for¬ 
tress  in  their  country,  and  station  a  small  garrison  within  it 
for  their  defence.  A  promise  to  this  effect  having  been  given, 
the  Oneida  concluded  with  a  solemn  assurance,  that  the  two 
nations  for  whom  he  spoke  would  at  all  times  be  ready  to  co¬ 
operate  with  the  United  States  against  all  their  enemies. 

In  a  private  interview  afterward,  the  Oneidas  warned  the 
Commissioners  against  trusting  to  the  Onondagas,  whom  they 
considered  as  enemies  to  the  United  States,  notwithstanding 
their  seeming  contrition  for  the  past.  The  Oneidas  declared 
that  they  had  not  the  least  doubt  that  the  Onondagas,  Cayu- 
gas,  and  Senecas  would  renew  their  hostilities  early  in  the 
Spring ;  that  Colonel  Butler  would  again  be  in  possession  of 
Oswego,  which  he  would  more  strongly  fortify  ;  and  for  these 
events  they  entreated  the  Commissioners  to  be  prepared. 

In  their  reply  to  the  Indians,  the  Commissioners  again  ap¬ 
plauded  the  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras  for  their  fidelity  and 
courage.  The  other  nations,  they  said,  were  not  sufficiently 
represented  to  warrant  the  holding  of  a  treaty  with  them.  But 
they,  nevertheless,  directed  that  another  council  for  those  tribes 
should  be  held  in  Onondaga,  at  some  subsequent  day,  at  which 
the  demand  of  the  United  States  of  satisfaction  for  past  wrongs 
should  be  publicly  made,  and  an  explicit  answer  exacted. 
They  were  admonished  that  the  cause  of  the  United  States  was 
just ;  that  the  hand  of  the  United  States  could  reach  the  re¬ 
motest  corner  of  the  country  of  the  Senecas ;  and  that  they 
trusted  that  the  Good  Spirit  whom  they  served,  would  enable 
them  to  punish  all  their  enemies,  and  put  it  out  of  their  power 
to  do  them  farther  injury.* 

The  inhabitants  of  Tryon  County,  many  of  whom  were 
spectators  at  the  council,  were  highly  gratified  with  the  pro¬ 
ceedings  ;  and  it  was  supposed  that  the  moral  effect  would  be 
.good,  not  only  in  regard  to  the  Oneidas,  but  also  upon  the 


*  Unpublished  letter  of  James  Duane  to  Governor  Clinton,  giving  a  report  of  liis 
mission,  in  the  author’s  possession. 


1778.]  CHERRY  VALLEY  AND  SCHOHARIE.  307 

Onondagas— those  tribes  being  closely  connected  by  intermar¬ 
riages  :  but  the  Commissioners  left  the  council  under  the  full 
persuasion  that  from  the  Senecas,  Cayugas,  and  the  greater 
part  of  the  Mohawks,  nothing  but  revenge  for  their  lost  friends 
and  tarnished  glory  at  Oriskany  and  Fort  Schuyler  was  to  be 
anticipated  ;  more  especially  since  the  enemy  was  so  plentifully 
supplied  with  the  means  of  corruption,  while  it  was  not  in  the 
power  of  the  United  States  so  much  as  to  furnish  their  best 
friends  with  the  necessaries  of  life,  even  in  the  course  of  trade.* 
Still,  in  order,  as  far  as  possible,  to  regain  some  of  their  lost  as¬ 
cendancy  over  the  Indians,  by  means  of  traffic,  the  Commission¬ 
ers  of  that  department  were  shortly  afterward  authorized  by 
Congress  to  open  a  trading  establishment  at  Fort  Schuyler. 
But  the  inadequacy  of  the  provision  must  be  evident  from  the 
fact,  that  the  slender  exchequer  of  the  government  allowed  an 
appropriation  of  no  greater  sum  for  that  important  object,  than 
ten  thousand  dollars.f 

While  at  Johnstown  during  this  visit,  the  Marquis  de  La¬ 
fayette  was  waited  upon  by  Colonel  Campbell  and  others, 
for  the  purpose  of  calling  his  attention  to  the  exposed  situation 
of  Cherry  Valley.  The  consequence  was  an  order  for  the 
erection  of  a  fort  at  that  place.  An  engineer  was  detailed  upon 
that  duty,  and  detachments, of  troops  ordered  both  to  that  place 
and  Schoharie.  Three  slight  fortifications  had  been  built 
in  the  valley  of  the  Schoharie-kill  during  the  preceding  year, 
called  the  Upper,  Middle,  and  Lower  Forts.  These  works 
were  merely  circumvallations  of  earth  and  wood,  thrown  up 
around  some  strong  dwelling-houses  constructed  of  stone, 
within  which  the  women  and  children  were  placed  in  moments 
of  peculiar  danger.  The  church  was  the  citadel  of  the  Lower 
Fort,  and  all  were  manned  by  small  companies  of  soldiers,  having 
each  a  single  brass  field-piece.  The  Marquis  likewise  directed 
the  erection  of  a  fort  in  the  Oneida  country,  pursuant  to  the 
request  of  the  Indians  of  that  nation. 

It  was  but  too  evident,  from  the  reports  borne  upon  every 
western  breeze,  that  all  these  measures  of  precaution  in  that  di¬ 
rection  were  necessary.  To  the  Johnsons  and  their  adherents 
the  recovery  of  the  Valley  of  the  Mohawk  was  an  object  of  the 

*  Unpublished  letter  of  James  Duane  to  Governor  Clinton,  heretofore  cited. 

j  Journals  of  Congress,  vol.  iv.  p.  256. 


308 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 


first  importance ;  and  they  watched  every  opportunity  of 
moving  in  that  quarter,  which  promised  even  a  possible  chance 
of  success.  Even  while  the  Marquis  was  present  with  the 
Indian  Commissioners  at  Johnstown,  no  less  a  personage  than 
a  British  Colonel,  a  nephew  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  and  bearing 
the  same  honorable  name,  was  well  understood  to  be  lurking  in 
that  vicinity  as  a  spy.  Every  effort  was  made  for  his  arrest ; 
and,  as  an  inducement  to  the  militia  and  Indians  to  be  on  the 
alert,  the  Marquis  offered  a  reward  of  fifty  guineas  from  his  own 
purse,  as  will  appear  by  the  annexed  letter  to  Col.  Gansevoort  • — 

The  Marq.uis  de  Lafayette  to  Col.  Gansevoort. 

“  Johnstown ,  the  9 tli  March ,  1778. 

“Sir. 

/ 

“  As  the  taking  of  Colonel  Carleton  is  of  the  greatest  import¬ 
ance,  I  wish  you  would  use  every  exertion  in  your  power  to 
have  him  apprehended.  I  have  desired  Colonel  Livingston, 
who  knows  him,  to  let  you  have  any  intelligence  he  can  give, 
and  join  to  them  those  I  have  got  by  one  other  spy,  about  the 
dress  and  figure  of  Carleton.  You  may  send  as  many  parties 
as  you  please,  and  every  where  you’ll  think  proper,  and  do 
every  convenient  thing  for  discovering  him.  I  dare  say  he 
knows  we  are  after  him,  and  has  nothing  in  view  but  to  escape, 
which  I  beg  you  to  prevent  by  all  means.  You  may  promise, 
in  my  name,  fifty  guineas  hard  money ,  besides  every  money 
they  can  find  about  Carleton,  to  any  party  of  soldiers  or  Indians 
who  will  bring  him  alive.  As  every  one  knows  now  what  we 
send  for,  there  is  no  inconvenience  to  scatter  in  the  country 
which  reward  is  promised,  in  order  to  stimulate  the  Indians. 

“  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir, 

“  Your  most  obedient  servant, 

“  The  Mqs.  de  Lafayette.” 

“  Col.  Gansevoort ,  ComJt.  Fort  Schuyler.”* 

The  condition  contained  in  this  letter,  that,  to  entitle  the  cap- 
tor  to  the  promised  reward,  Carleton  must  be  brought  in  alive, 
comports  with  the  well-known  humanity,  through  life,  of  the 
illustrious  friend  of  human  liberty  who  wrote  it.  But  the 
search  was  fruitless.  Carleton  was  an  active  and  efficient 
partisan  officer,  and  was  never  taken.  The  Marquis  retained 

*  This  letter  has  been  copied  from  the  original,  among  the  Gansevoort  papers. 


A  TORY  INVASION. 


309 


1778.] 

the  command  at  the  North  only  until  the  middle  of  April,  when 
he  was  ordered  to  head-quarters,  and  Gates  again  assumed  the 
command  of  the  department. 

In  the  month  of  June,  the  loyalists  who  had  fled  to  Canada 
with  Sir  John  Johnson,  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and  up¬ 
ward,  performed  an  exploit  equally  bold  and  remarkable,  which 
naturally  suggests  the  inquiry,  where  were  the  Whigs  of  Tryon 
County  at  that  time  ;  and  in  what  were  they  engaged  ?  The 
incident  to  which  reference  is  had,  was  the  return  of  those  self¬ 
same  loyalists  for  their  families,  whom  they  were  permitted  to 
collect  together,  and  with  whom  they  were  suffered  to  depart 
into  the  country,  and  the  active  service  of  the  enemy.  Nor 
was  this  all.  Not  only  was  no  opposition  made  to  their  pro¬ 
ceedings,  but  on  their  way  they  actually  committed  acts  of 
flagrant  hostility,  destroyed  property,  and  took  several  prisoners. 
Having  completed  their  arrangements,  they  moved  northward 
from  Fort  Hunter,  through  Fonda’s  Bush — making  four  prison¬ 
ers  on  their  way  thither,* * * §  and  at  Fonda’s  Bush  five  others.t 
From  this  place  they  proceeded  across  the  great  marsh  to  Sir 
William  Johnson’s  fish-house,  on  the  Sacondaga,  capturing  a 
man  named  Martin,  and  another  named  Harris,  on  the  way, 
and  at  the  fish-house  taking  a  brave  fellow  named  Solomon 
Woodworth  and  four  others.t  They  burnt  the  house  and  out¬ 
buildings  of  Godfrey  Shew  at  this  place,  and  departed  with 
their  prisoners,  leaving  the  women  and  children  houseless. 
Embarking  on  the  Sacondaga  in  light  canoes,  previously 
moored  at  that  place  for  the  purpose,  they  descended  twenty- 
five  miles  to  the  Hudson,  and  thence,  by  the  way  of  Lakes 
George  and  Champlain,  proceeded  to  St.  Johns  in  safety.  The 
day  after  his  capture,  Woodworth  succeeded  in  making  his 
escape.  At  St.  Johns,  John  Shew  and  four  others  were  given 
up  to  the  Indians,  by  whom  they  were  taken  to  their  village  in 
Canada.  They  were  neither  considered  nor  treated  exactly  as 
prisoners  of  war  ;  and  Shew,  with  three  of  his  companions,  soon 
afterward  escaped  and  returned  home.§  From  St.  Johns,  the 

*  Mr.  Cough  and  his  son,  and  Mr.  Marinus  and  his  son. 

t  John  Putnam,  Jr.,  Mr.  Salisbury,  Mr.  Rice,  Mr.  Joseph  Scott,  and  Mr. 
Bowman. 

|  Godfrey  Shew,  and  his  three  sons,  John,  Stephen,  and  Jacob. 

§  In  the  Autumn  of  1780  young  Shew  was  again  captured  by  a  scouting  parly  of 


310 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 

loyal  party  proceeded  down  the  St.  Lawrence  to  Quebec,  where 
the  residue  of  the  prisoners  were  kept  in  close  confinement 
about  four  months.  Some  of  the  number  died,  and  the  remain¬ 
der  were  sent  to  Halifax,  and  thence  exchanged  by  the  way  of 
Boston.  This  movement  of  the  Tories  back  in  a  body  to  their 
deserted  homes,  and  its  success,  form  one  of  the  most  extraordi¬ 
nary  incidents,  though  in  itself  comparatively  unimportant, 
which  transpired  during  the  wars  of  the  Mohawk  country.* 

With  the  opening  of  the  season  for  active  operations — though 
he  was  himself  never  inactive — Thayendanegea  had  again  re¬ 
turned  to  his  former  haunts  on  the  Susquehanna — Oghkwaga 
and  Unadilla.  He  soon  proved  himself  an.  active  and  dreaded 
partisan.  No  matter  for  the  difficulties  or  the  distance,  where- 
ever  a  blow  could  be  struck  to  any  advantage,  Joseph  Brant 
was  sure  to  be  there.  Frequent,  moreover,  were  the  instances  in 
which  individuals,  and  even  whole  families  in  the  outskirts  of 
the  settlements,  disappeared,  without  any  knowledge  on  the  part 
of  those  who  were  left,  that  an  enemy  had  been  near  them. 
“  The  smoking  ruins  of  their  dwellings,  the  charred  bones  of 
the  dead,”  and  the  slaughtered  carcasses  of  the  domestic  ani¬ 
mals,  were  the  only  testimonials  of  the  cause  of  the  catastrophe, 
until  the  return  of  a  captive,  or  the  disclosures  of  some  prisoner 
taken  from  the  foe,  furnished  more  definite  information.!  But 
there  is  no  good  evidence  that  Brant  was  himself  a  participator 
in  secret  murders,  or  attacks  upon  isolated  individuals  or  fami¬ 
lies  ;  and  there  is  much  reason  to  believe  that  the  bad  feelings 
of  many  of  the  loyalists  induced  them  to  perpetrate  greater 
enormities  themselves,  and  prompt  the  parties  of  Indians  whom 
they  often  led,  to  commit  greater  barbarities  than  the  savages 
would  have  done  had  they  been  left  to  themselves. 

In  support  of  the  foregoing  opinion  of  Captain  Brant,  the 
following  incident,  occurring  in  the  Summer  of  the  present 
year,  may  be  adduced.  A  lad  in  Schoharie  County,  named 
William  M’Kown,  while  engaged  in  raking  hay  alone  in  a 

Indians  and  Tories,  in  the  woods  in  the  neighborhood  of  Ballston,  and  at  the  insti¬ 
gation  of  one  of  the  latter,  named  John  Parker,  was  immediately  murdered.  Parker 
was  himself  soon  afterward  taken  as  a  spy  by  Captain  Bemett  of  the  militia — 
carried  to  Albany,  tried,  convicted,  and  executed. 

*  The  facts  respecting  this  expedition  have  been  collected  and  furnished  to  the 
author  by  John  J.  Shew,  of  Northampton,  N.  Y. 

t  Campbell’s  Annals. 


MASSACRE  IN  SCHOHARIE. 


311 


1778.] 

meadow,  happening  to  turn  round,  perceived  ail  Indian  very- 
near  him.  Startled  at  his  perilous  situation,  he  raised  his  rake 
for  defence,  but  his  fears  were  instantly  dissipated  by  the 
savage,  who  said — “  Do  not  be  afraid,  young  man  ;  I  shall  not 
“  hurt  you.”  He  then  inquired  of  the  youth  for  the  residence 
of  a  loyalist  named  Foster.  The  lad  gave  him  the  proper  di¬ 
rection,  and  inquired  of  the  Indian  whether  he  knew  Mr. 
Foster  ?  “I  am  partially  acquainted  with  him,”  was  the  reply, 
“  having  once  seen  him  at  the  Half-way  Creek.”*  The  Indian 
then  inquired  the  lad’s  name,  and  having  been  informed,  he 
added — “  You  are  a  son  of  Captain  M’Kown  who  lives  in  the 
“  north-east  part  of  the  town,  I  suppose  :  I  know  your  father 
“  very  well :  he  lives  neighbor  to  Captain  M’Kean :  I  know 
“  M’Kean  very  well,  and  a  very  fine  fellow  he  is,  too.”  Em 
boldened  by  the  familiar  discourse  of  the  Indian,  the  lad  ven¬ 
tured  to  ask  his  name  in  turn.  Hesitating  for  a  moment,  his 
rather  unwelcome  visiter  replied  : — “  My  name  is  Brant !” 
“  What !  Captain  Brant  ?”  eagerly  demanded  the  youth.  “  No  : 
“  I  am  a  cousin  of  his,”  was  the  rejoinder  ;  but  accompanied  by 
a  smile  and  a  look  that  plainly  disclosed  the  transparent  de¬ 
ception.  It  was  none  other  than  the  terrible  Thayendanegea 
himself,  f 

On  the  other  hand,  the  following  tragic  circumstance,  given 
on  the  same  indisputable  authority,  sustains  the  assertion  that 
the  Tories  were  oftentimes  more  cruel  than  their  savage  asso¬ 
ciates.  While  a  party  of  hostiles  were  prowling  about  the 
borders  of  Schoharie,  the  Indians  killed  and  scalped  a  mother, 
and  a  large  family  of  children.  “  They  had  just  completed  the 
“  work  of  death,  when  some  loyalists  of  the  party  came  up,  and 
“  discovered  an  infant  breathing  sweetly  in  its  cradle.  An  In- 
“  dian  warrior,  noted  for  his  barbarity,  approached  the  cradle 
“  with  his  uplifted  hatchet.  The  babe  looked  up  in  his  face, 
“  and  smiled  ;  the  feelings  of  nature  triumphed  over  the  ferocity 
“  of  the  savage ;  the  hatchet  fell  with  his  arm,  and  he  was 
“  about  stooping  down  to  take  the  innocent  in  his  arms,  when 
<•'  one  of  the  loyalists,  cursing  him  for  his  humanity,  thrust  it 
t;  through  with  his  bayonet,  and,  thus  transfixed,  held  it  up 


♦  Bowman’s  Creek,  half  way  between  Cherry  Valley  and  the  Mohawk  River, 
t  Annals  of  Tryon  County. 


44 


312  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1778. 

11  struggling  in  the  agonies  of  death,  as  he  exclaimed — 1  this, 
£t  1  too,  is  a  rebel  /’  ” 

To  guard  against  these  painful  transactions,  nothing  short  of 
the  most  exemplary  watchfulness  would  suffice.  Not  only 
their  habitations,  but  those  who  labored  in  the  fields,  were 
guarded,  being  themselves  armed  at  their  ploughs,  like  the  la¬ 
borers  of  the  prophet  in  rebuilding  the  walls  of  Jerusalem.  Nor 
was  this  vigilance  confined  to  any  particular  location.  The 
inhabitants  around  the  whole  border,  from  Saratoga,  north  of 
Johnstown,  and  west  to  the  German  Flatts,  thence  south 
stretching  down  to  Unadilla,  and  thence  eastvvardly  crossing 
the  Susquehanna,  along  the  Charlotte  river  to  Harpersfield, 
and  thence  back  to  Albany- — were  necessarily  an  armed  yeo¬ 
manry,  watching  for  themselves,  and  standing  sentinels  for 
each  other  in  turn  ;  harassed  daily  by  conflicting  rumors  ; 
now  admonished  of  the  approach  of  the  foe  in  the  night  by 
the  glaring  flames  of  a  neighbor’s  house ;  or  compelled  sud¬ 
denly  to  escape  from  his  approach,  at  a  time  and  in  a  direction 
the  least  expected.  Such  was  the  tenure  of  human  existence 
around  the  confines  of  this  whole  district  of  country,  from  the 
Spring  of  1777  to  the  end  of  the  contest  in  1782. 

The  first  movement  of  Brant  himself,  this  season,  (1778,)  was 
upon  the  settlement  of  Springfield,  a  small  town  at  the  head  of 
Otsego  Lake,  lying  directly  west  of  Cherry  Valley,  about  ten 
miles.  Those  of  the  men  who  did  not  fly,  were  taken  prison¬ 
ers.  The  chieftain  then  burnt  the  entire  settlement,  with  the 
exception  of  a  single  house,  into  which  he  collected  all  the 
women  and  children,  and  left  them  uninjured. 

It  was  reported  in  the  month  of  June,  that  Brant,  whose 
forces  were  increasing  at  Unadilla,  was  fortifying  that  post ; 
and  Captain  M>Kean  was  despatched  with  a  small  patrol  in 
that  direction,  by  the  people  of  Cherry  Valley,  to  make  obser¬ 
vations.  Arriving  at  a  house  about  twenty-five  miles  from  that 
place,  M‘Kean  was  informed  that  Brant  had  been  there 
with  fifty  men,  that  day,  and  would  probably  return  in  the  even¬ 
ing.  M‘Kean  was  at  first  disposed  to  take  possession  of  the 
house,  and  attempt  its  defence— his  force  consisting  of  but  five 
men,  exclusive  of  himself.  But,  ultimately  forming  a  more 
prudent  resolution,  he  withdrew  “his  forces”  before  nightfall, 
and  returned  home  without  having  reconnoitred  the  chieftain’s 


BATTLE  AT  COBLESKILL. 


313 


1778.] 

position  at  Unadilla.  In  the  course  of  his  journey,  he  wrote  a 
letter  to  Brant,  upbraiding  him  for  the  predatory  system  of  war¬ 
fare  in  which  he  was  engaged,  and  challenging  him  either  to 
single  combat,  or  to  meet  him  with  an  equal  number  of  men 
and  have  a  pitched  battle—”  adding,  that  if  he  would  come  to 
Cherry  Valley,  they  would  change  him  from  a  Brant  to  a 
11  goose.”  This  chivalrous  missive  was  fastened  to  a  stick, 
and  placed  in  an  Indian  path.  No  modem  post-office  could 
have  transmitted  the  letter  with  greater  speed  or  safety.  The 
£t  contents  ”  were  “  noted  ”  by  Brant  in  a  letter  addressed  to 
Mr.  Parcifer  Carr,  a  loyalist  living  some  fifteen  or  twenty  miles 
north,  upon  the  Unadilla  settlement,  to  whom  the  chief  wrote 
for  provisions.  He  also  solicited  Mr.  Carr  to  allow  two  or 
three  of  his  men  to  join  him,  and  likewise  to  send  him  a  few 
guns,  with  some  ammunition — adding,  ”  I  mean  now  to  fight 
the  cruel  rebels  as  well  as  I  can.”  In  a  postscript,  he  intimated 
that  the  people  of  Cherry  Valley,  though  very  bold  in  words, 
would  find  themselves  mistaken  in  calling  him  a  “  goose.” 
Whether  the  challenge  of  Captain  M‘.Kean,  and  the  pun  upon 
the  chieftain’s  name,  had  any  influence  upon  his  subsequent 
conduct  in  that  section  of  the  country,  is  not  known. 

On  the  2d  of  July  a  smart  engagement  took  place,  on  the 
upper  branch  of  the  Cobleskill,  between  a  party  of  regular 
troops  and  Schoharie  militia  under  Captain  Christian  Brown, 
and  a  large  body  of  Indians.  There  were  twenty-two  militia¬ 
men  and  thirty  regulars,  the  latter  under  charge  of  a  lieutenant 
whose  name  has  not  been  preserved.  The  Indians,  by  their 
own  account,  were  four  hundred  and  fifty  strong.  They  were 
victorious— the  Americans  retreating  with  a  loss  of  fourteen 
killed,  eight  wounded,  and  two  missing.  The  Indians  burnt 
several  houses,  killed  and  destroyed  all  the  horses  and  cattle 
which  they  could  not  drive  away,  and  took  considerable  plun¬ 
der  besides.  They  remained  in  the  woods  adjoining  the  battle¬ 
ground.  one  day  and  two  nights,  dressing  the  wounded,  and 
packing  up  their  booty,  with  which  they  retired  unmolested.* 
Thenceforward,  until  the  close  of  the  war,  the  settlements  of 

*  The  only  account  of  this  battle  which  the  author  has  been  able  to  discover,  is 
contained  in  John  M.  Brown’s  pamphlet  history  of  Schoharie.  He  states  it  to  have 
taken  place  on  the  day  preceding  the  massacre  of  Wyoming,  but  dates  it  in  1776, 
instead  of  1778,  which  was  doubtless  the  true  date. 


314 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


1778. 


Schoharie  were  perpetually  harassed  by  the  strolling  bands  of 
the  enemy,  until  at  length  they  were  entirely  laid  waste  by  a  for¬ 
midable  invasion.  The  principal  of  these  settlements  was  the 
vale  of  the  Schoharie-kill — doubly  inviting  from  the  beauty  of 
its  scenery  and  the  fertility  of  its  soil — which  was  even  then 
thickly  inhabited.  But,  although  frequently  doomed  to  suffer 
from  the  savage  tomahawk,  justice  nevertheless  demands 
the  admission,  that  the  first  blood  was  drawn  in  that  valley, 
and  the  first  act  of  barbarity  committed,  by  the  white  man, 
upon  the  body  of  an  Indian  sachem. 

The  circumstances  leading  to  the  outrage  were  these  :  At  an 
early  stage  of  the  contest,  the  officers  of  the  Crown  made  a 
very  strenuous  effort  to  control  the  popular  feeling,  and  pre¬ 
serve  the  loyalty  of  the  people  of  Schoharie.  For  this  purpose, 
not  only  the  regular  militia  of  the  settlements,  but  all  the  male 
population  capable  of  bearing  arms,  were  required  to  meet  the 
King’s  Commissioners  at  the  house  of  Captain  George  Mann, 
a  loyalist  of  great  wealth  and  influence,  to  take  the  oath  of  alle¬ 
giance.  They  assembled  in  arms,  and  were  kept  on  parade, 
day  after  day,  as  they  slowly  gathered  at  the  place  of  rendez¬ 
vous  in  obedience  to  the  requisition.  Those  who  were  loyal¬ 
ists  at  heart  readily  took  the  oath  ;  but  great  reluctance  was 
manifested  on  the  part  of  those  whose  predilections  ran  with 
the  Whigs.  These,  however,  were  threatened  with  the  pains 
and  penalties  of  arrest,  confiscation,  and  death,  in  case  of  re¬ 
fusal  ;  so  that  for  the  most  part  they  complied  with  the  demand 
of  the  Commissioners,  and  took  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  Crown. 
Immediately  on  taking  the  oath,  the  hat  of  the  subject  was  de¬ 
corated  with  a  piece  of  scarlet  cloth  ;  while  some  of  those  most 
strongly  desirous  of  manifesting  their  loyalty,  wore  scarlet  caps. 
Prominent  among  the  latter  class,  were  Lodwig  Snyder,  of  the 
Duanesbnrg  settlement,*  and  a  Mohawk  sachem  named  Peter 
Nickus,  who  gave  offence  to  the  Whigs  by  brandishing  his 
tomahawk  and  occasionally  sounding  the  war-whoop. 

But  there  were  a  few  bold  spirits  upon  whom  neither  the 
threats  of  his  Majesty’s  officers,  nor  the  menaces  of  the  Indians 
in  their  company,  had  any  effect.  They  refused  peremptorily 
to  take  the  oath.  Chief  among  these  were  Nicholas  Sternberg 

*  Snyder  afterward  abjured  the  Royal  cause,  and  discharged  his  duty  faithfully  as 
a  Whig. 


A  SCENE  IN  SCHOHARIE. 


315 


1778.] 

and  William  Deitz,  who  left  the  parade  on  the  evening  of  the 
first  or  second  day,  and  returned  to  their  homes — bitterly  de¬ 
nounced  as  rebels  and  traitors  by  the  Royalists,  and  threatened 
with  a  visit  of  Tories  and  Indians  during  the  night.  To  avoid 
an  arrest,  Sternberg  took  to  the  woods  at  evening,  leaving  his 
family  in  great  anxiety,  although  the  slaves,  of  whom  he  pos¬ 
sessed  a  large  number,  volunteered  to  defend  their  mistress  and 
the  children.  But  there  was  no  pursuit,  and  the  recusants  both 
returned  to  the  parade  on  the  following  day — determined,  of 
course,  to  render  all  proper  obedience  to  the  laws  yet  in  force, 
but  equally  determined  not  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance ; 
although  Mrs.  Sternberg  besought  her  husband,  with  tears,  not 
to  jeopard  his  own  safety,  and  the  lives  of  his  family,  by  longer 
refusal.  Nay,  she  went  farther  ;  and  appealing  to  the  Bible,  the 
good  woman  showed  him  the  passage  in  which  all  men  are  en¬ 
joined  u  to  fear  God  and  honor  the  King.”  But  it  was  with 
Sternberg  as  with  the  Puritans.  He  believed  that  “  opposition 
to  tyrants  was  obedience  to  God,”  as  implicitly  as  did  the  re¬ 
gicides  who  engraved  that  immortal  sentiment  upon  the  New 
Haven  rock  ;  and  he  was  inflexible  in  his  purpose. 

Fortunately,  however,  in  the  course  of  the  day  affairs  took 
quite  a  different  turn.  It  was  at  about  the  middle  of  the  after¬ 
noon  that  Captain  Mann  mustered  those  who  had  taken  the 
oath  and  received  the  red  badge.  They  numbered  one  hun¬ 
dred  and  upward,  and  were  paraded  before  the  Captain’s  own 
house  to  perform  their  martial  exercise,  when  their  attention 
was  arrested  by  the  sound  of  steeds  trampling  in  the  dis¬ 
tance.  A  moment  longer,  and  a  cloud  of  horsemen  came  gal¬ 
loping  along  the  highway  from  the  direction  of  Albany,  with 
drawn  swords  flashing  brightly  in  the  sun.  These  unexpected 
visiters  proved  to  be  Captain  Woodbake,  and  two  hundred 
cavalry,  the  object  of  whose  approach  was  to  disperse  the  Royal 
gathering  and  proclaim  the  government  of  the  republic. 
Their  arrival  was  exceedingly  inopportune  for  Captain  Mann, 
who  was  cut  short  in  the  midst  of  a  loyal  oration,  in  which  he 
was  commending  his  citizen-soldiers  for  their  loyalty,  and 
threatening  those  who  refused  the  badge  of  their  sovereign, 
with  vengeance,  swift  and  inevitable.  As  the  cavalry  ap¬ 
proached,  Captain  Mann  took  to  his  heels  and  fled ;  while  his 
loyal  followers,  many  of  whom  had  assumed  the  before-men- 


316 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778 


tioned  insignia,  and  signed  the  royal  muster-roll  on  compul¬ 
sion,  either  followed  his  example  or  threw  away  their  red  caps, 
and  tore  off  the  scarlet  patches  from  their  hats,  with  the  utmost 
possible  expedition.  Orders  were  immediately  issued  by  Cap¬ 
tain  Woodbake  that  Mann  should  be  taken  and  brought  to 
him — alive,  if  possible,  but  if  not — not.  Numbers  started  in 
pursuit,  while  those  who  remained  upon  the  ground  were  col¬ 
lected  into  line,  and  a  proclamation  was  read  to  them  by  Captain 
Woodbake,  declaring  the  Royal  authority  at  an  end — pronounc¬ 
ing  the  acts  of  the  King’s  Commissioners  null  and  void — and 
absolving  the  people  from  the  oath  of  allegiance  just  taken, 
upon  the  ground  that,  by  the  laws  neither  of  God  nor  man,  are 
oaths  binding  which  have  been  taken  upon  compulsion.  Com¬ 
mending  those  who  had  refused  to  take  the  oath  for  their 
patriotism,  he  informed  them  that  a  Committee  of  Safety  must 
be  appointed,  who  would  temporarily  be  invested  with  the  civil 
and  military  authority  of  the  district,  and  until,  by  elections  and 
otherwise,  the  government  could  be  organized  in  a  more  regular 
manner.  Nicholas  Sternberg  and  William  Deitz  were  there¬ 
upon  nominated  by  Woodbake  to  serve  as  said  Committee,  and 
invested  orally  with  all  necessary  power  for  the  government  of 
the  district ;  and  the  people  were  enjoined  to  obedience. 

The  affairs  of  the  government  having  thus  been  settled,  all 
hands  were  ordered  in  pursuit  of  Captain  Mann,  and  sentinels 
were  posted  at  different  points  of  observation.  Among  these 
was  Mr.  Sternberg’s  eldest  son  Lambert,  who  was  stationed  by 
the  side  of  a  wheat-stack,  sheltered  by  a  roof  of  thatch  upon 
four  posts.*  The  orders  were  strict,  that  if  Mann  would  not 
surrender,  he  must  be  shot.  Toward  evening,  on  the  approach 
of  a  thunder-gust,  young  Sternberg,  who  was  a  lad  of  only 
sixteen  years,  climbed  to  the  top  of  the  wheat-stack  for  shelter, 
where,  to  his  great  surprise,  he  stumbled  upon  the  loyal  cap¬ 
tain.  The  youth  informed  him  at  once  that  he  must  surrender 
or  be  shot.  The  Captain  implored  for  mercy — declaring  that 
he  dared  not  to  surrender  himself  to  Woodbake,  because  his 
life  would  be  taken.  The  youth  repeated  that  his  orders  were 
explicit,  and  he  must  surrender  or  be  shot.  But  Mann  had 

*  These  structures  in  new  countries,  where  barns  are  not  large  enough  to  shelter 
the  produce,  are  called  barracks. 


A  SCENE  IN  SCHOHARIE. 


317 


1778.] 

lived  a  neighbor  to  his  father — had  ever  been  kind  to  him — and 
his  heart  failed  at  the  thought  of  taking  his  life.  He  then  pro¬ 
posed  to  the  Captain  to  fire  his  musket  by  way  of  alarm,  that 
others  might  come  and  take  him.  But  this  was  objected  to  by 
Mann  with  equal  earnestness.  It  now  thundered  and  lighten¬ 
ed  fearfully,  while  the  rain  descended  in  torrents.  Watching 
his  opportunity,  therefore,  and  availing  himself  of  the  conflict 
of  the  elements,  and  that,  also,  which  was  working  in  the  bo¬ 
som  of  his  young  neighbor  so  suddenly  placed  in  hostile  array 
against  him,  Mann  contrived  to  spring  from  his  hiding-place, 
and  by  sliding  down  upon  one  of  the  barrack-posts,  effected  his 
escape  into  a  corn-field  and  thence  into  the  woods.  The 
stripling  soldier  fired,  as  in  duty  bound,  but  doubtless  rejoiced 
that  the  shot  was  without  effect. 

On  the  next  day,  information  having  been  received  that  a 
body  of  Indians  were  lurking  in  the  neighborhood  of  Middle- 
burg,  a  few  miles  farther  up  the  valley,  Captain  Woodbake  pro¬ 
ceeded  thither  with  his  squadron  of  horse.  The  only  Indian 
seen  was  the  before-mentioned  sachem,  Peter  Nickus,  who  was 
discovered  in  a  thicket  of  hazel  bushes,  and  immediately  brought 
to  the  ground  by  a  shot  that  broke  his  thigh.  Several  pistols 
were  simultaneously  snapped  at  him,  but  without  effect ;  the 
troops  then  dismounted,  and  running  upon  the  wounded  Indian, 
inhumanly  hacked  him  to  pieces  with  their  swords.  Peter 
Nickus  was  therefore  the  first  victim  of  the  Revolution  in  the 
Valley  of  the  Schoharie-kill,  nor  does  it  appear  that  he  had 
himself  been  guilty  of  any  act  of  positive  hostility. 

All  search  for  Captain  Mann  was  for  the  time  fruitless.  He 
succeeded  in  escaping  to  the  mountains,  where  he  remained 
fifteen  days ;  but  at  length  was  induced  to  surrender  through 
the  intervention  of  friends,  on  condition  that  he  should  receive 
no  personal  injury.  He  was  thereupon  taken  to  Albany,  and 
kept  in  confinement  to  the  end  of  the  war.* 

*  The  property  of  Captain  Mann  was  not  confiscated,  and  he  was  suffered  to 
return  and  repossess  himself  of  his  estate,  where  he  lived  and  died  a  faithful  citizen 
of  the  republic.  All  the  families  named  in  this  narrative  were  of  great  respectability, 
and  their  descendants  are  still  in  that  section  of  country.  The  author  has  derived 
the  facts  of  the  four  last  preceding  pages  from  a  written  narrative  by  the  son  of 
Nicholas  Sternberg.  It  was  thrown  out  of  its  proper  chronological  order,  because 
not  received  until  after  this  chapter  was  in  the  hands  of  the  printer. 


CHAPTER  XV. 


The  story  of  Wyoming — Glance  at  its  history — Bloody  battle  between  the  Shawa- 
nese  and  Delawares — Count  Zinzendorf — Conflicting  Indian  claims  and  titles — 
Rival  land  companies  of  Connecticut  and  Pennsylvania — Murder  of  Tadeusund 
--The  first  Connecticut  Colony  destroyed  by  the  Indians — Controversy  respecting 
their  titles — Rival  Colonies  planted  in  Wyoming — The  civil  wars  of  Wyoming — 
Boid  adventure  of  Captain  Ogden — Fierce  passions  of  the  people — The  Connecti¬ 
cut  settlers  prevail — Growth  of  the  settlements — Annexed  toConnecticut — Break- 
ingout  of  the  Revolution— The  inhabitants,  stimulated  by  previous  hatred,  take  sides 
— Arrest  of  suspected  persons  in  January — Sent,  to  Hartford — Evil  consequences 
— The  enemy  appear  upon  the  outskirts  of  the  settlements  in  the  Spring — Inva¬ 
sion  by  Colonel  John  Butler  and  the  Indians — Colonel  Zebulon  Butler  prepares 
to  oppose  them — Two  of  the  forts  taken — Colonel  Z.  Butler  marches  to  encounter 
the  enemy — Battle  of  Wyoming — The  Americans  defeated — The  flight  and  mas¬ 
sacre — Fort  Wyoming  besieged — Timidity  of  the  garrison — Zebulon  Butler’s 
authority  not  sustained — He  escapes  from  the  fort — Colonel  Denniston  forced  to 
capitulate — Destruction  of  the  Valley — Barbarities  of  the  Tories — Brant  not  in  the 
expedition — Catharine  Montour — Flight  of  the  fugitives — Expedition  of  Colonel 
Hartley  up  the  Susquehanna — Colonel  Zebulon  Butler  repossesses  himself  of  Wyo¬ 
ming,  and  rebuilds  the  fort — Indian  skirmishes — Close  of  the  History  of  Wyoming. 


The  melancholy  story  of  Wyoming  stands  next  in  chrono¬ 
logical  order.  It  does  not,  indeed,  appertain  directly  to  the 
history  of  the  Mohawk  Yalley  ;  but  it  is  nevertheless  connected 
intimately  with  that  history,  while  it  has  ever  been  regarded  as 
one  of  the  most  prominent  events  in  the  border  history  of  the 
Revolutionary  contest.  Its  importance,  moreover,  as  a  section 
of  the  Indian  portion  of  that  contest,  is  such  as  to  warrant  the 
episode,  if  such  it  must  be  called.  Many  were  the  battles  du¬ 
ring  that  struggle,  of  far  greater  importance  than  the  affair  of 
Wyoming,  both  in  regard  to  their  magnitude  and  their  results  ; 
and  many  were  the  scenes  characterised  by  equal  if  not  greater 
atrocity.  But  from  a  variety  of  circumstances,  as  well  ante¬ 
cedent  as  subsequent  to  the  battle,  it  has  happened  that  no  event 
connected  with  the  aboriginal  wars  of  our  country  stands  out 
in  bolder  relief  than  that.  Sixty  years  have  elapsed  since  the 
tragedy  of  Wyoming  was  enacted  ;  the  actors  themselves  are 
no  more ;  and  yet  the  very  mention  of  the  event  sends  a  chill 
current  to  every  youthful  heart,  while  the  theatre  of  the  action 
itself  has  been  rendered  classic  as  well  as  consecrated,  by  the 
undying  numbers  of  one  of  the  most  gifted  bards  of  the  age. 
So  long  as  English  poetry  exists,  will  the  imaginary  tale  of 
Gertrude  of  Wyoming  be  read,  admired,  and  wept;  and 


1778.] 


HISTORY  OF  WYOMING. 


319 


thousands,  in  every  generation  to  come,  will  receive  the  beau¬ 
tiful  fiction  for  truth,  while  the  details  of  fact  by  the  faithful 
historian,  rejecting  the  exaggerations  of  Ramsay  and  Gordon, 
and  their  associate  writers  of  the  revolutionary  era,  together 
with  compilers  more  modern,  who  have  taken  no  pains  to  inquire 
for  the  truth,  may  be  regarded  as  too  common-place  and  unim¬ 
portant  for  attention. 

Wyoming  is  the  name  of  a  beautiful  section  of  the  vale  of 
the  Susquehanna,  situated  in  the  north  eastern  part  of  the  State 
of  Pennsylvania.  It  is  twenty-five  miles  in  length,  by  about 
three  in  breadth,  lying  deep  between  two  parallel  ranges  of 
mountains,  crested  with  oak  and  pine.  The  scenery  around  is 
wild  and  picturesque,  while  the  valley  itself  might  be  chosen 
for  another  paradise.* 

The  possession  of  this  valley  has  not  been  an  object  of  the 
white  man’s  ambition  or  cupidity  alone.  It  has  been  the  subject 
of  controversy,  and  the  fierce  battle-ground  of  various  Indian 
tribes,  within  the  white  man’s  time,  but  before  his  possession  ; 
and  from  the  remains  of  fortifications  discovered  there,  so  an¬ 
cient  that  the  largest  oaks  and  pines  have  struck  root  upon  the 
ramparts  and  in  the  entrenchments,  it  must  once  have  been  the 
seat  of  power,  and  perhaps  of  a  splendid  court,  thronged  by 
chivalry,  and  taste,  and  beauty— of  a  race  of  men  far  different 
from  the  Indians,  known  to  us  since  the  discovery  of  Columbus. 
It  was  here  that  the  benevolent  Count  Zinzendorf  pitched  his 
tent,  on  commencing  his  Christian  labors  among  the  Shawanese, 
and  where  he  was  saved  from  assassination  by  the  providential 
intervention  of  a  poisonous  reptile.  Originally  it  lay  within 
the  territory  of  the  Lenni  Lenape,  or  Delaware  Indians ;  but 
it  was  claimed  by  the  Six  Nations  by  right  of  conquest.  In 
1742  a  grand  council  of  the  chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Six 
Nations  and  Delawares  was  held  in  Philadelphia,  in  conse¬ 
quence  of  difficulties  touching  the  title  to  certain  lands  lying 
within  the  forks  of  the  Delaware,  which  the  proprietaries  of 

*  Wyoming  is  a  corruption  of  the  name  given  to  the  place  by  the  Delaware  In- 
o.ans,  who  called  it  Maughwauwame.  The  word  is  a  compound ;  Maughwau 
meaning  large  or  extensive,  and  loame  plains  or  meadows  ;  so  that  the  name  may 
be  translated  “  The  Large  Plains .”  In  the  language  of  the  Six  Nations,  Wyoming 
was  called  Sgahontowano,  or  “  The  Large  Flalts.”  ’Gahonto  meaning,  in  their  lan¬ 
guage,  a  large  piece  of  ground  without  trees — Chapman's  History  of  Wyoming. 


320 


life  of  brant. 


[1778. 


Pennsylvania  alleged  that  William  Penn  had  purchased  of 
the  Delawares,  but  which  the  Delawares  yet  retained  in  pos¬ 
session,  while  at  the  same  time  the  Six  Nations  claimed  the 
ownership.  The  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  having  explained 
the  state  of  the  case  to  the  council,  reminded  the  chiefs  of  the 
Six  Nations  that,  inasmuch  as  they  had  always  required  the 
government  of  Pennsylvania  to  remove  such  whites  as  intruded 
upon  their  lands,  so  now  the  government  expected  the  Six 
Nations  to  remove  the  Indians  from  the  lands  which  it  had 
purchased.*  Old  Cannassateego  was  the  master  spirit  of  the 
Iroquois  delegation  on  thisoccasion  ;  and,  after  due  consideration, 
he  pronounced  the  decision  of  his  associate  chiefs.  He  rebuked 
the  Delawares  in  the  sharpest  terms  for  their  dishonesty  and 
duplicity,  in  first  selling  land  which  did  not  belong  to  them, 
and  even  then  retaining  possession  of  it  themselves.  He 
taunted  them  for  their  degraded  condition,  as  having  been  con¬ 
quered  and  made  women  of  by  his  people,  and  after  an  indig¬ 
nant  philippic,  ordered  them  to  leave  the  disputed  territory,  and 
remove  to  Wyoming  or  Shamokin. 

The  commands  of  the  Six  Nations  were  neither  to  be  ques¬ 
tion  nor  disregarded,  by  the  surrounding  Indian  nations,  at  that 
stage  of  their  history,  and  the  clan  of  the  Delawares  occupying 
the  land  in  dispute,  forthwith  removed  to  Wyoming,  then  in 
the  partial  occupancy  of  a  clan  of  the  Shawanese.  But  the 
latter  were  friendly  to  the  Six  Nations  at  that  time,  and  were 
suffered  to  retain  possession  of  the  west  side  of  the  river,  while 
the  Delawares  planted  themselves  down  upon  the  east,  and 
built  their  town  of  Maughwauwame — the  original  of  Wyoming. 

But  the  close  proximity  of  the  two  clans  or  parts  of  nations, 
was  no  addition  to  their  happiness.  Mutual  jealousies  were 
entertained  ;  and  no  long  period  of  time  elapsed  before  their 
animosities  were  sharpened  into  actual  hostilities  upon  the 
smallest  provocation.  At  length  there  was  cause  for  more  sub¬ 
stantial  war.  On  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities  between  the 
French  and  American  Colonies,  in  what  is  now  called  the  old 
French  war,  the  Shawanese  espoused  the  side  of  the  French, 
while  the  Six  Nations  and  Delawares  adhered  to  the  English. 
Still  the  two  Indian  communities  in  Wyoming  did  not  actually 
take  up  arms  in  that  contest,  until  the  occurrence  of  an  inci- 


*  Chapman’s  History  of  Wyoming. 


HTSTORY  OF  WYOMING. 


321 


1778.] 

dent  which,  it  is  believed,  may  be  set  down  for  the  smallest  cause 
of  war  as  yet  recorded  in  history.  It  happened  one  day,  while 
the  Delaware  warriors  were  upon  the  chase  among  the  moun¬ 
tains,  that  their  women  and  children  were  gathering  fruit  along 
the  margin  of  the  river  below  their  town.  While  thus  engaged, 
a  party  of  the  .Shawanese  women  and  children  paddled  their 
canoes  across  the  river  and  joined  them.  In  the  course  ol  the 
morning  a  Shawanese  child  caught  a  large  grasshopper — the 
species,  probably,  having  parti-colored  wings — and  a  quarrel 
arose  among  the  children  for  the  possession  of  the  insect.  In 
this  quarrel  the  mothers  soon  began  to  participate,  and  an 
Amazonian  battle  was  the  consequence.  The  Delaware  squaws 
contended  that  the  Shawanese  had  no  right  to  trespass  upon 
their  side  of  the  river ;  and  after  several  had  been  killed  upon 
both  sides,  the  latter,  who  were  the  weaker  party,  were  driven 
to  the  canoes,  and  their  own  homes. 

Upon  the  return  of  the  warriors  of  the  respective  tribes,  both 
prepared  to  avenge  the  wrongs  of  their  wives  and  children. 
The  Shawanese  were  the  invaders  ;  but  they  were  met  at  the 
river’s  brink  by  the  Delawares,  nothing  averse  to  the  combat, 
who  obstinately  opposed  their  landing  from  their  canoes. 
Great  numbers  were  killed,  chiefly  of  the  Shawanese,  before 
they  gained  the  shore.  Succeeding  in  this  however,  a  battle, 
furious  and  bloody,  was  fought  about  a  mile  below  the  Dela¬ 
ware  town,  in  which  several  hundreds  were  killed  on  both 
sides.  The  Shawanese,  whose  forces  had  been  greatly  weak¬ 
ened  at  the  landing,  were  at  length  overpowered,  and  obliged 
to  escape  as  best  they  could,  with  the  loss  of  half  their  number. 
The  consequence  of  this  defeat  was  the  immediate  evacuation 
of  the  valley,  which  they  left,  to  join  the  greater  body  of  their 
nation  on  the  Ohio.*  To  the  Delawares,  who  had  been  op¬ 
pressed  and  denationalized  by  the  Iroquois  or  Six  Nations,  the 
victory  was  of  great  importance — re-establishing,  as  it  did,  their 
character  as  brave  warriors,  although  it  was  not  until  many 
years  afterward  that  the  sentence  of  being  considered  women 
was  revoked  by  their  former  conquerors. 

Still,  at  the  time  when  Count  Zinzendorf  commenced  the 
mission  of  the  United  Brethren  in  that  valley,  the  jurisdiction 


*  Chapman’s  History  of  Wyoming. 


322 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 

was  conceded  to  belong  to  the  Six  Nations  ;  and  a  formal  per¬ 
mission  was  given  to  the  count  by  the  latter,  to  preach  the  Gos¬ 
pel  among  them.  He  was  met  by  a  numerous  embassy  of  their 
chiefs,  from  whom  he  received  a  speech  of  welcome,  which  at 
once  laid  the  foundation  of  a  good  understanding  between 
them.*  But,  notwithstanding  this  admitted  superiority  of  the 
Iroquois  in  the  time  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  the  rival  and  con¬ 
flicting  Indian  claims  of  title  were  the  cause  of  rival  negotia- 
tions  between  the  white  land-speculators  and  both  nations  of 
Indians,  which  in  the  end  were  the  cause  of  many  and  very 
sore  evils,  as  will  presently  appear. 

The  first  movement  toward  the  planting  of  a  white  colony 
in  the  Wyoming  Yalley  was  made  by  Connecticut  in  1753.  It 
was  justly  held  that  this  section  of  country  belonged  originally 
to  the  grant  of  James  I.,  in  1620,  to  the  old  Plymouth  Company. 
The  Earl  of  Warwick  and  his  associates  having  purchased  the 
right  of  the  Plymouth  Company  to  the  territory  of  Connecticut 
and  the  lands  beyond  New  Jersey,  west,  “  from  sea  to  sea,” 
within  certain  limits,  Connecticut  claimed  under  that  grant. 
But  no  sooner  was  a  company  formed  to  plant  a  colony  in 
Wyoming — called  the  Susquehanna  Company — than  Penn- 

*  Heckewelder.  The  incident  of  the  serpent,  referred  to  in  a  preceding  page, 
was  as  follows: — Jealous  of  the  Count’s  intentions  in  coming  among  them, 
some  of  the  Indians  had  resolved  upon  Iris  death.  “  Zinzendorf  was  alone  in  his 
tent,  seated  upon  a  bundle  of  weeds  composing  his  bed,  and  engaged  in  writing, 
when  the  assassins  approached  to  execute  their  bloody  commission.  It  was  night, 
and  the  cool  air  of  September  had  rendered  a  fire  necessary  to  his  comfort  A  blanket 
curtain  was  the  only  guard  to  the  entrance  of  his  tent.  The  heat  of  his  fire  had 
drawn  forth  a  large  rattlesnake  from  the  contiguous  brake  ;  and  the  reptile,  to  enjoy 
the  genial  warmth,  had  crawled  slowly  into  the  tent,  and  passed  over  one  of  the  holy 
man’s  legs  unpereeived.  Without,  all  was  still  and  quiet,  except  the  distant  sound 
of  the  river  at  the  rapids  a  mile  below.  At  this  moment  the  Indians  softly  approached 
the  door  of  his  tent,  and  gently  removing  the  curtain,  contemplated  the  venerable 
man,  too  deeply  engaged  in  the  subject  of  his  thoughts  to  observe  either  their  ap¬ 
proach  or  the  serpent  which  lay  extended  before  him.  At  a  sight  like  this,  even  the 
heart  of  the  savages  shrank  from  the  idea  of  committing  the  barbarous  act,  and  they 
hastily  returned  to  their  lodge,  and  informed  their  companions  that  the  Great  Spirit 
protected  the  stranger,  for  they  had  found  him  with  no  door  but  a  blanket,  and  had 
seen  a  large  rattlesnake  crawl  over  his  legs  without  attempting  to  injure  him.” 
This  circumstance  wrought  as  great  a  change  as  did  the  incident  of  the  viper,  after 
the  shipwreck,  in  the  fortunes  of  Paul.  The  Count  soon  acquired  the  confidence  of 
the  Indians;  and  the  occurrence  probably  contributed  essentially  toward  inducing 
many  of  them  subsequently  to  embrace  the  Christian  religion. — Chapman's  His. 
Wyoming. 


HISTORY  OP  WYOMING. 


323 


1778.] 


sylvania  preferred  a  claim  to  the  same  territory,  under  a  grant 
lrom  Charles  II.  to  William  Penn,  in  1681,  covering  the  whole 
claim  of  Connecticut ;  and  a  rival  association,  called  the  Dela- 
icare  Company,  was  organised  in  like  manner  to  settle  it. 
The  strife  of  each,  at  first,  was  to  circumvent  the  other  in  pur¬ 
chasing  the  Indian  title.  At  this  time  it  was  conceded  that  the 
aboriginal  proprietaries  were  the  Six  Nations  ;  and,  though  beset 
on  all  sides,  old  King  Hendrick  refused  for  a  time  to  dispose  of 
the  territory  to  either  party.  Ultimately,  however,  the  Six 
Nations  sold  to  the  Susquehanna  Company  ;  and  in  1755  the 
Connecticut  Colony  was  commenced.  But  by  reason  of  the 
French  and  Indian  wars,  their  settlers  were  compelled  to  re¬ 
turn  to  Connecticut,  and  the  obstacles  became  so  numerous,  that 
it  was  not  until  1762  that  they  were  enabled  to  obtain  a  foot¬ 
hold. 

The  Pennsylvanians  immediately  prepared  to  oppose  the 
settlers  from  Connecticut.  A  case  was  made  up  and  trans¬ 
mitted  to  England,  on  which  Mr.  Pratt,  the  Attorney  General, 
(afterward  Lord  Camden,)  gave  an  opinion  in  favor  of  the  suc¬ 
cessors  of  Penn.  Connecticut  likewise  sent  over  a  case,  and 
on  her  part  obtained  a  like  favorable  opinion  from  eminent 
counsel.  In  this  position  of  the  controversy,  a  catastrophe  be- 
fel  the  infant  settlement,  which  put  an  end  to  the  enterprise  for 
several  years.  Thus  far  the  relations  between  the  Colonists 
and  the  Indians  had  been  of  the  most  pacific  character.  The 
old  Delaware  chief  Tadeuskund,  who  had  embraced  the  Chris¬ 
tian  religion,  was,  with  his  people,  their  friend.  But  he  had 
given  offence  to  some  of  the  Six  Nations  in  1758,  a  party  of 
whom  came  among  the  Delawares,  under  the  guise  of  friend¬ 
ship,  in  April,  1763,  and  murdered  the  venerable  chief  by  set¬ 
ting  fire  to  his  dwelling,  in  which  he  was  consumed.*  The 
murder  was  charged  by  the  Indians  upon  the  adventurers  from 
Connecticut.  But  the  emigrants,  unconscious  that  a  storm  was 

*  Tadeuskund  was  a  Delaware  chief  of  note.  Previous  to  the  year  1750,  he  was 
known  among  the  English  by  the  name  of  Honest  John.  He  was  baptized  by  the 
Moravians,  but  was  wavering  and  inconstant.  He  was  too  fond  of  the  war-path  to 
become  a  consistent  follower  of  the  pacific  Moravians.  When  he  saw  opportunities 
of  signalizing  himself  as  a  warrior,  therefore,  he  left  his  faith,  to  re-embrace  it  as 
might  suit  his  policy.  He  inclined  to  the  French  in  the  war ;  but  assisted  in  con¬ 
cluding  a  peace  among  several  Indian  nations  in  1758,  which  gave  umbrage  to  the 
Six  Nations. 


324 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 


rising  against  them,  remained  in  fancied  security.  They  had 
given  no  offence ;  and  in  order  to  allay  any  suspicions  that 
might  otherwise  be  awakened  among  the  Indians,  they  had 
even  neglected  to  provide  themselves  with  weapons  for  self- 
protection.  The  consequence  was  the  sudden  destruction  of 
their  settlement  by  a  party  of  Delaware  Indians,  on  the  15th 
of  October.  The  descent  was  made  upon  the  town  while  the 
men  were  at  work  in  the  fields.  About  twenty  persons  were 
killed,  and  several  were  taken  prisoners.  Those  who  could, 
men,  women,  and  children,  fled  to  the  woods  and  the  moun¬ 
tains,  from  whence  they  were  compelled  to  behold  the  sad 
spectacle  of  their  dwellings  in  flames,  and  the  Indians  making 
off  with  the  remains  of  their  little  property.  Their  flight 
through  a  trackless  forest  to  the  Delaware,  unprovided  with 
food,  and  unprotected  by  suitable  clothing  against  the  searching 
weather  of  Autumn,  was  painful  to  a  degree.  But  even  then 
their  journey  was  not  ended,  as  they  had  yet  to  proceed  back 
to  Connecticut,  destitute,  and  on  foot. 

In  1668  the  Delaware  Company  took  advantage  of  a  treaty 
holden  at  Fort  Stanwix,  and  purchased  of  the  same  Six  Nations, 
who  had  sold  to  the  Connecticut  Company,  the  same  territory 
of  Wyoming.  The  Pennsylvanians  entered  upon  immediate 
possession  ;  and  when,  on  the  opening  of  the  ensuing  Spring, 
the  Connecticut  Colonists  returned  with  recruits,  they  found 
others  in  the  occupancy  of  the  lands,  with  a  block-house  erected, 
and  armed  for  defence,  under  the  direction  of  Amos  Ogden 
and  Charles  Stewart,  to  whom  a  lease  of  a  section  of  land  in 
the  heart  of  the  valley  had  been  granted  by  John  Penn,  for 
the  express  purpose  of  ousting  the  Connecticut  claimants. 
Here  was  a  new  and  unexpected  state  of  things.  Some  of  the 
leading  men  of  the  Connecticut  Colony  were  decoyed  into  the 
block-house,  arrested,  and  sent  off  to  a  distant  prison.  But  re¬ 
cruits  coming  on  from  Connecticut,  they  in  turn  built  works  of 
defence,  and  proceeded  with  their  colonial  labors. 

In  the  Summer  of  1769,  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  made 
preparations  to  dispossess  the  intruders,  as  they  considered  the 
Connecticut  people,  by  force  ;  and  a  detachment  of  armed  men, 
to  the  number  of  two  hundred,  was  sent  into  the  territory. 
The  Colonists  prepared  for  a  siege ;  but  one  of  their  leaders 
having  been  taken  prisoner,  and  sent  to  gaol  in  Philadelphia, 


HISTORY  OF  WYOMING. 


325 


1778.] 

after  a  show  of  resistance,  and  having  no  weapons  of  defence 
but  small  arms,  they  capitulated,  and  agreed  to  leave  the  ter¬ 
ritory,  with  the  exception  of  seventeen  families,  who  were  to 
remain  and  secure  the  crops.  But  no  sooner  had  the  Colonists 
departed,  than  the  Pennsylvanians,  led  by  Ogden,  plundered 
the  whole  colony,  destroying  their  fields  of  grain,  killing  their 
cattle,  and  laying  the  whole  settlement  in  ruin  ;  so  that  the 
seventeen  families  were  compelled  to  fly  from  starvation. 

In  the  month  of  Feburary,  1770,  the  Connecticut  Colonists 
rallied,  and  marched  upon  Wyoming,  under  a  man  named  La 
zarus  Stewart.  They  took  Ogden’s  house  and  his  piece  of  ar¬ 
tillery,  during  his  absence.  But  on  his  return  he  collected  his 
friends,  and  hostilities  ensued  between  the  two  parties,  which 
were  prosecuted  with  varying  success  for  several  weeks. 
During  this  time,  an  engagement  occurred,  in  which  several 
were  killed  and  wounded  on  both  sides.  Ogden’s  house,  which 
had  been  fortified,  was  besieged,  and  finally  taken — after  several 
days’  cannonading,  and  the  destruction  of  one  of  his  block¬ 
houses,  containing  his  supplies,  by  fire.  In  the  terms  of  capi¬ 
tulation  the  Connecticut  party  allowed  Ogden  to  leave  six  men 
in  charge  of  his  remaining  property.  But  the  conduct  of  Og¬ 
den  the  preceding  year  had  not  been  forgotten,  and  the  lex  ta- 
lionis  was  rigidly  and  speedily  executed. 

In  September  following,  a  force  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men 
was  sent  against  the  Connecticut  settlers,  under  the  command 
of  Captain  Ogden,  as  he  was  now  called.  He  took  the  settle¬ 
ment  entirely  by  surprise,  while  the  laborers  were  in  the  fields 
at  work,  and  the  women  and  children  in  the  fort.  Many  of 
the  men,  nevertheless,  reached  the  fort,  and  prepared  to  defend 
it ;  but  it  was  carried  by  assault  in  the  night — the  women  and 
children  were  barbarously  trampled  under  foot — and  the  whole 
settlement  plundered  and  destroyed  the  following  day,  with 
more  than  Indian  rapacity.  The  Colonists  were  made  prisoners, 
and  sent  off  to  distant  gaols.  Thus  was  the  settlement  again 
broken  up.  But  the  triumph  of  Ogden  was  brief.  In  Decem¬ 
ber  the  fort  was  again  surprised  and  carried  by  Captain  Stew¬ 
art,  at  the  head  of  some  Lancastrians  united  with  the  late  Co¬ 
lonists.  A  few  of  the  men  fled  naked  to  the  woods ;  but  the 
greater  portion,  together  with  the  women  and  children,  residing 
for  security  in  houses  built  within  the  ramparts,  were  taken 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


326 


[1778. 


prisoners.  These,  having  been  deprived  of  their  property,  were 
driven  from  the  valley. 

The  parties  to  these  controversies,  which  could  not  but  en¬ 
gender  all  the  bitterest  passions  in  the  nature  of  man — render¬ 
ing  what  might  have  been  a  second  Eden,  a  theatre  of  strife, 
discord,  and  “  hell-born  hate,” — fought,  of  course,  as  they  pre¬ 
tended,  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  respective  States  to  which 
they  assumed  to  belong.  The  civil  authorities  of  Pennsylva¬ 
nia  frequently  interposed ;  and  after  the  burning  of  Ogden’s 
block-house,  attempts  were  made  to  arrest  several  of  the  Con¬ 
necticut  party  for  arson.  Stewart  was  apprehended,  but  was 
soon  afterward  rescued. 

After  the  capture  of  the  fort  in  December,  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Pennsylvania  once  more  issued  a  writ  for  his  arrest, 
and  the  sheriff  was  sent  with  the  posse  at  his  heels  ;  but  the 
garrison  would  not  admit  him.  The  fort  was  fired  upon  by 
the  posse,  under  the  direction  of  the  sheriff,  and  in  returning 
the  fire,  one  of  the  Ogdens  (Nathan)  was  killed.  The  sheriff 
thereupon  drew  off  his  forces  for  the  night.  But  it  was  no 
sooner  dark,  than  Stewart  and  forty  of  his  men  withdrew  from 
the  fortress,  leaving  a  garrison  of  only  twelve  persons,  who  ca¬ 
pitulated  on  the  following  morning.  Three  hundred  pounds 
reward  was  offered  by  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  for  the 
arrest  of  Stewart.  The  fort  was  left  in  charge  of  Amos  Ogden, 
who  induced  most  of  his  former  associates  to  return  with  him. 

In  July  following,  this  important  post  was  again  doomed  to 
change  hands.  The  Colony  was  invaded  by  Captain  Zebulon 
Butler,  with  upward  of  seventy  men.  These  being  joined  by 
Stewart  and  his  party,  they  immediately  took  possession  of  the 
lands,  while  Ogden  with  his  people,  to  the  number  of  eighty- 
two,  retired  into  the  new  fort  of  Wyoming,  which  they  had  just 
built,  and  prepared  for  resistance.  The  contest  was  now  as¬ 
suming  greater  importance  than  ever.  Butler  and  Stewart  at 
once  invested  the  fortress,  and  recruits  arriving  from  Connecti¬ 
cut,  they  were  enabled  to  throw  up  redoubts,  and  open  en¬ 
trenchments  for  a  regular  siege.  This  new  fort  was  planted 
directly  upon  the  bank  of  the  river.  Perceiving  himself  thus 
completely  shut  in,  Ogden  formed  the  bold  enterprise  of  leaving 
his  garrison  in  the  night,  and  floating  down  the  river,  past  the 
works  and  the  sentinels  of  the  enemy,  in  order  to  repair  to  Phila- 


HISTORY  OF  WYOMING. 


327 


1778.] 

delphia  for  succors.  For  the  purpose  of  better  securing  his  es¬ 
cape,  by  means  of  a  cord  he  caused  a  bundle  to  be  floated  along 
in  the  river  following  him,  which,  being  the  most  perceptible 
object,  would  naturally  attract  the  attention  and  receive  the 
fire  of  the  enemy,  if  discovered.  The  ruse  de  guerre  was 
completely  successful.  The  deceptive  object  did  attract  the 
attention  of  the  besiegers  and  received  their  fire ;  although 
Ogden  himself  was  in  immediate  peril,  since  his  hat  and  clothes 
were  riddled  with  bullets.  He  nevertheless  escaped  to  Phila¬ 
delphia,  and  is  entitled  to  the  credit  of  performing  one  of  the 
boldest  and  most  difficult  individual  exploits  on  record. 

In  consequence  of  these  tidings,  the  government  ordered  a 
force  of  one  hundred  men  to  be  sent  to  the  relief  of  Fort  Wyo¬ 
ming,  commanded  by  Colonel  Asher  Clayton.  These  were  to 
be  separated  into  two  divisions,  and  marched  to  the  fort  from 
different  directions.  Captain  Dick,  with  one  division,  proceed¬ 
ed  toward  the  fort  with  pack-horses  of  provisions  for  one  hun¬ 
dred  men.  When  in  its  neighborhood,  however,  he  was  am¬ 
buscaded  by  the  troops  of  Butler  and  Stewart,  and  thrown  into 
confusion  by  the  fire.  Twenty-two  of  the  party  succeeded  in 
getting  into  the  fort,  and  the  remainder,  with  four  pack-horses 
of  provisions,  fell  into  the  hands  of  Butler.  The  siege  conti¬ 
nued,  and  was  prosecuted  with  great  vigor  until  the  14th  of 
August,  when,  his  supplies  being  exhausted,  Colonel  Clayton, 
the  assailant,  capitulated — stipulating  that  his  troops,  together 
with  Ogden  and  his  party,  should  withdraw  from  Wyoming. 
Ogden  was  wounded  during  the  siege,  and  a  second  shot  killed 
another  officer,  named  William  Ridyard,  upon  whom  the 
former  was  leaning,  being  faint  from  loss  of  blood. 

The  president  of  the  Pennsylvania  proprietaries  complained 
of  the  conduct  of  the  Connecticut  people  in  these  hostilities, 
and  Governor  Trumbull  disclaimed  any  connexion  with  the 
affairs  of  Wyoming  on  the  part  of  the  State  over  which  he 
presided.  But  as  the  Connecticut  people  continued  to  pour 
reinforcements  into  the  settlement,  the  Pennsylvanians  with¬ 
drew  their  forces,  and  for  a  season  made  no  farther  attempts 
upon  the  territory. 

The  settlers  now  claimed  the  protection  of  Connecticut,  the 
government  of  which  attempted  a  mediation  between  the  peo¬ 
ple  of  Wyoming  and  the  government  of  Pennsylvania — but 

4(> 


328 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 


without  success.  Meantime  the  people  of  the  Colony  proceed¬ 
ed  to  organize  a  government,  and  to  exercise  almost  all  the 
attributes  of  sovereignty.  The  general  laws  of  Connecticut 
were  declared  to  be  in  force ;  but  for  their  local  legislation, 
they  organized  a  pure  democracy — the  people  of  all  their  towns 
and  settlements  meeting  in  a  body,  as  in  Athens  of  old,  and 
making  their  laws  for  themselves.  The  legislature  of  Connec¬ 
ticut  extended  its  broad  aegis  over  them,  framed  a  new  county 
called  Westmoreland,  and  attached  it  to  the  county  of  Litch¬ 
field  in  the  parent  State.  Zebulon  Butler  and  Nathan  Dennis- 
ton  were  appointed  justices  of  the  peace,  and  the  people  sent 
one  representative  to  the  Legislature  of  Connecticut.  The 
governments  of  Connecticut  and  Pennsylvania  kept  up  a  war 
of  proclamations  and  edicts  upon  the  subject,  while  the  settle¬ 
ment  advanced  in  population  and  extent  with  unexampled 
rapidity. 

Thus  matters  proceeded  until  the  year  1775,  when,  just  after 
hostilities  had  been  commenced  between  the  Colonies  and  the 
British  troops  at  Lexington,  the  old  feuds  between  the  settlers 
of  the  rival  companies  suddenly  broke  forth  again.  A  new 
settlement  of  the  one  was  attacked  by  the  militia  of  the  other, 
one  man  was  killed,  several  were  wounded,  and  others  made 
prisoners,  and  carried  ofF  to  a  distant  jail.  Other  outrages 
were  committed  elsewhere,  and  of  course  all  the  angry  pas¬ 
sions — all  the  bitter  feelings  of  hatred  and  revenge  between  the 
rival  parties  claiming  the  soil  and  the  jurisdiction — broke  out 
afresh.  The  settlements  of  each  had  become  extended  durino- 

O 

the  five  years  of  peace,  which  of  course  had  multiplied  the 
parties  to  the  contest ;  so  that,  as  the  men  of  Wyoming  flew  to 
arms,  a  more  formidable  civil  war  than  ever  was  in  prospect,  at 
the  moment  when  every  arm  should  have  been  nerved  in  the 
common  cause  of  the  whole  country.* 

Congress  being  now  in  session,  interposed  its  authority  by 
way  of  mediatorial  resolutions.  But  to  no  purpose.  The  in-  < 
terposition  was  repeated,  and  again  disregarded.  In  the  mean- 

*  At  this  time  the  settlements  consisted  of  eight  townships,  viz :  Lackawana, 
Exeter,  Kingston,  Wilkesbarre,  Plymouth,  Nanticoke,  Huntington,  and  Salem ; 
each  containing  five  miles  square.  The  six  townships  were  pretty  full  of  inhabit¬ 
ants  ;  the  two  upper  ones  had  comparatively  few,  thinly  scattered.— Jllmon's  Re¬ 
membrancer,  for  1778. 


HISTORY  OF  WYOMING. 


329 


1778.] 

time  the  Pennsylvanians  brought  seven  hundred  men  into  the 
field,  who  were  marched  against  Wyoming  under  the  direction 
of  Colonel  Plunkett.  But  in  ascending  the  west  bank  of  the 
Susquehanna,  on  coming  to  a  narrow  defile,  naturally  defended 
by  a  rocky  buttress,  their  march  was  suddenly  arrested  by  a 
volley  of  musketry.  An  instant  afterward  the  invaders  dis¬ 
cerned  that  the  rocky  parapets  were  covered  with  men  bristling 
in  arms — prepared  for  a  Tyrolese  defence  of  tumbling  rocks 
down  upon  the  foe,  should  their  fire-arms  prove  insufficient  to 
repel  him.  Taken  thus  suddenly  and  effectively  by  surprise, 
Plunkett  retreated  with  his  forces  behind  a  point  of  rocks,  for 
consultation.  He  next  attempted  to  cross  the  river,  and  resume 
his  march  on  the  other  side.  But  here,  too,  the  people  of 
Wyoming  had  been  too  quick  for  him.  The  invaders  were 
so  hotly  received  by  a  detachment  in  ambuscade  on  the  other 
side,  that  they  were  constrained  to  retreat,  nor  did  they  attempt 
to  rally  again. 

Thus  terminated  the  last  military  demonstration  of  the  Pro¬ 
vincial  government  of  Pennsylvansa  against  the  valley  of  Wy¬ 
oming.  Never,  however,  had  a  civil  war  raged  with  more 
cordial  hatred  between  the  parties — not  even  during  the  bloody 
conflicts  between  the  Guelphs  and  the  Ghibellines — than  was 
felt  between  the  adherents  of  the  respective  land  companies,  in 
the  collisions  just  passed  under  review.  Most  unfortunate  was 
it,  therefore,  that  the  quarrel  broke  out  afresh  at  the  precise 
moment  when  the  services  of  all  were  alike  wanted  for  the  com¬ 
mon  defence — especially  on  a  border  exposed  to  the  daily  irrup¬ 
tions  of  the  Indians. 

Nor  was  this  the  only  evil.  There  being  a  wide  difference 
of  opinion  between  the  people  in  almost  every  section  of  the 
country,  on  the  great  question  at  issue  between  the  parent 
country  and  the  Colonies,  it  was  natural  to  anticipate  that  such 
of  these  contending  parties  as  adhered  to  the  Royalist  cause, 
would  cherish  a  twofold  enmity  toward  those  republicans  who 
had  been  previously  in  arms  against  them.  These  feelings  of 
hostility  were  of  course  mutual ;  and  as  many  of  the  adherents 
of  the  Delaware  Company,  and  perhaps  some  from  both  fac¬ 
tions,  early  escaped  to  the  enemy,  and  enrolled  themselves  un¬ 
der  the  banners  of  Sir  John  Johnson  and  Colonel  John  Butler, 
there  can  be  no  difficulty  in  accounting  for  the  peculiar  ferocity 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


330 


[1778. 


which  marked  the  conduct  of  such  of  the  refugees  as  returned 
in  arms  against  their  former  belligerent  neighbors/ 

The  population  of  the  Wyoming  settlements,  at  the  com¬ 
mencement  of  the  war,  numbered  five  thousand  souls.  Three 
companies  of  regular  troops  were  enlisted  among  them  for  the 
service  of  the  United  States.  Their  militia,  regularly  enrolled, 
amounted  to  eleven  hundred  men  capable  of  bearing  arms,  and 
of  this  force  three  hundred  entered  the  army  ;t  so  prolific  was 
their,  soil,  and  so  industrious  were  the  people,  that  they  were 
enabled  to  furnish  large  supplies  of  provisions  for  the  army. 
Three  thousand  bushels  of  grain  were  sent  thence  to  the  army 
in  the  Spring  of  the  present  year.  The  same  plan  of  watchful¬ 
ness  against  the  scouts  and  scalping  parties  of  the  enemy  was 
adopted  as  in  other  frontier  settlements,  and  the  utmost  vigi¬ 
lance  was  observed  ;  while  regular  garrison  duty  was,  in  suc¬ 
cessive  turns,  performed  by  the  citizen  soldiers  in  the  several 
fortifications  which  defended  their  valley. 

Some  faint  demonstrations  were  made  by  straggling  parties 
of  Tories  and  Indians,  who  prowled  about  the  settlements 
during  the  Summer  of  the  preceding  year,  while  St.  Leger  was 
besieging  Fort  Schuyler ;  but  after  a  few  skirmishes  with  the 
inhabitants  they  dispersed,  and  the  latter  remained  undis¬ 
turbed  during  the  rest  of  the  year.  Still,  an  impression  that 
some  of  the  Tories,  who  had  been  in  arms  against  them,  or 
who  had  been  instrumental  in  bringing  the  Indians  upon  them, 
were  yet  lurking  in  the  vicinity,  and  bent  upon  mischief,  left 
the  people  not  altogether  at  ease  ;  and  in  the  month  of  January, 
1778,  twenty-seven  suspected  inhabitants  were  arrested.  Nine 
of  these  were  discharged  on  examination,  for  want  of  sufficient 
evidence  to  warrant  their  detention  ;  while  the  remaining  eigh¬ 
teen  were  sent  to  Hartford,  in  Connecticut,  and  imprisoned. 
The  nine  who  were  first  discharged,  immediately  fled  to  the 
enemy,  and  were  followed  thither  by  such  of  their  suspected 
associates  as  were  subsequently  set  at  liberty  in  Connecticut. 

*  This  sketch  of  the  preliminary  history  of  Wyoming,  rapid  as  it  is,  has  never¬ 
theless  occasioned  a  longer  digression  than  was  intended  ;  but  it  has  seemed  neces¬ 
sary  to  the  deduction  of  something  like  a  just  hypothesis,  by  which  to  judge  of  the 
peculiar  features  of  the  battle  of  Wyoming  and  the  massacre  that  followed. 

t  See  Chapman’s  History  of  Wyoming— also  Memorial  to  the  Connecticut  Le¬ 
gislature. 


HISTORY  OP  WYOMING. 


331 


1778.] 

It  was  but  natural  that  these  proceedings  still  more  embittered 
the  feelings  of  these  Loyalists  against  the  Whigs,  and  the 
effect  was  soon  perceptible  in  the  behavior  of  the  Tories  and 
Indians  occasionally  patroling  their  borders. 

For  a  time,  however,  the  apprehensions  thus  excited  were 
allayed  by  several  pacific  messages  from  the  Indian  nations 
deeper  in  the  interior,  who  sent  parties  of  runners  with  assu¬ 
rances  of  a  desire  for  peace.  But  these  assurances  were 
deceptive.  Instead  of  being  messengers  of  peace,  it  was 
ascertained  in  March,  from  one  of  them  while  in  a  state  of 
intoxication,  that  their  business  was  to  amuse  the  people  and 
allay  their  fears  while  preparations  were  making  to  attack 
them.  This  Indian,  with  his  associate  warriors,  was  imme¬ 
diately  arrested  and  placed  in  confinement,  while  the  women  of 
the  party  were  sent  back  with  a  flag.  The  alarm  was  likewise 
given  to  the  scattered  and  remote  settlers,  some  of  them  living 
thirty  miles  up  the  river,  who  thereupon  immediately  sought 
for  greater  security  in  the  more  populous  towns.  During  the 
months  of  April  and  May,  the  settlements  began  to  be  more 
considerably  annoyed  by  larger  parties  of  Tories  and  Indians, 
who  hung  upon  their  borders,  and  made  frequent  incursions 
among  them  for  purposes  of  plunder — robbing  the  people,  as 
opportunity  afforded,  of  live  stock,  grain,  and  other  articles  of 
provisions.  Waxing  yet  more  audacious  in  June,  several  mur¬ 
ders  were  committed.  Six  of  these  victims  were  a  mother  and 
her  five  children,  who  were  doubtless  killed  under  a  misappre¬ 
hension  as  to  her  character,  since  the  woman  was  the  wife  of 
one  of  the  Tories  who  had  been  arrested  in  January.  The 
houses  and  plantations  of  the  slain  were  of  course  plundered  of 
every  thing  of  value  which  the  marauders  could  carry  away.* 

Toward  the  close  of  June,  the  British  officers  in  command 
at  Niagara  determined  to  strike  a  blow  upon  these  settlements ; 
for  which  purpose  about  three  hundred  white  men,  consisting 
in  part  of  regular  troops,  but  principally  of  refugee  Loyalists, 
under  the  command  of  Colonel  John  Butler,  together  with 
about  five  hundred  Indians,  marched  in  that  direction.  Arriv¬ 
ing  at  Tioga  Point,  Butler  and  the  Indian  leaders  t  procured 

*  Almon’s  Remembrancer,  1778 — Second  Part. 

f  It  is  difficult  to  ascertain  with  certainty  from  what  tribes  or  nations  these  In¬ 
dians  were  drawn.  It  will  be  seen  by  a  note  a  few  pages  onward,  that  there  is  rea- 


332 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 


floats  and  rafts,  upon  which  they  embarked  their  forces,  and, 
descending  the  Susquehanna,  landed  at  a  place  called  the 
Three  Islands,  whence  they  marched  about  twenty  miles,  and 
crossing  a  wilderness,  entered  the  valley  of  Wyoming  through 
a  gap  of  the  mountain  near  its  northern  extremity.*  They 
took  possession  of  two  small  forts,  without  opposition,  on  the  2d 
of  July — the  first  of  which  was  called  the  Exeter  fort.  It  was 
said  the  garrison  consisted  chiefly  of  Tories,  who  treacherously 
surrendered  it  to  the  enemy.  The  other  was  the  fort  of  Lack- 
awana,  where  the  enemy  encountered  some  resistance.  But  it 
was  soon  carried,  a  magistrate  named  Jenkins  being  killed,  to¬ 
gether  with  his  family,  and  several  others,  mostly  women  and 
children,  made  prisoners.  One  of  these  forts  was  burnt.!  In 
the  other,  the  proper  name  of  which  was  Fort  Wintermoot, 
Colonel  John  Butler  established  his  head-quarters. 

The  inhabitants,  on  receiving  intelligence  of  the  approach  of 
the  invaders,  assembled  within  a  fortification  four  miles  below, 
called  Fort  Forty,  from  the  circumstance  of  its  having  been 
occupied  by  forty  men,  at  some  period  of  the  antecedent 
troubles  of  the  Colony.  Colonel  Zebulon  Butler,  whose  name 
has  occurred  several  times  in  the  preceding  summary  of  the 
history  of  Wyoming,  was  in  command  of  about  sixty  regular 
troops,  and  he  now  made  every  exertion  to  muster  the  militia 
of  the  settlements.  But  in  his  official  despatch  he  complained, 
that  as  the  women  and  children  had  fled  to  the  several  forts,  of 
which  there  were  seven  within  the  distance  of  ten  miles  alono- 

O 

the  valley,  the  men,  too  many  of  them,  would  remain  behind 
to  take  care  of  them.  Still,  he  succeeded  in  collecting  about 
three  hundred  of  the  militia,  and  commenced  his  march  to 
meet  the  enemy  on  the  1st  of  July,  in  connexion  with  the 
regular  troops  before  mentioned,  commanded  by  Captain  Hew- 
ett.  On  their  first  advance,  they  fell  in  with  a  scout  of  In¬ 
dians,  of  whom  they  killed  two.  These  savages  had  just  mur¬ 
dered  nine  men  engaged  at  work  in  a  corn-field.f  Not  being 
supplied  with  provisions,  Colonel  Zebulon  Butler  §  was  obliged 

son  to  suppose  they  were  from  Detroit,  and  were  led  by  an  officer  of  the  British  ser¬ 
vice.  Certainly  they  had  no  chiefs  of  any  considerable  note  among  them. 

*  Marshall’s  Life  of  W ashington.  t  The  Remembrancer. 

J  Colonel  Z.  Butler’s  letter. 

§  It  is  necessary  to  repeat  the  Christian  names  of  both  the  Butlers,  to  avoid  confu¬ 
sion — that  being  the  surname  of  both  the  opposing  commanders. 


INVASION  OF  WYOMING. 


333 


1778.] 

to  fall  back  upon  Fort  Forty,  while  his  militia  procured  sup¬ 
plies.  They  mustered  again  on  the  3d,  and  a  council  of  war 
was  convened.  Messengers  having  been  despatched  to  the 
head-quarters  of  General  Washington  for  assistance,  immediate¬ 
ly  after  the  enemy’s  movements  were  known  at  Wyoming, 
Colonel  Z.  Butler  was  desirous  of  waiting  for  reinforcements. 
But  his  officers  and  men  were  impatient  for  a  trial  of  strength.* 
The  messengers  had  already  been  gone  so  long,  that  it  was 
supposed  they  had  been  cut  off,  and  consequently  that  General 
Washington  was  ignorant  of  their  situation.  In  that  case  no 
reinforcements  could  reach  them  in  season  to  save  their  valley 
from  being  ravaged  ;  and  as  the  enemy’s  forces  were  daily  in¬ 
creasing,  it  was  held  to  be  the  part  of  wisdom  to  attack  him  at 
once. 

While  the  question  was  under  debate,  five  officers  arrived 
from  the  Continental  army,  who,  on  hearing  the  tidings  of  the 
meditated  invasion,  had  thrown  up  their  commissions  and 
hastened  home  to  protect  their  families.  They  had  heard  no¬ 
thing  of  the  messengers,  and  intimated  that  there  was  no  pros¬ 
pect  of  speedy  assistance.!  The  discussions  were  animated ; 
but  the  apprehension,  that  in  the  event  of  longer  delay  the  ene¬ 
my  would  become  too  powerful  for  them,  and  thus  be  enabled 
to  sweep  through  their  valley  and  destroy  their  harvest,  was 
so  strong,  and  the  militia  were  so  sanguine  of  being  able  to 
meet  and  vanquish  the  enemy,  that  Colonel  Butler  yielded,  and 
set  forward  at  the  head  of  nearly  four  hundred  men.  Colonel 
Denniston,  his  former  associate  in  the  commission  of  the  peace, 
being  his  second  in  command. 

It  was  intended  to  make  a  quick  movement,  and  take  the 
enemy  by  surprise.  Having  approached  within  two  miles  of 
Fort  Win  ter  moot,  f  a  small  reconnoitring  party  was  sent  forward 

*  Marshall.  f  Chapman. 

t  The  fort  was  thus  called  after  the  proprietor  of  the  land  whereon  it  was 
built,  and  the  adjacent  territory — a  distinguished  Tory  named  Wintermoot.  He 
was  active  in  bringing  destruction  upon  the  valley,  and,  after  doing  all  the  mischief 
he  could  to  the  settlement,  removed  to  Canada.  During  the  war  with  England  in 
1812-15 — while  the  British  were  investing  Fort  Erie,  a  son  of  old  Mr.  Wintermoot, 
a  lieutenant  in  the  enemy’s  service,  was  killed  by  a  volunteer  from  the  neighborhood 
of  Wyoming.  Young  Wintermoot  was  reconnoitring  one  of  the  American  pickets, 
when  he  was  shot  down  by  the  said  volunteer,  who  was  engaged  in  the  same  ser¬ 
vice  against  a  picket  of  the  enemy.  The  volunteer  returned  into  the  fort,  bringing 
in  the  arms  and  commission  of  the  officer  he  had  slain  as  a  trophy. 


334 


LIFE  OF  BRANT 


[1778. 


for  observation.  They  ascertained  that  the  enemy  were  ca¬ 
rousing  in  their  huts  in  perfect  security ;  but  on  their  return 
they  were  so  unfortunate  as  to  fall  in  with  an  Indian  scout, 
who  immediately  fired  and  gave  the  alarm.*  The  Provincials 
pushed  rapidly  forward ;  but  the  British  and  Indians  were  pre¬ 
pared  to  receive  them — “  their  line  being  formed  a  small  dis- 
“  tance  in  front  of  their  cam]),  in  a  plain  thinly  covered  with 
“  pine,  shrub-oaks,  and  undergrowth,  and  extending  from  the 
“  river  to  a  marsh,  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain.”!  On  coming  in 
view  of  the  enemy,  the  Americans,  who  had  previously  marched 
in  a  single  column,  instantly  displayed  into  a  line  of  equal  ex¬ 
tent,  and  attacked  from  right  to  left  at  the  same  time.!  The 
right  of  the  Americans  was  commanded  by  Colonel  Zebulon 
Butler,  opposed  to  Colonel  John  Butler  commanding  the  ene¬ 
my’s  left.  Colonel  Dennison  commanded  the  left  of  the  Ameri¬ 
cans,  and  was  opposed  by  Indians  forming  the  enemy’s  rights 
The  battle  commenced  at  about  forty  rods  distance,  without 
much  execution  at  the  onset,  as  the  brush-wood  interposed  ob¬ 
stacles  to  the  sight.  The  militia  stood  the  fire  well  for  a  short 
time,  and  as  they  pressed  forward,  there  was  some  giving  way 
on  the  enemy’s  right.  Unluckily,  just  at  this  moment  the  ap¬ 
palling  war-whoop  of  the  Indians  rang  in  the  rear  of  the  Ame¬ 
rican  left — the  Indian  leader  having  conducted  a  large  party 
of  his  warriors  through  the  marsh,  and  succeeded  in  turning 
Dennison’s  flank.  A  heavy  and  destructive  fire  was  simulta¬ 
neously  poured  into  the  American  ranks  ;  and  amidst  the  con¬ 
fusion,  Colonel  Dennison  directed  his  men  to  “ fall  back,”  to 
avoid  being  surrounded,  and  to  gain  time  to  bring  his  men  into 
order  again.  This  direction  was  mistaken  for  an  order  to 
“  retreat,”  whereupon  the  whole  line  broke,  and  every  effort  of 
their  officers  to  restore  order  was  unavailing.  At  this  stage  of 
the  battle,  and  while  thus  engaged,  the  American  officers  mostly 
fell.  The  flight  was  general.  The  Indians,  throwing  away 
their  rifles,  rushed  forward  with  their  tomahawks,  making 
dreadful  havock — answering  theories  for  mercy  with  the  hatchet 
— and  adding  to  the  universal  consternation  those  terrific 
yells  which  invest  savage  warfare  with  tenfold  horror.  So 
alert  was  the  foe  in  this  bloody  pursuit,  that  less  than  sixty  of 


*  Chapman.  t  Marshall.  ]  Col.  Z.  Butler’s  letter.  §  Chapman. 


1778. 


BATTLE  OF  WYOMING. 


335 


the  Americans  escaped  either  the  rifle  or  the  tomahawk.  Ol 
the  militia  officers,  there  fell  one  lieutenant-colonel,  one  major, 
and  ten  captains,  six  lieutenants,  and  two  ensigns.  Colonel 
Durkee,  and  Captains  Hewett  and  Ransom  were  likewise  killed. 
Some  of  the  fugitives  escaped  by  swimming  the  river,  and 
others  by  flying  to  the  mountains.  As  the  news  of  the  defeat 
spread  down  the  valley,  the  greater  part  of  the  women  and 
children,  and  those  who  had  remained  behind  to  protect  them, 
likewise  ran  to  the  woods  and  the  mountains  ;  while  those  who 
could  not  escape  thus,  sought  refuge  in  Fort  Wyoming.  The 
Indians,  apparently  wearied  with  pursuit  and  slaughter,  desisted, 
and  betook  themselves  to  secure  the  spoils  of  the  vanquished. 

On  the  morning  of  the  4th,  the  day  after  the  battle,  Colonel 
John  Butler,  with  the  combined  British  and  Indian  forces, 
appeared  before  Fort  Wyoming,  and  demanded  its  surrender. 
The  inhabitants,  both  within  and  without  the  fort,  did  not,  on 
that  emergency,  sustain  a  character  for  courage  becoming  men 
of  spirit  in  adversity.  They  were  so  intimidated  as  to  give  up 
without  fighting;  great  numbers  ran  off;  and  those  who  re¬ 
mained,  all  but  betrayed  Colonel  Zebulon  Butler,  their  com¬ 
mander.*  The  British  Colonel  Butler  sent  several  flags,  requir¬ 
ing  an  unconditional  surrender  of  his  opposing  namesake  and 
the  few  Continental  troops  yet  remaining,  but  offering  to  spare 
the  inhabitants  their  property  and  effects.  But  with  the  Ame¬ 
rican  Colonel  the  victor  would  not  treat  on  any  terms  ;  and 
the  people  thereupon  compelled  Colonel  Dennison  to  comply 
with  conditions  which  his  commander  had  refused.!  The 
consequence  was,  that  Colonel  Zebulon  Butler  contrived  to 
escape  from  the  fort  with  the  remains  of  Captain  Hewett’s  com¬ 
pany  of  regulars, X  and  Colonel  Dennison  entered  into  articles 
of  capitulation.  By  these  it  was  stipulated  that  the  settlers 
should  be  disarmed  and  their  garrison  demolished  ;  that  all  the 
prisoners  and  public  stores  should  be  given  up  ;  that  the  property 
of  “  the  people  called  Tories  ”  should  be  made  good,  and  they 
be  permitted  to  remain  peaceably  upon  their  farms.  In  behalf 
of  the  settlers  it  was  stipulated  that  their  lives  and  property 
should  be  preserved,  and  that  they  should  be  left  in  the  unmo 
lested  occupancy  of  their  farms.§ 


*  Colonel  Z.  Butler’s  letter.  f  idem.  J  Idem.  §  Chapman’s  History. 

47 


336 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 

Unhappily,  however,  the  British  commander  either  could 
not  or  would  not  enforce  the  terms  of  the  capitulation,  which 
were  to  a  great  extent  disregarded  as  well  by  the  Tories  as 
Indians.  Instead  of  finding  protection,  the  valley  was  again 
laid  waste — the  houses  and  improvements  were  destroyed  by 
fire,  and  the  country  plundered.  Families  were  broken  up  and 
dispersed,  men  and  their  wives  separated,  mothers  tom  from 
their  children,  and  some  of  them  carried  into  captivity,  while 
far  the  greater  number  fled  to  the  mountains,  and  wandered 
through  the  wilderness  to  the  older  settlements.  Some  died  of 
their  wounds,  others  from  want  and  fatigue,  while  others  still 
were  lost  in  the  wilderness,  or  were  heard  of  no  more.  Several 
perished  in  a  great  swamp  in  the  neighborhood,  which  from 
that  circumstance  acquired  the  name  of  “  The  Shades  of 
Death”  and  retains  it  to  this  day.* 

These  were  painful  scenes.  But  it  does  not  appear  that  any 
thing  like  a  massacre  followed  the  capitulation.!  Nor,  in  the 
events  of  the  preceding  day,  is  there  good  evidence  of  the  per¬ 
petration  of  any  specific  acts  of  cruelty,  other  than  such  as  are 
usual  in  the  general  rout  of  a  battle-field — save  only  the  un¬ 
exampled  atrocities  of  the  Tories,  thirsting,  probably,  for  revenge 
in  regard  to  other  questions  than  that  of  allegiance  to  the  King.! 

There  seems,  from  the  first,  to  have  been  an  uncommonly 
large  proportion  of  loyalists  in  the  Wyoming  settlements,  whose 
notions  of  legal  restraint,  from  the  previous  collisions  of  the 
inhabitants,  were  of  course  latitudinarian  ;  nor  were  their  ante¬ 
cedent  asperities  softened  by  the  attempts  of  the  Whigs  to  keep 
them  within  proper  control,  after  hostilities  had  commenced. 
The  greater  number  of  these,  as  we  have  already  seen,  together 
with  those  who  were  arrested,  had  joined  themselves  to  the 
enemy.  But  these  were  not  all  the  defections.  After  the  ar- 

*  Chapman’s  History. 

■f  It  will  be  seen,  a  few  pages  forward,  by  a  letter  from  Walter  Butler,  writing  on 
behalf  of  his  father,  Col.  John  Butler,  that  a  solemn  denial  is  made  of  any  massacre 
whatever,  save  the  killing  of  men  in  arms  in  the  open  field.  This  letter,  in  vindica¬ 
tion  of  the  refugee  Butlers,  would  have  been  introduced  here,  but  for  its  connexion 
with  the  affair  of  Cherry  Valley. 

J  Indeed,  for  cold-blooded  cruelty,  which  may  be  called  murder  outright,  there  was 
nothing  at  Wyoming,  with  the  single  exception  of  the  fratricide  soon  to  be  related,  at 
all  comparable  to  the  massacre  of  the  Mexicans  at  San  Jacinto  by  the  soi-disa7it 
Texan  heroes  under  Houston. 


BARBARITIES  AT  WYOMING. 


337 


1778.] 

rival  of  the  enemy  upon  the  confines  of  the  settlement,  and  be 
fore  the  battle,  a  considerable  number  of  the  inhabitants  joined 
his  ranks,  and  exhibited  instances  of  the  most  savage  barbarity 
against  their  former  neighbors  and  friends.*  Nor  has  it  ever 
been  denied,  in  regard  to  the  battle  of  Wyoming,  that  none 
were  more  ferocious  and  cruel — more  destitute  of  the  unstrained 
quality  of  mercy,  than  those  same  loyalists  or  Tories.  An  ex¬ 
ample  of  the  spirit  by  which  they  were  actuated  is  found  in 
the  following  occurrence,  which,  on  account  of  its  Cain-like 
barbarity,  is  worthy  of  repetition.  Not  far  from  the  battle¬ 
ground  was  an  island  in  the  Susquehanna,  called  Monockonock, 
to  which  several  of  the  fugitive  militia-men  fled  for  security — 
throwing  away  their  arms,  and  swimming  the  river.  Here 
they  concealed  themselves  as  they  could  among  the  brush-wood. 
Their  place  of  retreat  being  discovered,  several  Tories  followed 
them ;  and,  though  obliged  to  swim,  yet  so  intent  were  they 
upon  the  work  of  death,  that  they  succeeded  in  taking  their 
guns  with  them.  Arriving  upon  the  island,  they  deliberately 
wiped  their  gun-locks,  recharged  their  pieces,  and  commenced 
searching  for  the  fugitives.  Two  of  these  were  concealed  in 
sight  of  each  other,  but  one  of  them  escaped.  But  it  was  never¬ 
theless  his  lot  to  behold  a  scene  painful  enough  to  make  the 
most  hardened  offender  weep,  and  “  blush  to  own  himself  a 
man.”  One  of  the  pursuers  came  upon  his  companion  in  par¬ 
tial  concealment,  who  proved  to  be  his  own  brother.  His  salu¬ 
tation  was — “  So,  it  is  you,  is  it  ?”  The  unarmed  and  defence¬ 
less  man,  thus  observed,  came  forward,  and  fell  upon  his  knees 
before  his  brother,  begging  for  mercy — promising  to  live  with 
him,  and  serve  him  for  ever,  if  he  would  but  spare  his  life. 
“  AH  this  is  mighty  fine,”  replied  the  unrelenting  traitor,  “  but 

you  are  a  d - d  rebel !” — saying  which,  he  deliberately 

levelled  his  rifle,  and  shot  him  dead  upon  the  spot.f  In  a  do¬ 
mestic  war  marked  by  such  atrocitjq  even  among  those  claim¬ 
ing  to  be  civilized,  it  becomes  us  to  pause  before  we  brand  the 
untutored  savage,  who  fights  acording  to  the  usages  of  his  own 
people,  with  all  that  is  revolting  and  cruel. t 

*  Chapman.  < 

f  Chapman’s  Hist,  of  Wyoming. 

J  Doctor  Thatcher,  in  his  Military  Journal,  records  still  greater  barbarities  as 
having  been  perpetrated  on  this  bloody  occasion.  He  says — “  One  of  the  prisoners,  a 


338 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 

There  is  still  another  important  correction  to  be  made,  in 
reference  to  every  written  history  of  this  battle  extant,  not  even 
excepting  the  last  revised  edition  of  the  Life  of  Washington  by 
Chief  Justice  Marshall.  This  correction  regards  the  name, 
and  the  just  fame,  of  Joseph  Brant,  whose  character  has  been 
blackened  with  all  the  infamy,  both  real  and  imaginary,  con- 
.  nected  with  this  bloody  expedition.  Whether  Captain  Brant 
was  at  any  time  in  company  with  this  expedition,  is  doubtful ; 
but  it  is  certain,  in  the  face  of  every  historical  authority,  Bri¬ 
tish  and  American,  that  so  far  from  being  engaged  in  the  bat¬ 
tle,  he  was  many  miles  distant  at  the  time  of  its  occurrence. 
Such  has  been  the  uniform  testimony  of  the  British  officers  en¬ 
gaged  in  that  expedition,  and  such  was  always  the  word  of 
Thayendanegea  himself.  It  will,  moreover,  be  seen,  toward  the 
close  of  the  present  work,  that  after  the  publication  of  Camp¬ 
bell’s  “  Gertrude  of  Wyoming,”  in  which  poem  the  Mohawk 
chieftain  was  denounced  as  “  the  Monster  Brant,”  his  son  re¬ 
paired  to  England,  and  in  a  correspondence  with  the  poet,  suc¬ 
cessfully  vindicated  his  father’s  memory  from  the  calumny.* 

li  Captain  Badlock,  was  committed  to  torture,  by  having  his  body  stuck  full  of  splin- 
“  ters  of  pine  knots,  and  a  fire  of  dry  wood  made  around  him,  when  his  two  com- 
■“  panions,  Captains  Ransom  and  Durkee,  where  thrown  into  the  same  fire,  and 
“held  down  with  pitchforks  till  consumed.  One  Partial  Terry,  the  son  of  a  man 
“of  respectable  character,  having  joined  the  Indian  party,  several  times  sent  his  fa- 
“ther  word  that  he  hoped  to  wash  his  hands  in  his  heart's  blood.  The  monster  with 
“  his  own  hands  murdered  his  father,  mother,  brothers,  and  sisters,  stripped  off  their 
“  scalps,  and  cut  off  his  father's  head  !!  Thomas  Terry  with  his  own  hands  butchered 
“  his  own  mother,  his  father-in-law,  his  sisters  and  their  infant  children,  and  extermi¬ 
nated  the  whole  family!!"  Upon  which  the  worthy  Doctor  remarks — “It  is  only  in 
“  the  infernal  regions  that  we  can  look  for  a  parallel  instance  of  unnatural  wicked¬ 
ness.”  It  is  doubtful  whether  so  great  an  atrocity  was  ever  committed  even  there.  Cer¬ 
tainly  no  such  were  perpetrated  at  Wyoming.  Dr.  Thatcher  also  states,  that  when 
Col.  Z.  Butler  sent  a  flag  to  propose  terms  of  capitulation,  the  reply  of  Col.  John  Butler 
was  in  two  words — “77ie  Hatchet."  He  also  remarks,  in  regard  to  the  moral  and 
social  condition  of  Wyoming,  that  but  for  the  dissensions  produced  by  the  war  of 
the  Revolution,  “  the  inhabitants  of  this  secluded  spot  might  have  lived  in  the  en¬ 
joyment  of  all  the  happiness  which  results  from  harmony  and  the  purest  natural 
“affection.”  Witness  the  ten  years  of  civil  wars  sketched  in  the  preceding  pages. 
It  was  also  reported  that  a  man  named  Thomas  Hill  with  his  own  hands  killed  his 
own  mother,  his  father-in-law,  his  sisters  and  their  families  !  And  such  is  history  ! 
These  monstrous  exaggerations  were  the  reports  of  the  battle  first  published  at 
Poughkeepsie  on  the  20th  of  July,  as  derived  from  the  lips  of  the  terrified  fugitives 
who  were  wending  their  way  back  to  Connecticut. 

*  Since  the  present  chapter  was  written,  and  while  the  work  was  under  revision, 
the  author  has  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Samuel  C.  Frey,  of  Upper  Canada,  a  son 


CATHARINE  MONTOUR. 


339 


1778.] 

It  is  related  in  the  unwritten  history  of  this  battle,  that  the 
celebrated  Catharine  Montour  was  present,  with  her  two  sons  ; 
and  that  she  ranged  the  field  of  blood  like  a  chafed  tigress, 
stimulating  the  warriors  of  her  adopted  race  to  the  onslaught, 
even  in  the  hottest  of  the  fight.  But  from  the  antecedent  cha¬ 
racter  of  that  remarkable  woman,  the  story  can  hardly  be  cre- 

of  the  late  Philip  R.  Frey,  Esq.  a  loyalist  of  Tryon  County,  who  was  an  ensign  in 
H.  B.  M’s  Eighth  Regiment,  and  who,  with  his  regiment,  was  engaged  in  the  cam¬ 
paign  and  battle  of  Wyoming.  Philip  R.  Frey,  the  ensign  spoken  of,  died  at  Pala¬ 
tine,  Montgomery  (formerly  Tryon)  County,  in  1823.  It  was  his  uniform  testimony 
that  Brant  was  not  at  Wyoming.  Mr.  Frey  writes  to  the  author,  that  there  were 
no  chiefs  of  notoriety  with  the  Indians  on  that  expedition,  and  that  the  Indians  them¬ 
selves  were  led  from  Detroit,  bv  Captain  Bird  of  the  Eighth  Regiment.  Bird  had 
been  engaged  in  a  love  affair  at  Detroit,  but,  being  very  ugly,  besides  having  a  hare¬ 
lip,  was  unsuccessful.  The  affair  getting  wind,  his  fellow-officers  made  themselves 
merry  at  his  expense,  and  in  order  to  steep  his  griefs  in  forgetfulness,  he  obtained 
permission  to  lead  an  expedition  somewhere  against  the  American  frontier.  Join¬ 
ing  the  Indians  placed  under  him,  and  a  detachment  of  his  regiment,  to  Butler’s 
rangers,  they  concerted  the  descent  upon  Wyoming.  Ensign  Frey  stated  that  he 
was  ill-natured  during  the  whole  march,  and  acted  with  fool-hardiness  at  the  battle. 
He  farther  stated,  according  to  the  letter  of  his  son,  that  the  American  Colonel  chal¬ 
lenged  them  to  a  fair  field-fight,  which  challenge  was  accepted.  “The  next  morn- 
“  ing,  at  about  9  o’clock,  the  Americans  poured  out  of  the  fort  about  three  hundred  and 
“  forty  in  number — the  Indians  fell  back  over  a  hill — the  troops  on  both  sides  drew  up 
“  in  battle  array  and  soon  commenced ;  after  a  few  rounds  fired,  the  American  Colo- 
“nel  ordered  his  drum-major  to  beat  a  charge,  the  drum-major  mistook  the  order  and 
“  beat  a  retreat,  the  Americans  became  disordered  immediately,  and  ran  helter-skelter ; 
“  the  moment  the  Indians  saw  them  running,  they  poured  down  upon  them  from  their 
“  hiding  places,  so  that  no  more  than  about  forty  survived  out  of  three  hundred  and 
“  forty.”  Rarely,  indeed,  does  it  happen  that  history  is  more  at  fault  in  regard  to  facts 
than  in  the  case  of  Wyoming.  The  remark  may  be  applied  to  nearly  every  writer 
who  has  attempted  to  narrate  the  events  connected  with  the  invasion  of  Colonel 
John  Butler.  Ramsay,  and  Gordon,  and  Marshall — nay,  the  British  historians  them¬ 
selves — have  written  gross  exaggerations.  Marshall,  however,  in  his  revised  edition, 
has  made  corrections,  and  explained  how  and  by  whom  he  was  led  into  error.  My 
excellent  friend,  Charles  Miner,  Esq.  long  a  resident  of  Wyoming,  a  gentleman  of 
letters  and  great  accuracy,  furnished  the  biographer  of  Washington  with  a  true  nar¬ 
rative  of  the  transactions,  which  he  made  the  basis  of  the  summary  account  con¬ 
tained  in  his  revised  edition.  Other  writers,  of  greater  or  less  note,  have  gravely  re¬ 
corded  the  same  fictions,  adding,  it  is  to  be  feared,  enormities  not  even  conveyed  to 
them  by  tradition.  The  grossest  of  these  exaggerations  are  contained  in  Thatcher’s 
Military  Journal  and  Drake’s  Book  of  the  Indians.  The  account  of  the  marching 
out  of  a  large  body  of  Americans  from  one  of  the  forts,  to  hold  a  parley,  by  agree¬ 
ment,  and  then  being  drawn  into  an  ambuscade  and  all  put  to  death,  is  false;  the 
account  of  seventy  Continental  soldiers  being  butchered,  after  having  surrendered, 
is  also  totally  untrue.  No  regular  troops  surrendered,  and  all  escaped  who  survived 
the  battle  of  the  3d.  Equally  untrue  was  the  story  of  the  burning  of  houses,  bar¬ 
racks,  and  forts,  filled  with  women  and  children. 


340  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1778. 

dited.  She  was  a  native  of  Canada,  a  half-breed,  her  father 
having  been  one  of  the  early  French  governors — probably 
Count  Frontenac,  as  he  must  have  been  in  the  government  of 
that  country  at  about  the  time  of  her  birth.  During  the  wars 
between  the  Six  Nations  and  the  French  and  Hurons,  Catha¬ 
rine,  when  about  ten  years  of  age,  was  made  a  captive,  taken 
into  the  Seneca  country,  adopted  and  reared  as  one  of  their 
own  children.  When  arrived  at  a  suitable  age,  she  was  mar¬ 
ried  to  one  of  the  distinguished  chiefs  of  her  tribe,  who  signal¬ 
ized  himself  in  the  wars  of  the  Six  Nations  against  the  Cataw- 
bas,  then  a  great  nation  living  south-westward  of  Virginia. 
She  had  several  children  by  this  chieftain,  who  fell  in  battle 
about  the  year  1730,  after  which  she  did  not  again  marry. 
She  is  said  to  have  been  a  handsome  woman  when  young, 
genteel,  and  of  polite  address,  notwithstanding  her  Indian  as¬ 
sociations.  It  was  frequently  her  lot  to  accompany  the  chiefs 
of  the  Six  Nations  to  Philadelphia,  and  other  places  in  Penn¬ 
sylvania,  where  treaties  were  holden ;  and  from  her  character 
and  manners  she  was  greatly  caressed  by  the  American  ladies — 
particularly  in  Philadelphia,  where  she  was  invited  by  the  la¬ 
dies  of  the  best  circles,  and  entertained  at  their  houses.  Her 
residence  was  at  the  head  of  the  Seneca  Lake.* 

Some  of  the  flying  fugitives  from  Wyoming  had  not  pro¬ 
ceeded  many  miles  from  their  desolate  homes,  before  they  met 
a  detachment  of  Continental  troops  on  their  way  to  assist  the 
Colony.  It  was  now  too  late.  But  the  detachment,  neverthe¬ 
less,  remained  at  Stroudsburg  three  or  four  weeks,  by  which 
time  Colonel  Zebulon  Butler  had  collected  a  force  consisting 
of  straggling  settlers  and  others,  with  whom,  and  the  regular 
troops  just  mentioned,  he  returned,  and  repossessed  himself  of 
Wyoming — the  enemy  having  retired  shortly  after  the  battle — 
Colonel  John  Butler  to  Niagara,  and  the  Indians  to  their 
homes  ;  while  Thayendanegea  moved  as  he  had  occasion,  from 


*  Catharinestown— so  named  from  her.  This  account  of  Catharine  Montour  is 
chiefly  drawn  from  Witham  Marshe’s  Journal  of  a  treaty  with  the  Six  Nations,  held 
at  Lancaster  in  1744— Vide  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  In  1758  Sir  William  Johnson  had 
an  Indian  interpreter  in  his  service,  known  as  “  Captain  Montour.”  One  of  Catha¬ 
rine’s  sons  was  called  “Captain,”  and  was  probably  the  same.  Tradition,  at 
Seneca  Lake,  holds  that  Catharine  Montour  was  killed  by  Sullivan’s  men  in  1779. 
But  it  will  hereafter  be  seen  that  such  was  not  the  fact. 


HISTORY  OF  WYOMING. 


341 


1778.] 

his  old  haunts  higher  up  the  Susquehanna,  at  Oghkwaga  and 
Unadilla. 

Immediately  on  the  reception  of  the  disastrous  tidings  from 
Wyoming  at  the  Continental  head-quarters,  Colonel  Hartley’s 
regiment  was  ordered  thither,  with  instructions  from  Congress 
to  remain  on  that  frontier  until  the  crops  were  secured  and  the 
enemy  should  have  retreated.  He  was  joined  by  several  mili¬ 
tia  companies,  and,  among  other  officers,  by  Colonel  Dennison, 
who,  in  the  capitulation  of  Wyoming,  had  stipulated  not  again 
to  serve  against  the  King’s  troops.  He  accompanied  Colonel 
Hartley  in  an  expedition  against  some  of  the  Indian  towns  up  the 
Susquehanna,  in  the  direction  of  Oghkwaga,  several  of  which 
were  destroyed.  A  few  prisoners  were  also  taken.  It  appearing, 
however,  that  the  enemy  were  gathering  in  too  much  force  for 
him  to  remain  long  within  their  territory,  Colonel  Hartley 
was  constrained  to  retreat.  An  attack  was  made  upon  his 
rear,  but  the  assailants  were  repulsed.  Colonel  Dennison 
doubtless  felt  himself  warranted  in  breaking  the  stipulations  of 
Fort  Wyoming,  by  the  fact  that  those  stipulations  were  not 
strictly  observed  by  the  Tories  and  Indians.  But  the  enemy 
made  no  such  allowance  ;  and  this  expedition,  or  rather  the 
conduct  of  Colonel  Dennison,  was  subsequently  used  as  a  pre¬ 
text  for  some  of  the  incidents  connected  with  the  attack  upon 
Cherry  Valley. 

Colonel  Zebulon  Butler  built  another  fort  at  Wyoming, 
which  he  continued  to  occupy  until  the  next  year,  when  the 
command  of  that  region  devolved  upon  General  Sullivan.  In 
the  mean  time  the  outskirts  of  the  settlements  were  frequently 
harassed  by  straggling  parties  of  Tories  and  Indians,  who  occa¬ 
sionally  committed  an  assassination  or  carried  off  a  few  prison¬ 
ers.  The  Americans,  in  turn,  despatched  every  Indian  who  fell 
in  their  way.  In  March  following,  the  fort  was  surrounded  by 
a  force  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  Indians,  and  Tories  disguised 
as  such.  They  attacked  the  fortress,  but  fled  on  the  discharge 
of  a  single  piece  of  artillery — burning  whatever  buildings  had 
either  been  re-erected  or  left  standing  at  the  former  invasion. 
The  garrison  was  too  weak  to  allow  of  a  pursuit.  A  few  weeks 
afterward,  as  a  company  of  Continental  troops  were  approach¬ 
ing  the  fort,  under  the  command  of  Major  Powell,  they  were 
fired  upon  by  a  party  of  Indians  in  ambush,  while  passing 


342 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 

along  a  single  track  through  a  difficult  swamp.  In  this  attack, 
Captain  Davis,  Lieutenant  Jones,  and  four  privates,  were  killed. 
The  detachment  formed  for  action  with  all  possible  despatch  ; 
but  the  Indians  fled  after  two  or  three  discharges.  Nor  did 
they  re-appear  afterward,  in  that  immediate  neighborhood,  in 
any  subsequent  stage  of  the  revolutionary  contest,  although 
other  sections  of  the  Pennsylvania  frontier,  farther  south  and 
west,  suffered  occasionally  from  their  depredations,  particularly 
in  the  following  year,  while  Sullivan  was  preparing  to  advance 
into  the  Seneca  country* 

*  Thus  ends  the  revolutionary  history  of  Wyoming.  But  from  what  has  been 
given  in  the  preceding  pages,  touching  the  history  of  this  valley  and  its  feuds  before 
the  Revolution,  the  reader  may  possibly  feel  some  desire  to  learn  the  subsequent 
progress  of  the  long-pending  land  quarrel.  After  the  Indians  had  been  chastised, 
the  settlers  returned,  and  the  valley  and  its  precincts  once  more  began  to  flourish. 
Pennsylvania  again  interposed  her  claims  ;  and  a  Commission  was  appointed  by 
Congress,  which  met  in  New  Jersey,  to  hear  the  case  and  decide  the  question.  It 
was  unanimously  decided  in  favor  of  Pennsylvania.  The  people  held  that  this  de¬ 
cision  was  one  of  jurisdiction  merely,  and  with  this  understanding  cheerfully  ac¬ 
quiesced  in  it.  But  fresh  troubles  arose.  A  company  of  Continental  troops  was 
stationed  there  in  1783,  to  keep  the  peace,  and  this  only  made  matters  worse — the 
soldiers  became  licentious  and  overbearing,  and  the  people  were  exceedingly  annoy¬ 
ed  thereat.  In  the  Spring  of  1784,  by  a  succession  of  ice-dams  which  accumulated  in 
the  river,  the  valley  was  overflowed,  and  the  inhabitants  were  compelled  to  fly  to  the 
mountains  for  safety.  When  the  ice  gave  way,  the  floods  swept  off  every  thing — 
leaving  the  whole  valley  a  scene  of  greater  desolation  than  ever.  Presently  after¬ 
ward  the  old  troubles  broke  out  afresh.  The  inhabitants  refused  to  obey  their  new 
masters.  The  Connecticut  settlers  flew  to  arms — the  Pennsylvanians  sent  troops 
thither — the  Connecticut  settlers  laid  siege  to  the  fort — there  were  riots  and  skir¬ 
mishings,  and  some  killed  and  wounded.  The  Connecticut  people  were  taken  pri¬ 
soners  by  treachery,  and  sent  off  to  prison.  They  escaped.  Reinforcements  of 
troops  were  sent  by  Pennsylvania — there  was  more  blood  shed.  Various  attempts 
were  made  to  settle  the  difficulties.  Commissioners  were  appointed  upon  the  sub¬ 
ject,  one  of  whom  was  Timothy  Pickering.  He  was  forcibly  seized,  and  carried 
into  captivity.  His  story  has  been  written  by  himself,  and  is  full  of  interest.  These 
difficulties  continued,  with  feelings  of  the  bitterest  contention,  ten  years,  before 
matters  were  compromised  between  the  parties,  so  that  they  settled  down  in  peace. 
It  is  now  a  rich  and  flourishing  county,  and  may  be  called  the  Paradise  of  Penn¬ 
sylvania. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


Evacuation  of  Philadelphia  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton — Followed  through  New  Jersey 
by  Washington — Battle  of  Monmouth — Conduct  and  arrest  of  General  Lee — 
Retreat  of  the  enemy — Arrival  of  the  French  fleet — Combined  attack  of  the  Ame¬ 
ricans  and  French  upon  the  British  army  of  Rhode  Island — British  fleet  escapes 
from  Count  D’Estaing — Battle  of  Rhode  Island — Failure  of  the  expedition — 
Projected  campaigns  against  the  Indians — Captains  Pipe  and  White-Eyes — 
M’Kee  and  Girty — General  M’Intosh  ordered  against  the  Sandusky  towns — 
Irruption  of  Brant  into  Cobleskill — Of  M’Donald  into  the  Schoharie  settlements 
— Pusillanimity  of  Colonel  Vrooman — Bravery  of  Colonel  Harper — His  expedi¬ 
tion  to  Albany — Captivity  of  Mr.  Sawyer — Slays  six  Indians  and  escapes — Colo¬ 
nel  William  Butler  sent  to  Schoharie — Morgan’s  rifle  corps — Daring  adventures 
of  Murphy  and  Elerson — Death  of  Service,  a  noted  Tory — Murphy’s  subsequent 
adventures — Affairs  at  Fort  Schuyler — Alarming  number  of  desertions — Destruc¬ 
tion  of  Andros-town  by  the  Indians — Conflagration  of  the  German  Flatts — Ex¬ 
pedition  of  Colonel  William  Butler  from  Schoharie  to  Unadilla  and  Oghkwaga. 

No  sooner  had  Great  Britain  been  apprized  of  the  alliance 
between  France  and  her  revolted  Colonies,  than  it  was  deter¬ 
mined  to  evacuate  Philadelphia,  and  concentrate  the  Royal 
army  at  New-York.  Accordingly,  on  the  18th  of  June  the 
British  troops  crossed  the  Delaware  into  New  Jersey,  and 
commenced  their  march  for  New-York,  ascending  the  east  bank 
of  the  river  to  Allentown,  and  thence  taking  the  lower  road 
leading  through  Monmouth  to  Sandy  Hook.  General  Wash¬ 
ington,  anticipating  this  movement,  had  previously  detached  a 
division  of  the  army  under  General  Maxwell,  to  impede  the 
enemy’s  march.  It  was  known  that  General  Gates  was  ap¬ 
proaching  with  the  army  from  the  North,  and  the  enemy’s 
motions  were  no  sooner  ascertained,  than  General  Wayne  was 
despatched,  with  one  thousand  chosen  men,  to  strengthen  the 
lines.  The  Marquis  de  Lafayette  was  directed  to  take  com¬ 
mand  of  the  whole  force  thus  sent  in  advance,  while  Wash¬ 
ington  himself  moved  rapidly  forward  with  the  main  army. 
It  was  his  design  to  bring  on  a  general,  and,  if  possible,  a  de¬ 
cisive  engagement.  The  result  of  his  movements  for  that 
object  was, the  battle  of  Monmouth,  fought  on  the  28th  of  June. 
The  dispositions  for  this  engagement  were  admirably  arranged 
on  the  night  of  the  27tlq  the  position  of  the  enemy  being  such 
as  to  afford  the  best  advantages  for  an  attack  upon  his  rear  the 
moment  he  should  get  in  motion.  Such  being  the  intentions  of 
the  Commander-in-chief,  they  were  communicated  to  General 

48 


344  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1778 

Lee,  who  was  ordered  to  make  his  dispositions  accordingly, 
and  to  keep  his  troops  lying  upon  their  arms  to  be  in  readiness 
at  the  shortest  notice.  At  five  in  the  morning  of  the  28th,  the 
front  of  the  enemy  was  observed  to  be  in  motion,  and  orders 
were  instantly  despatched  to  General  Lee  to  move  on  and 
attack,  “  unless  there  should  be  very  powerful  reasons  to  the 
contrary.”  Lee  was  also  advised  that  Washington  was  himself 
advancing  to  support  him.  After  marching  about  five  miles, 

“  to  the  great  surprise  and  mortification”  of  the  Commander- 
in-chief,  he  met  the  whole  advanced  corps  retreating,  by  the 
orders  of  Lee,  “  without  having  made  any  opposition,  except 
“  one  fire  given  by  a  party  under  Colonel  Butler,  on  their  being 
“  charged  by  the  enemy’s  cavalry,  who  were  repulsed.”*  Lee 
was  sharply  rebuked,  and  placed  in  arrest.  Hurrying  to  the 
rear  of  the  retreating  corps,  which  the  Commander-in-chief 
found  closely  pressed  by  the  enemy,  he  arrested  their  flight, 
re-formed  them,  and  with  the  aid  of  some  well-served  pieces  of 
artillery,  at  once  checked  the  enemy’s  advance,  and  gained 
time  for  making  such  dispositions  as  the  unexpected  emergency 
required.  The  battle  soon  became  general,  and  was  obstinately 
contested  at  various  points  through  the  whole  day,  until  dark  ; 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  and  General  Washington  heading  their 
respective  armies  in  person.  By  the  misconduct  of  Lee,  how¬ 
ever,  and  an  error  of  General  Scott  in  the  morning,  advantages 
had  been  lost  which  entirely  disconcerted  the  views  of  the 
Commander-in-chief,  anddeprived  the  American  arms  of  a  victory 
which  was  all  but  certain.  Still,  the  fortunes  of  the  day  were 
so  far  recovered,  that,  from  being  the  pursued,  “  the  Americans 
“  drove  the  enemy  back  over  the  ground  they  had  followed, 

“  and  recovered  the  field  of  battle,  and  possessed  themselves  of 
« their  dead.  But  as  they  retreated  behind  a  morass  very  diffi- 
“  cult  to  pass,  and  had  both  flanks  secured  with  thick  woods, 

“  it  was  found  impracticable  for  the  Americans,  fainting  with 
“  fatigue,  heat,  and  want  of  water,  to  do  any  thing  more  that  * 
“  night.”  t 

Both  armies  encamped  in  the  field,  and  lay  upon  their  arms  ; 
Washington  himself  sleeping  in  his  cloak  under  a  tree  in  the 

*  Letter  of  Washington  to  the  President  of  Congress,  July  1,  177S. 
t  Letter  of  Washington  to  his  brother,  John  Augustine  Washington,  July  4, 1778. 


BATTLE  OF  MONMOUTH. 


345 


1778.] 


midst  of  his  soldiers.  His  intention  was  to  renew  and  end  the 
battle  on  the  following  morning,  not  doubting  as  to  the  issue. 
Indeed,  the  result  of  that  day’s  fight  was  justly  considered  a 
victory  by  the  American  officers,  and  but  for  the  conduct  of 
Lee  in  the  morning,  it  would  almost  beyond  question  have  been 
decisive.*  But  the  purpose  of  the  Commander-in-chief  to  renew 
the  engagement  was  frustrated  by  a  silent  midnight  retreat  of 
the  enemy — so  silent,  indeed,  that  his  departure  was  not  known 
until  the  morning.t  A  variety  of  circumstances  concurred  to 
render  a  pursuit  by  the  Americans  unadvisable ;  among  the 
principal  of  which  were,  the  extreme  heat  of  the  weather,  the 
fatigue  of  the  army  from  its  march  through  a  deep  sandy 
country,  almost  entirely  destitute  of  water,  and  the  distance  the 
enemy  had  gained  by  his  midnight  march.  A  pursuit,  it  was 
believed,  would  answer  no  valuable  purpose,  and  would  certain¬ 
ly  be  fatal  to  numbers  of  the  men,  several  of  whom  had 
perished  of  heat  on  the  preceding  day.+  The  American  com¬ 
mander  thereupon  drew  off  his  army  to  the  Hudson,  crossed 
over,  and  once  more  established  his  head-quarters  at  White 
Plains.  Meantime  Sir  Henry  Clinton  proceeded  to  Sandy 
Hook,  and  thence  passed  his  troops  over  to  New-York.  The 
loss  of  the  Americans  in  this  battle  was  eight  officers  and  sixty- 
one  privates  killed,  and  one  hundred  and  sixty  wounded.  That 


*  In  a  letter  to  General  Gansevoort  from  Colonel  Willett,  who  was  on  a  visit  to 
head-quarters  at  the  time  of  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  the  Colonel  says  : — “  1  have 
had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  the  A  merican  army,  under  the  great  General  Washington, 
triumph  over  the  haughty  British  in  the  battle  of  Monmouth.  The  action  was 
grand,  and  ended  gloriously.” — MS.  letter  of  Col.  Willett. 

t  In  his  despatches  to  his  government,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  stated  that  he  took  the 
advantage  of  the  moonlight  in  his  retreat ;  when,  in  reality,  he  did  not  begin  the  re¬ 
treat  until  some  hours  after  the  moon  had  set.  In  the  course  of  a  correspondence  in 
the  following  Spring,  between  Governor  William  Livingston  and  Sir  Henry,  the 
Governor  taunted  him  upon  this  subject  of  his  moonlight  retreat.  That  correspond¬ 
ence  was  sharp  upon  both  sides.  Governor  Livingston  wrote  to  Sir  Henry  that  he 
had  received  indisputable  evidence,  that  a  British  General  had  offered  a  large  sum  of 
money  to  an  inhabitant  of  New  Jersey  to  assassinate  him,  (Governor  L.)  Sir 
Henry  repelled  the  imputation  in  strong  terms — declaring  that  were  he  “capable  of 
harboring  such  an  infamous  idea  as  that  of  assassination,  he  would  not  blacken 
himself  with  so  foul  a  crime  to  obtain  so  trifling  an  end.”  Clinton  was  evidently 
irritated,  and  from  the  coarseness  of  his  language,  gave  Governor  Livingston  the  de¬ 
cided  advantage  in  his  rejoinder,  which  was  equally  dignified  and  severe. — Vide 
Mmon's  Remembrancer,  vol.  vi.  pp.  279,  281. 

J  Letter  of  Washington  to  the  President  of  Congress. 


346 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


1778. 


of  the  enemy  was  three  hundred  and  sixty-eight  in  killed, 
wounded,  and  missing,  and  about  one  hundred  taken  prisoners. 
One  thousand  of  their  men  deserted  on  their  march.  Both 
parties  claimed  the  victory,  which  was  in  fact  won  by  neither. 
The  advantages,  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  day,  were  in  favor  of 
the  British  ;  in  the  after-part,  of  the  Americans.  The  stealthy 
retreat  of  the  former,  moreover,  covered  by  the  darkness,  left  no 
doubt  as  to  which  army  was  best  prepared  to  renew  the  conflict 
with  the  return  of  daylight. 

The  French  fleet,  under  the  Count  D’Estaing,  consisting 
of  twelve  ships  of  the  line  and  six  frigates,  having  on  board 
four  thousand  troops,  arrived  on  the  coast  of  Virginia  about 
the  1st  of  July.  The  design  of  the  French  commander  was 
to  engage  the  British  squadron  in  the  Chesapeake.  But  un¬ 
fortunately,  the  latter  had  sailed  for  New- York  a  few  days  be¬ 
fore.  Thither  the  Count  followed  the  British  admiral,  but  the 
bar  of  the  New-York  harbor  would  not  allow  the  entrance 
of  his  heavy  ships.  An  attack  upon  New-York  thus  proving 
to  be  impracticable,  by  the  advice  of  General  Washington  it 
was  determined  to  make  an  attempt  upon  Rhode  Island,  then 
occupied  by  six  thousand  British  troops  commanded  by  Major 
General  Sir  Robert  Pigott.  General  Sullivan,  with  an  army 
of  ten  thousand  men,  was  lying  in  the  neighborhood  of  Provi¬ 
dence.  Count  D’Estaing  arrived  off  Newport  on  the  25th  of 
July,  and  arrangements  were  soon  adjusted  between  General 
Sullivan  and  himself  for  a  combined  attack  upon  the  town  of 
Newport  by  land  and  sea.  The  assault  was  to  be  made  on 
the  9th  of  August,  for  which  purpose  Sullivan  moved  down 
to  Tiverton,  where  he  was  joined  by  General  Greene,  and  the 
ships  of  war  entered  the  channel.  But  the  militia  not  having 
joined  the  regular  troops  so  promptly  as  was  expected,  General 
Sullivan  judged  it  necessary  to  postpone  the  attack  for  a  day  or 
two.  Meantime  Lord  Howe  appeared  off  the  harbor  with  the 
British  fleet,  and  the  Count  D’Estaing  immediately  put  to  sea 
to  engage  him.  The  French  fleet  having  the  weather  gage, 
the  British  admiral  weighed  anchor  and  put  to  sea,  followed  by 
the  Count.  A  storm  separated  the  fleets,  so  that  no  engage¬ 
ment  took  place ;  and  on  his  return  to  port  on  the  19th,  Count 
D’Estaing  found  it  necessary  to  repair  to  Boston  to  refit.  Du¬ 
ring  the  absence  of  the  Count,  however,  while  in  chase  of  Lord 


BATTLE  OP  RHODE  ISLAND. 


347 


1778.] 

Howe,  General  Sullivan  had  crossed  over  to  the  island,  and  on 
the  15th  laid  siege  to  the  town  of  Newport.  But  when  the 
French  admiral  departed  for  Boston,  the  militia,  disappointed 
and  disheartened  at  being  thus  abandoned  by  their  allies,  left 
the  service  in  such  numbers,  that  Sullivan  was  compelled  to 
raise  the  siege  and  retire.  He  was  pursued  to  the  distance  of 
a  mile  north  of  Quaker  Hill,  where,  on  the  29th  of  August,  was 
fought  the  battle  of  Rhode  Island.  It  was  a  sharp  and  obstinate 
engagement  of  half  an  hour,  at  the  end  of  which  the  enemy 
gave  way  and  retreated.  The  loss  of  the  Americans  was  two 
hundred  and  eleven.  That  of  the  enemy  two  hundred  and 
sixty.*  Ascertaining,  soon  afterward,  that  strong  reinforcements 
were  coming  from  New-York  to  the  aid  of  General  Pigott,  a 
resolution  was  immediately  adopted  by  Sullivan  to  evacuate 
the  island.  This  determination  was  executed  on  the  night  of 
the  30th — most  luckily,  as  the  event  proved  ;  for  on  the  very 
next  day  Sir  Henry  Clinton  arrived  at  Newport  with  four 
thousand  troops,  which  reinforcement  would  doubtless  hake 
enabled  the  enemy  to  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  Americans. 

In  September,  after  the  return  of  the  British  troops  to  New- 
York,  strong  divisions  moved  northward  on  each  side  of  the 
Hudson  river.  By  a  detachment  of  one  of  these,  under  Gene¬ 
ral  Gray,  a  regiment  of  American  cavalry,  commanded  by  Co¬ 
lonel  Baylor,  was  surprised  while  asleep  at  Tappan,  and  almost 
entirely  cut  off.  The  enemy  rushed  upon  the  sleeping  troopers, 
numbering  one  hundred  and  four  privates  with  their  bayonets. 
The  loss,  killed,  wounded,  and  taken,  was  sixty-four.  This 
exploit  was  very  similar  to  that  of  the  Paoli,  under  the  same 
General,  the  preceding  year. 

In  consequence  of  the  hostile  spirit  very  generally  and  ex¬ 
tensively  manifested  by  the  Indians — the  great  western  tribes 
becoming  more  and  more  restif — early  in  June,  immediately 
preceding  the  affair  of  Wyoming,  Congress  had  determined 
upon  a  more  enlarged  and  decisive  campaign  against  them. 
This  had,  indeed,  become  the  more  necessary  from  the  bellige¬ 
rent  indications  among  the  Delawares  and  Shawanese,  inha¬ 
biting  the  territory  now  forming  the  State  of  Ohio.  At  the 


*  One  of  the  most  brilliant  affairs  during  this  expedition  was  performed  by  Colo¬ 
nel  John  Trumbull,  who  was  acting  as  a  volunteer  under  Sullivan  at  the  time — as 
will  be  seen  by  the  Colonel’s  memoirs  when  published. 


348 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 


commencement  of  the  war  Koquethagaeehlon ,  the  Delaware 
chief  usually  known  as  Captain  White-Eyes,  a  firm  friend  of 
the  Colonies,  had  succeeded  in  preventing  his  people  from  taking 
up  the  hatchet  against  them,  in  opposition  to  the  views  of  his 
rival  chief.  Captain  Pipe.  But  in  the  Spring  of  the  present 
year,  the  policy  of  the  latter  had  well  nigh  prevailed,  through 
the  revengeful  machinations  of  three  celebrated  loyalists,  named 
M:Kee:  Elliot ,  and  Simon  Girty ,  who  had  been  confined  at 
Pittsburgh  as  Tories  ;  but  who,  effecting  their  escape,  traversed 
the  Indian  country  to  Detroit,  proclaiming,  as  they  went,  that 
the  Americans  had  resolved  upon  their  destruction,  and  that 
their  only  chance  of  safety  was  to  espouse  the  cause  of  the 
Crown,  and  fight.  Availing  himself  of  the  excitement  created 
by  those  fugitives,*  Captain  Pipe  assembled  a  large  number  of 
his  warriors,  and  proclaimed  u  every  one  an  enemy  to  his 
u  country  who  should  endeavor  to  persuade  them  against  fight- 
“  ing  the  Americans,  and  declared  that  all  such  ought  surely 
“  to  be  put  to  death.”  But  White-Eyes  was  by  no  means  in¬ 
active  in  his  efforts  to  preserve  peace.  Collecting  the  people 
of  his  tribe,  he  addressed  them  with  great  earnestness  anc" 
pathos.  Observing  that  some  of  his  warriors  were  preparing 
to  take  up  the  hatchet,  he  admonished  them  strongly  against 
such  a  course,  which,  in  the  end,  could  only  bring  upon  them 
sure  destruction.  Still,  if  they  believed  he  was  wrong — if  they 
were  disposed  to  place  more  confidence  in  the  tales  of  those 
whom  he  knew  to  be  fugitives,  than  to  himself,  they  should  not 
go  out  without  him.  “  But  he  would  not  go  out  with  them 
“  like  the  bear-hunter,  who  sets  the  dogs  on  the  animal  to  be 
u  beaten  about  with  his  paws  while  he  keeps  at  a  safe  distance. 
c£  No  !  He  would  lead  them  on,  place  himself  in  their  front, 
“  and  be  the  first  who  should  fall.  They  only  had  to  deter- 
4{  mine  what  they  meant  to  do.  As  for  his  own  mind,  it  was 
“  fully  made  up  not  to  survive  his  nation.  And  he  would  not 
“  spend  the  remainder  of  a  miserable  life,  in  bewailing  the  total 
“  destruction  of  a  brave  people  who  deserved  a  better  fate.”  t 
The  counsel  of  White-Eyes,  supported  by  a  conciliatory  mes¬ 
sage,  which  was  received  just  in  good  time,  from  the  Americans, 

*  The  names  of  these  men  will  be  of  frequent  recurrence  in  the  subsequent  volume 
of  this  work,  in  connexion  with  the  Indian  wars  of  1789 — 1794. 

f  Drake’s  Book  of  the  Indians. 


1778.]  DELAWARES  AND  SHAWANESE.  349 

prevailed  for  the  moment,  and  the  Delawares  came  to  the  unani¬ 
mous  determination  to  follow  his  advice,  and  his  alone.  Avail¬ 
ing  himself  of  the  hour  of  success,  White-Eyes  forthwith  des¬ 
patched  the  following  energetic  letter  to  the  Shawanese  of  the 
Scioto,  who  had  also  been  visited  by  M‘Kee,  Elliot,  and  Girty. 

“Grand-children,  ye  Shawanese:  Some  days  ago  a 
flock  of  birds,  that  had  come  on  from  the  East,  lit  at  Goscho- 
chking,  imposing  a  song  of  theirs  upon  us,  which  song  had  nigh 
proved  our  ruin.  Should  these  birds,  which,  on  leaving  us, 
took  their  flight  toward  Scioto,  endeavor  to  impose  a  song  on 
you  likewise,  do  not  listen  to  them,  for  they  lie.” 

But  the  hostile  action  of  these  people  was  only  suspended  for 
a  short  time,  and  it  became  necessary  for  more  extended  and 
efficient  operations  against  nearly  the  whole  race.*  In  the  pro¬ 
ject  of  Congress  already  adverted  to,  it  was  intended  that  one 
expedition  should  move  upon  Detroit,  while  General  Gates  was 


*  Indeed,  the  Shawanese  had  not  been  remarkably  quiet  antecedent  to  the  visita¬ 
tion  of  M‘Kee,  Elliot,  and  Girty,  since  they  had  for  several  years  been  engaged  in  a 
system  of  predatory  warfare  against  the  celebrated  Colonel  Daniel  Boon  and  his  ad¬ 
venturous  companions,  almost  from  the  day  they  made  their  appearance  upon  the 
banks  of  the  Ohio,  with  their  families,  in  1773,  when  the  settlement  of  the  present 
State  of  Kentucky  was  commenced.  Boon  had  been  engaged  with  Lord  Dunmore 
in  his  war  against  the  Shawanese  in  1774.  In  the  following  year  he  was  attacked 
in  Boonsborough,  his  principal  settlement ;  and  through  the  entire  years  of  1776  and 
1777,  hostilities  were  actively  prosecuted  by  the  savages  against  the  advancing  Co¬ 
lonists.  In  one  of  the  earlier  battles  Boon  had  lost  a  son.  A  second  son  fell  after¬ 
ward,  and  his  daughter  was  taken  a  captive,  but  bravely  rescued  by  the  chivalrous 
father.  In  April,  1777,  the  Indians  so  divided  their  forces  as  to  fall  upon  all  the  in¬ 
fant  settlements  at  once,  and  their  little  forts  only  saved  the  people  from  destruction. 
On  the  15th  of  April,  Boonsborough  was  attacked  by  one  hundred  Indians,  at  which 
time  the  inhabitants  suffered  severely.  On  the  19th,  Colonel  Logan’s  fort  was  at¬ 
tacked  by  a  force  of  two  hundred  Indians,  but  they  were  repulsed  by  the  garrison, 
consisting  of  only  thirteen  men — two  of  whom  were  killed.  Reinforcements  arriv¬ 
ing  from  Virginia,  the  skirmishes  became  almost  daily.  In  February  of  the  present 
year,  (1778)  Boonsborough  was  again  attacked,  and  the  gallant  Colonel  himself 
taken  prisoner.  He  was  taken  first  to  Chilicothe,  and  thence  to  Detroit,  where  he 
was  treated  with  humanity  by  Colonel  Hamilton,  the  Governor,  who  offered  the  In¬ 
dians  £100  if  they  would  surrender  him  into  his  hands,  that  he  might  liberate  him 
on  his  parole.  But  having  imbibed  a  strong  affection  for  their  most  subtle  and  suc¬ 
cessful  enemy,  the  Indians  declined  the  offer.  Taking  him  back  to  Chilicothe,  the 
Colonel  was  duly  adopted  into  one  of  the  Shawanese  families  as  a  son,  to  whom  his 
new  parents  became  strongly  attached.  He  soon  acquired  their  confidence  to  such 
an  extent,  that  they  allowed  him  to  wander  of)}  and  hunt  by  himself.  Ascertaining, 
haw  ever,  that  they  were  meditating  another  descent  upon  Boonsborough,  he  ab¬ 
sconded,  and,  eluding  pursuit,  reached  his  home  on  the  20th  of  June. 


350  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1778. 

instructed  by  resolution  to  co-operate  with  that  expedition  by 
carrying  the  war  into  the  Seneca  country,  and  also  to  dispos¬ 
sess  the  enemy  of  Oswego,  should  he  be  found  in  the  occu¬ 
pancy  of  that  post.  It  appears,  that  at  the  very  moment  of  the 
invasion  of  Wyoming,  there  was  a  delegation  of  Seneca  chiefs 
at  Philadelphia ;  but  having  taken  their  departure  without  com¬ 
municating  with  the  government,  a  resolution  was  passed  by 
Congress,  immediately  upon  the  receipt  of  Colonel  Z.  Butler’s 
despatches,  instructing  the  Board  of  War  to  send  after  the  chiefs, 
and  ascertain  from  them  in  what  character,  and  for  what  pur¬ 
poses,  they  had  made  the  said  visit ;  and  also  to  inquire  whether 
the  Seneca  warriors  had  not  been  engaged  in  hostilities  against 
the  United  States.  On  the  16th  of  July  information  was  re¬ 
ceived  that  the  chiefs  refused  to  return,  and  instructions  to 
General  Schuyler  were  proposed,  directing  him  to  intercept  and 
detain  them  at  Albany.  The  motion  was  negatived ;  but  on 
the  25th  of  July,  Congress  having  ascertained  that  the  Senecas 
were  actually  engaged  in  the  invasion  of  Wyoming,  “  aided  by 
u  Tories  and  other  banditti  from  the  frontiers  of  New-York, 
“New  Jersey,  and  Pennsylvania,”  it  was  resolved  that  the 
expedition  against  the  hostiles  of  the  Six  Nations  should  be 
forwarded  with  all  possible  despatch.  In  the  mean  time,  how¬ 
ever,  from  the  expensiveness  of  the  undertaking,  the  expedition 
against  Detroit  was  reluctantly  abandoned  ;  but  in  lieu  there¬ 
of,  General  M‘Intosh,  commanding  the  Western  department, 
was  ordered  to  proceed  from  Pittsburgh  against  those  of  the 
Indian  towns  the  destruction  of  which,  in  his  opinion,  would 
tend  most  effectually  to  intimidate  and  chastise  them.*  M;In- 
tosh  had  been  stationed  at  Pittsburgh  early  in  the  Spring,  and 
with  a  small  party  of  regulars  and  militia,  had  descended  the 
Ohio  about  thirty  miles,  and  erected  a  fort,  which  was  called  by 
his  own  name,  at  Beavertown.  It  was  a  small  work,  built  of 
strong  stockades,  and  furnished  with  bastions  mounting  one 
six  pounder  each.  The  situation  was  well  chosen,  as  a  point 
affording  the  best  facilities  for  intercepting  the  war  parties  of 
the  western  Indians,  in  their  frequent  hostile  incursions  the 
present  year. 

This  expedition  was  doubtless  judged  the  more  important 
from  the  increasing  audacity  of  the  Indians  on  the  Ohio  border 

*  Journals  of  Congress,  vol.  iv.  pages,  343,  398,  415,  427. 


1778.] 


COLONEL  DANIEL  BOON. 


351 


c  "Virginia,  now  forming  the  State  of  Kentucky.  In  August, 
Colonel  Boon  had  led  a  small  band  of  nineteen  men  against 
one  of  the  Indian  towns  on  the  Scioto,  before  reaching  which 
he  fell  in  with  and  dispersed  a  party  of  forty  Indians  then  on 
their  way  to  Boonsborough.  The  Colonel  found  the  town  at 
Point  Creek  deserted  ;  and  learned  that  their  whole  force  had 
gone  against  his  own  settlement,  to  the  defence  of  which  he 
was  consequently  compelled  to  hasten  back.  Fortunately  he 
anticipated  their  arrival  by  a  few  hours,  and  was  enabled  to 
prepare  his  little  garrison  for  defence,  On  the  8th  of  August 
the  Indians,  to  the  number  of  about  four  hundred  and  fifty,  ar¬ 
rived  before  the  fort,  led,  in  addition  »to  their  own  chiefs,  by 
Captain  Duquesne,  and  eleven  other  Canadian  Frenchmen. 
The  garrison  was  formally  summoned  to  surrender,  which  sum¬ 
mons  was  peremptorily  refused.  A  treaty  was  then  proposed 
by  the  besiegers,  and  acceded  to  ;  the  Indians  requiring  that 
nine  men  should  be  sent  out  to  them  as  negotiators.  But  this 
movement  proved  to  be  an  artifice,  by  means  of  which  they 
hoped  to  gain  access  to  the  fort.  An  attempt  to  grapple  with 
and  carry  off  the  nine  negotiators,  though  happily  unsuccess¬ 
ful,  disclosed  their  treacherous  design.  The  besiegers  then  at¬ 
tempted  a  regular  approach  from  the  river’s  brink  by  mining  ; 
but  finding  that  the  garrison  had  discovered  their  purpose,  and 
were  engaged  in  countermining  them,  the  siege  was  abandoned 
on  the  20th  of  August.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  was  thirty-seven 
killed  and  a  much  larger  number  wounded.  The  loss  of  the 
garrison  was  only  two  men  killed  and  four  wounded. 

But,  as  we  have  seen,  the  expedition  of  General  Mdntosh,  as 
authorized  by  the  vote  of  Congress  recently  cited,  was  specially 
destined  against  the  Sandusky  towns.  It  was  commanded  by  the 
General  himself,  and  consisted  of  one  thousand  men  ;  but  such 
were  the  delays  in  getting  it  on  foot,  that  the  officers,  on  arriving 
at  Tuscarawa,  judged  it  imprudent  to  proceed  farther  at  such 
an  advanced  season  of  the  year.  They  therefore  halted  at  that 
place,  and  built  Fort  Laurens,  in  which  M‘Intosh  left  a  gar¬ 
rison  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  under  the  command  of  Co¬ 
lonel  John  Gibson,  and  returned  himself  to  Fort  Pitt  for  the 
winter.* 

Connected  with  these  distant  Indian  operations,  of  the  Sum- 

*  Doddridge’s  Indian  Wars. 

49 


352 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[177S 


mer  of  1778,  was  one  equally  distinguished  by  the  boldness  of 
its  conception  and  the  brilliancy  of  its  execution.  The  increas¬ 
ing  hostility  of  the  remote  tribes  upon  the  waters  of  the  Missis¬ 
sippi  and  its  tributaries,  had  induced  a  belief  that  a  powerful 
influence  must  have  been  exerted  upon  their  minds  by  the  set¬ 
tlements  planted  long  before  at  Kaskaskias,  and  in  the  country 
of  the  upper  Mississippi,  by  the  French,  in  connexion  with 
Canada.  For  the  purpose  of  striking  at  once  at  the  root  of  the 
evil,  an  expedition  was  organized  early  in  the  season,  the  object 
of  which  was  to  invade  and  take  possession  of  those  settlements. 
The  command  was  entrusted  to  Colonel  George  Rogers  Clarke, 
of  Virginia,  a  bold  and*  experienced  border  officer,  and  his 
whole  force,  destined  to  penetrate  twelve  hundred  miles  through 
a  wilderness,  which  was  in  fact  the  enemy’s  country,  did  not 
exceed  two  hundred  men.  The  rendezvous  of  this  little  army 
was  at  the  great  Kanhawa,  where  they  were  attacked  by  a 
superior  Indian  force  before  their  embarkation.  But  finding 
they  were  not  able  to  make  any  impression  upon  the  fort,  the 
assailants  drew  off,  having  killed  but  one  man  and  wounded 
one  or  two  more.  Descending  to  the  falls  of  the  Ohio,  a  small 
fort  was  erected  at  that  place,  in  which  a  garrison  was  left  of 
ten  or  twelve  families.  Arriving  within  about  sixty  miles  of 
the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  the  troops  were  landed,  and,  with  only 
four  days’  provisions,  marched  for  the  Illinois.  They  reached 
the  precincts  of  Kaskaskias  at  midnight  on  the  sixth  day, 
having  marched  two  days  without  food,  and  determined  forth¬ 
with,  and  unanimously,  to  take  the  town  or  die  in  the  attempt. 
The  town  was  strongly  fortified,  and  contained  about  two  hun¬ 
dred  and  fifty  well-built  houses  ;  but  the  approach  of  the  invaders 
was  unknown  ;  the  people  and  the  garrison  were  alike  slum¬ 
bering  in  security  ;  and  both  town  and  fort  were  taken — the 
latter  being  carried  by  surprise,  although  the  defences  were  suf- 
ciently  strong  to  resist  a  thousand  men.  The  commanding 
officer,  Philip  Rocheblave,  was  made  prisoner  ;  and  among  his  , 
papers,  falling  into  the  hands  of  Colonel  Clarke,  were  the  instruc¬ 
tions  which  he  had  from  time  to  time  received  from  the  British 
Governors  of  Quebec,  Detroit,  and  Michilimackinack,  urging 
him  to  stimulate  the  Indians  to  war  by  the  proffer  of  large 
bounties  for  scalps.  Rocheblave  was  sent  a  prisoner  to  Wil- 


353 


1778.]  colonel  clarke’s  expedition. 

liamsburgh  in  Virginia,  and  with  him  were  sent  the  papers 
taken  from  his  portfolio. 

On  the  day  after  the  fall  of  Kaskaskias,  Captain  Joseph 
Bowman,  at  the  head  of  thirty  mounted  men,  was  sent  to  attack 
three  other  towns  upon  the  Mississippi,  the  first  of  which, 
called  Parraderuski,  distant  fifteen  miles  from  Kaskaskias,  was 
surprised,  and  taken  without  opposition — the  inhabitants  at 
once  assenting  to  the  terms  of  the  conqueror.  The  next  town 
was  St.  Philips,  distant  nine  miles  farther  up.  The  force  of 
Captain  Bowman  was  so  small,  that  he  wisely  determined  to 
make  a  descent  upon  St.  Philips  in  the  night,  that  his  strength, 
or  rather  his  weakness,  might  be  concealed.  The  precaution 
ensured  success  ;  and  the  inhabitants,  with  whom  the  whole 
negotiation  was  conducted  in  the  night,  acceded  to4 the  terms 
prescribed.  From  St.  Philips,  Captain  Bowman  directed  his 
course  upon  the  yet  more  considerable  town  of  Cauhow,  distant 
between  forty  and  fifty  miles.  This  town  contained  about  one 
hundred  families,  and  was  also  approached  secretly,  and  entered 
in  the  night.  Captain  Bowman,  with  his  troop,  rode  directly 
to  the  quarters  of  the  commander,  and  demanded  the  surrender 
of  himself  and  the  whole  town,  which  was  immediately  com¬ 
plied  with.  Taking  possession  of  a  large  stone  house,  well 
fortfied,  the  “  bold  dragoon  ”  immediately  established  his  quar¬ 
ters  therein,  and  awaited  the  morning’s  dawn,  which  would 
disclose  to  the  people  the  diminutive  force  to  which  they  had 
surrendered.  Enraged  at  the  discovery,  one  of  the  enemy 
threatened  to  bring  a  body  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  Indians 
against  the  little  American  squadron,  and  cut  them  off.  But  he 
was  secured,  and  in  the  course  of  ten  days  upward  of  three 
hundred  of  the  inhabitants  became  so  reconciled  to  their 
change  of  masters,  as  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
United  States.  Leaving  a  small  guard  at  Cauhow,  Captain 
Bowman  returned  to  Kaskaskias.* 

But  the  enemy  on  the  New-York  frontiers  were  by  no  means 
inactive.  In  addition  to  the  severe  affair  in  the  Cobleskill  set¬ 
tlement,  in  which  Captain  Christian  Brown  was  the  leader  of 

*  The  facts  connected  with  this  expedition  of  Colonel  Clarke,  are  drawn  from  a 
letter  of  Captain  Bowman  to  Colonel  John  Hite  of  Virginia.  See  Almon’s  Ameri¬ 
can  Remembrancer,  vol.  vi.  pp.  82,  83.  The  settlements  thus  taken  were  imme¬ 
diately  erected  by  Virginia  into  a  county,  called  Illinois. 


354 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


(1778. 

the  American  militia  and  a  small  band  of  regulars,  as  noted 
in  the  last  preceding  chapter  but  one,  a  large  band  of  Indians 
and  Tories,  under  the  conduct  of  Brant  and  Barent  Frey,  broke 
into  the  same  district  at  the  close  of  May,  and  inflicted  no 
small  degree  of  damage  by  the  destruction  of  both  life  and 
property.  They  were  met  by  Captain  Patrick,  belonging  to 
Colonel  Alden’s  regiment,  and  a  handful  of  troops,  who  were 
entirely  eut.  to  pieces.  Captain  Patrick  fell  early  in  the  engage¬ 
ment.  His  lieutenant,  a  corporal,  and  nineteen  men,  were  also 
killed.  The  command  then  devolved  upon  a  sergeant,  who 
fought  bravely,  as  all  had  done.  But  they  were  surrounded 
by  a  force  greatly  superior  in  numbers,  and  but  four  men,  ex¬ 
clusive  of  the  sergeant,  escaped — all  wounded.  The  bodies  of 
Patrick  and  his  lieutenant  were  shockingly  mutilated.  A  por¬ 
tion  of  the  settlement  was  burnt,  and  the  settlement  of  Turlock, 
in  the  same  vicinity,  was  also  ravaged.* 

Nor  was  this  all.  In  the  course  of  the  Summer,  and  proba¬ 
bly  at  about  the  time  of  Colonel  Hartley’s  expedition  into  the 
country  above  Wyoming,  one  of  the  M’Donalds,  who  had  fled 
from  Johnstown,  a  loyalist  officer,  distinguished  for  his  activity, 
made  a  sudden  irruption  into  the  Schoharie  settlements,  at  the 
head  of  about  three  hundred  Tories  and  Indians,  burning 
houses,  and  killing  and  making  prisoners  such  of  the  inhabi¬ 
tants  as  came  in  his  way,  and  were  not  able  to  make  their 
escape.  The  little  fortress  of  Schoharie  was  occupied  by  a 
small  garrison,  commanded  by  Colonel  Yrooman — one  of  that 
class  of  men  who,  though  officers,  are  certain  never  to  be  called 
soldiers.  They  saw  the  ravages  of  the  enemy — the  conflagra¬ 
tions  by  night  rendering  visible  the  acts  of  outrage  committed 
by  day— but  from  their  own  weakness  dared  not  to  venture 
forth,  or  make  a  show  of  opposition.  The  brave  Colonel 
Harper  was  in  the  fort  with  Yrooman,  and  was  little  satisfied 
with  the  course  of  that  officer.  Leaving  the  fort,  therefore, 

*  The  only  account  of  this  affair  which  the  author  has  discovered,  was  found  ac¬ 
cidentally  among  the  papers  of  General  Gansevoort,  after  the  fourteenth  chapter  had 
been  printed.  It  is  contained  in  a  letter  from  Colonel  Richard  Yarick  to  Colonel 
Gansevoort,  dated  Schenectady,  June  3,  177S,  which  states  that  the  invasion  took 
place  on  the  preceding  Saturday.  Had  this  letter  been  sooner  discovered,  the  inci¬ 
dent  would  have  been  inserted  in  more  exact  chronological  order— since  the  affair 
in  which  Captain  Brown  was  the  American  commander,  occurred,  as  related  in  the 
fourteenth  chapter,  from  Brown’s  narrative,  more  than  a  month  afterward. 


1778.]  IRRUPTIONS  INTO  SCHOHARIE.  355 

himself,  he  succeeded  in  making  his  way  through  the  enemy, 
mounted  his  horse,  and  started  express  for  Albany.  His  move¬ 
ment  was  discovered,  and  several  Tories  and  Indians  were 
despatched  in  pursuit.  They  overtook  him  in  the  night  at  an 
inn  at  Fox’s  Creek,  after  he  had  retired  to  bed.  Hearing  the 
noise  below,  the  Colonel  sprang  up  in  full  panoply,  and  as 
they  broke  open  the  door  which  he  had  locked,  he  presented 
his  arms  with  such  earnestness,  that  they  recoiled.  Standing 
upon  the  watch  until  the  dawn  of  morning,  he  again  succeeded 
in  getting  to  horse,  and  rode  off.  One  of  the  Indians  followed 
him  almost  to  Albany— the  Colonel  being  obliged  frequently  to 
turn  upon  his  dusky  pursuer,  who  as  often  took  to  his  heels  as 
his  pursuit  was  discovered.  Having  communicated  the  situa¬ 
tion  of  affairs  in  the  Schoharie  valley  to  Colonel  Gansevoort, 
a  squadron  of  cavalry  was  forthwith  detached  to  their  assist¬ 
ance.  The  detachment  rode  all  night,  and  early  on  the  fol¬ 
lowing  morning,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  terrified  inhabitants 
who  remainedrthe  tramp  of  hoofs  announced  the  approach  of 
succors.  The  spirited  light-horse-men  had  no  sooner  sounded 
a  charge  and  made  a  dash  upon  the  besiegers,  led  on  by  Har¬ 
per,  than  the  troops  sallied  out  from  the  fort,  and  a  precipitate 
retreat  of  the  enemy  was  the  consequence.* 

The  people  of  Schoharie  had  suffered  severely  from  the 
scouts  and  scalping  parties  of  the  enemy  during  the  Summer ; 
but  their  bravery  in  individual  contests  had  amply  avenged 
their  wrongs.  On  one  occasion  a  party  of  seven  Indians  made 
prisoner  of  a  Mr.  Sawyer,  whom  they  bound,  and  marched  off 
into  the  wilderness.  Having  proceeded  eight  or  ten  miles, 
they  laid  themselves  down  to  sleep  for  the  night.  But  their 
prisoner  had  been  less  effectually  secured  than  they  supposed. 
In  the  course  of  the  night  he  succeeded  in  disengaging  his 
hands,  and  cautiously  taking  a  hatchet  from  the  girdle  of  one 
of  the  Indians,  he  despatched  six  of  them  in  rapid  succession, 
and  wounded  the  seventh,  who  made  his  escape.  Having  thus 
relieved  himself  of  his  keepers,  Sawyer  returned  home  in 
safety,  and  at  his  leisure. t 

Soon  after  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Wil¬ 
liam  Butler,  with  one  of  the  Pennsylvania  regiments  and  a 
detachment  of  Morgan’s  riflemen,  was  ordered  to  the  North, 

*  Letter  of  Rev.  Mr.  Fenn,  of  Harpersfield.  f  Campbell’s  Annals. 


356 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1773. 


and  stationed  at  Schoharie.  Butler  was  a  brave  and  expe¬ 
rienced  officer,  especially  qualified  for  the  service  upon  which 
he  was  appointed.*  His  arrival  in  Schoharie  had  a  salu¬ 
tary  effect,  by  discouraging  the  disaffected,  and  by  the  presence 
of  a  stronger  force  than  had  yet  been  among  them,  establishing 
the  confidence  and  reviving  the  spirits  of  the  people.  Several 
of  his  scouting  parties  also  returned  with  good  success.  At¬ 
tached  to  the  rifle  corps,  under  Captain  Long,  were  several  bold 
spirits,  who  signalized  themselves  so  greatly  in  the  partisan 
warfare  in  which  they  were  engaged,  that  many  of  their  ex¬ 
ploits  are  freshly  remembered  among  the  inhabitants  of  Scho¬ 
harie  to  this  day.  Of  this  number  were  David  Elerson,  and  a 
Virginian  named  Murphy.  The  first  expedition  of  Captain 
Long  was  directed  to  the  valley  of  the  Charlotte  river — one  of 
the  upper  tributaries  of  the  Susquehanna,  flowing  from  the 
mountains  south  of  Schoharie.  The  object  was  to  arrest  and 
bring  to  the  fort  a  conspicuous  Tory  living  upon  that  stream, 
named  Service.  His  house  being  a  point  of  rendezvous  and 
supply  for  the  Tory  and  Indian  scouts,  it  was  desirable  that  it 
should  be  broken  up.  While  on  his  way  to  the  place  of  desti¬ 
nation,  it  was  the  good  fortune  of  Captain  Long  to  intercept  a 
company  of  Tories,  enlisted  for  the  King’s  service,  in  the  neigh¬ 
borhood  of  Catskill,  by  a  Captain  Smith,  who  were  then  on 
their  way  to  join  Sir  John  Johnson  at  Niagara.  Smith  was 
killed  by  the  simultaneous  shots  of  Elerson  and  his  Captain — 
they  being  a  few  rods  in  advance  at  the  moment  when  the  Tory 
leader  emerged  at  the  head  of  his  men  from  a  thicket.  His 
followers  fled  in  every  direction.  They  had  intended  to  lodge 
that  night  with  Service  ;  but  that  unfortunate  man  had  guests 
of  quite  another  character.  While  unapprised  of  danger,  his 
house  was  surrounded  by  the  troops  of  Long,  when  in  an  in¬ 
stant  Murphy  and  Elerson  rushed  in,  and  made  him  a  prisoner. 
Having  been  informed  that  he  must  accompany  them  to  Scho¬ 
harie,  on  leaving  his  house  he  seized  an  axe  standing  by  the 
door,  which  he  poised,  and  directed  for  a  blow  at  the  head  of 
Murphy.  The  latter  was  too  quick-sighted  to  receive  it ;  but 
as  he  sprang  aside  to  avoid  the  descending  weapon,  Service  fell 
dead  from  the  rifle  of  Elerson. 

After  his  term  of  enlistment  had  expired,  Murphy  remained 
*  Letter  of  Washington  to  General  Stark. 


1778.]  AFFAIRS  AT  FORT  SCHUYLER.  357 

in  Schoharie,  and  made  war  on  his  own  account.  He  was  as 
remarkable  for  his  fleetness,  as  for  his  courage  and  great  pre¬ 
cision  in  firing.  He  used  a  double-barrelled  rifle  ;  and  the  fact 
of  his  frequently  firing  twice  in  succession,  without  stopping  to 
load,  and  always  bringing  down  his  man,  rendered  him  a  ter¬ 
ror  to  the  Indians.  Not  knowing  the  peculiar  construction  of 
his  rifle,  they  were  impressed  with  the  belief  that  it  was  a 
charmed  weapon,  and  supposed  he  could  continue  firing  as 
long  and  as  often  as  he  pleased  without  loading  at  all.  He 
fought  the  savages  after  their  own  fashion — was  more  than 
their  equal  in  stratagem  or  with  his  heels — and  the  greater  the 
apparent  danger  he  was  encountering,  the  greater  was  his  de¬ 
light.  When  he  had  opportunity,  he  took  pattern  of  the  In¬ 
dians  in  scalping  those  who  fell  by  his  unerring  aim ;  and  it 
was  said  that  lie  killed  forty  of  their  warriors  with  his  own 
hands. 

Colonel  Gansevoort  yet  remained  in  the  command  of  Fort 
Schuyler,  and  was  continued  there  during  nearly  the  whole 
year,  although,  wearied  by  inaction,  Willett,  and  others  of  his 
officers,  made  a  strong  and  formal  effort  to  be  relieved,  that 
their  regiment  might  have  an  opportunity  to  distinguish  them¬ 
selves  in  the  field  with  the  main  army.  At  Fort  Schuyler 
they  could  have  little  else  to  do  than  observe  the  motions  of  the 
enemy  on  the  lakes  and  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  to  watch,  and 
occasionally  cut  off,  a  hostile  party  when  venturing  too  near 
the  garrison.  But  from  the  correspondence  of  the  officers,  it 
would  appear  that  the  troops  of  the  garrison  must  have  been 
the  severest  sufferers  from  this  petty  mode  of  warfare,  since  the 
enemy  seemed  ever  to  be  hovering  in  the  precincts,  ready  to 
bring  down  or  carry  into  captivity  such  straggling  soldiers  as 
ventured  beyond  musket-shot  from  the  fort.* 


*  As  an  example  of  these  individual  murders,  the  following  passage  is  copied 
from  a  MS.  letter  from  Major  Robert  Cochran  to  Colonel  Gansevoort,  dated  Sept. 
8,  1778.  During  the  occasional  absences  of  Colonel  Gansevoort,  Major  Cochran 
was  in  command  of  the  post : — “  This  morning,  Benjamin  Acker,  of  Captain  De 
Witt’s  company,  who  was  out  in  the  meadow,  was  killed  and  scalped  by  a  party  of 
Indians,  who  were  seen  and  fired  at  by  the  sentinel  near  Brodack’s  house.  I  heard 
the  firing  in  my  room,  and  ran  to  the  officer  of  the  guard  to  know  what  was  the 
matter.  I  was  informed  that  a  party  of  Indians  had  fired  upon  one  of  our  men  who 
had  gone  to  catch  a  horse,  and  that  he  had  either  been  killed  or  taken  prisoner.  I 
ordered  Captain  Bleecker  to  go  out  immediately,  with  the  guard  just  parading,  to  see 


358 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


1778. 


Early  in  July,  Lieutenant  M’Clellan,  an  active  and  efficient 
officer,  was  sent  with  a  small  party  to  destroy  the  buildings  and 
public  works  at  Oswego,  which  it  was  ascertained  were  not  at 
that  moment  in  the  occupation  of  the  enemy.  The  object  of 
the  expedition  was  accomplished  and  the  buildings  where  burnt 
to  the  ground,  together  with  a  quantity  of  ammunition,  pro¬ 
visions,  and  other  public  stores.  It  seems  unaccountable  that 
this  post  should  have  been  left  thus  wholly  unprotected  ;  the 
only  occupants  found  by  the  American  party  being  a  woman 
and  her  children,  and  a  lad  fourteen  years  old.  The  woman 
and  her  family,  together  with  her  furniture  and  a  suitable 
supply  of  provisions,  were  placed  in  an  out-building,  and  left 
without  farther  molestation.  The  boy  was  brought  off  as  a 
prisoner,  and  furnished  some  important  information  touching 
the  movements  of  the  enemy  between  their  island  rendezvous 
in  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  Niagara* 

But  Colonel  Gansevoort  had  some  serious  troubles  to  en¬ 
counter  within  the  garrison,  and  some  painful  duties  to  execute. 
Nothwithstanding  the  high  character  which  the  forces  consti¬ 
tuting  the  garrison  had  acquired,  and  the  sound  patriotism  of 
his  officers,  the  spirit  of  disaffection  appeared  among  them  in 
the  Spring,  and  the  early  part  of  the  Summer,  to  an  alarming 
extent.  Distant  as  was  the  post  of  Fort  Schuyler  from  New- 
York,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  succeeded  in  the  introduction  of 
an  emissary  within  the  fort,  in  the  character  of  a  recruit.  His 
name  was  Samuel  Geake.  He  was  an  American  soldier,  and 
had  been  corrupted  while  a  prisoner  in  New- York,  whence  he 
was  sent  forth,  in  company  with  Major  Hammell,  also  an  Ame¬ 
rican  prisoner,  whose  virtue  yielded  to  the  all-subduing  power 
of  gold.t  Geake  accompanied  Hammell  to  Poughkeepsie, 

if  he  could  find  him  dead  or  alive.  They  found  Acker  lying  dead.  He  was  scalped, 
and  a  weapon  about  two  feet  and  a  half  long,  like  this  ” — [here  Major  Cochran  gave 
a  drawing  of  the  instrument — a  war  club,  with  a  blade  like  the  spear  of  a  lance  in¬ 
serted  in  the  side,  near  the  upper  end  of  it,] — “lying  near  him.  This  lance-head 
had  been  stuck  several  times  in  his  body.  It  is  supposed  to  have  been  left  behind 
on  purpose,  as  there  were  several  marks  on  it,  denoting  the  number  of  persons  killed 
and  scalps  taken  by  the  means  of  it.” — [Captain  Bleecker  mentioned  in  the  forego¬ 
ing  extract,  is  the  venerable  Leonard  Bleecker,  yet  living  at  Sing  Sing.  He  was  a 
very  active  and  efficient  officer  at  Fort  Schuyler  for  a  long  time.] 

*  MS.  draft  of  a  letter  from  Colonel  Gansevoort  to  General  Stark,  July  10, 1778. 
t  Hammell  was  Brigade-major  to  General  James  Clinton,  and  had  been  taken  by 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  at  the  storming  of  Fort  Montgomery.  According  to  Geake’s 


1778.]  AFFAIRS  AT  FORT  SCHUYLER.  359 

where,  in  furtherance  of  his  iniquitous  designs,  he  enlisted  in 
Captain  Abraham  Swartwout’s  company,*  and  was  transferred 
to  Fort  Schuyler,  to  join  Colonel  Gansevoort’s  regiment ;  into 
which  place,  for  specific  objects,  he  was  instructed  to  insinuate 
himself  by  an  aid-de-camp  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton.  After  Ham- 
mell’s  arrest,  Colonel  Varick  wrote  to  Gansevoort.  putting  him 
on  his  guard  as  to  the  character  of  Geake.  A  sergeant  named 
Kartele  was  employed  by  Colonel  Gansevoort  to  ingratiate 
himself  in  Geake’s  confidence,  and,  if  possible,  ascertain  his 
true  character,  and  penetrate  his  designs.  The  commission 
was  successfully  executed  by  the  sergeant,  and  the  whole  cir¬ 
cumstances  of  Hammell’s  employment  by  the  enemy,  and  his 
own,  were  elicited.  Geake  was  thereupon  arrested,  but  not 
until  he  had  made  great  progress  in  his  designs,  and  was  on 
the  eve  of  desertion,  for  the  purpose  of  joining  the  British  army 
in  Philadelphia.  He  was  tried  by  a  court-martial,  made  a  full 
confession,  and,  with  his  confederates,  was  sentenced  to  death.! 
The  sentence  was  not  carried  into  execution  against  Geake, 
not  only  because  the  constitution  of  the  court  was  irregular, 
but  because  of  the  desire  of  the  Commander-in-chief  to  spare 
him  as  a  witness  against  Hammell,  as  will  presently  appear. 
The  following  documents  will  complete  this  section  of  the  pro¬ 
ceedings  at  Fort  Schuyler  : — 


confession,  Hammell  was  employed  in  the  commissary  of  prisoners’  department, 
by  the  British  officers  in  New- York,  before  he  was  sent  out  upon  his  mission  of 
treason.  General  James  Clinton,  by  the  way,  was  not  taken  at  Fort  Montgomery, 
as  stated  in  the  text  account  of  that  affair.  Though  wounded,  he  escaped  ;  although 
hiaffirother,  the  Governor,  supposed  him  to  be  a  prisoner,  when  he  wrote  his  official 
account  to  the  Committee  of  Safety. 

*  Captain  Swartwout  was  with  Gansevoort  at  the  siege  of  Fort  Schuyler,  and 
gave  his  cloth  cloak  to  form  the  blue  stripes  of  the  flag  spoken  of  in  the  account 
of  the  siege,  as  being  made  up  for  the  occasion. 

f  These  facts  have  been  gathered  from  the  proceedings  of  the  court-martial,  pre¬ 
served  among  General  Gansevoort’s  papers.  The  president  of  the  court  was  Cap¬ 
tain  Gregg,  who  had  been  shot,  tomahawked,  and  scalped,  the  year  before.  Ac¬ 
cording  to  Geake’s  confession,  Hammell  was  promised  a  Colonelcy  of  a  new  Irish 
regiment  to  be  raised  from  deserters  from  the  American  army,  and  such  others  as 
they  could  enlist  Geake  was  to  receive  a  commission  as  lieutenant.  His  mission 
to  Fort  Schuyler  was  to  acquire  accurate  knowledge  of  its  strength  and  the 
extent  of  its  supplies — to  induce  as  many  of  the  garrison  to  desert  as  possible — and 
to  spike  the  cannon  on  their  departure. 

50 


360 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 


Colonel  Gansevoort  to  General  Washington. 

11  Fort  Schuyler ,  August  13,  1778. 

“  Sir, 

“I  have  the  unhappiness  to  inform  your  Excellency  that 
desertion  has  lately  been  very  frequent  from  this  garrison. 
Since  the  26th  of  last  March  we  have  had  three  sergeants,  two 
corporals,  and  twenty  privates  desert  from  this  battalion,  besides 
one  bombardier,  one  gunner,  and  one  other  from  the  artillery. 
Before  the  date  above  mentioned,  several  soldiers  had  been 
tried  by  a  general  Court  Martial  at  this  garrison  for  desertion, 
but  never  received  the  punishment  due  their  crimes.  The  sen¬ 
tences  of  these  different  courts  martial  were  carefully  sent  to 
the  commanding  General  of  this  Department,*  but  no  returns 
have  been  ever  received.  Some  time  in  June  last,  Colonel 
Yarick  informed  me  that  a  recruit,  who  had  just  joined  our  bat¬ 
talion,  was  suspected  of  being  a  confederate  with  Major  Ham- 
mell.  I  ordered  his  conduct  to  be  narrowly  inspected.  He 
was  detected  in  the  fact  of  corrupting  and  enticing  the  soldiers 
to  desert.  Upon  being  apprehended,  he  confessed  that  he  came 
upon  such  designs,  and  was  sent  by  an  aid-de-camp  of  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  as  a  spy — to  endeavor  to  enlist  what  Irishmen 
he  could  from  the  American  army.  There  was  every  appear¬ 
ance  of  his  being  a  spy.  He  was  immediately  tried  by  a  gene¬ 
ral  court  martial — the  sentence  was  directly  sent  down  for  ap¬ 
probation,  but  no  answer  has  been  received,  and  the  man  still 
lies  confined  in  irons. 

“  Finding  the  spirit  of  desertion  to  increase,  and  the  men  in 
general  to  be  exceeding  uneasy, — probably  arising  from  their 
being  so  long  stationed  on  this  frontier  post.  They  have  been 
frequently  heard  in  their  private  conversations  to  say  that  they 
would  sooner  die  than  stay  here  the  ensuing  winter.  My  of¬ 
ficers,  as  well  as  myself,  were  convinced,  that  unless  some  ex¬ 
ample  was  made,  we  should  not  be  able  to  check  this  growing 
evil.  A  party  of  five  men  deserted  on  the  10th  of  August. 
They  were  taken  by  the  Tuscarora  Indians,  on  their  way  to 
Canada,  fifty  miles  from  this  fort.  They  were  brought  in  on 
the  13th.  A  general  court  martial  was  convened  on  the  15th. 
They  were  sentenced  to  die.  The  officers  in  a  body  desired 


*  General  Stark  was  then  in  command  at  Albany. 


AFFAIRS  AT  FORT  SCHUYLER. 


361 


1778.] 

their  immediate  execution,  as  the  only  way  effectually  to  stop 
the  increasing  spirit  of  desertion. 

“  While  these  men  were  under  sentence  of  death,  a  party  re¬ 
turned  from  the  German  Flatts,  who  had  been  to  drive  cattle 
to  this  garrison.  They  had  lost  six  men  by  desertion,  who 
were  pursued,  but  without  effect.  This,  together  with  the 
above  reasons,  and  being  apprehensive  of  some  design  of  the 
enemy,  and  hearing  a  report  which  they  had  carefully  spread 
among  the  savages,  of  having  upward  of  seventy  men  enlisted 
in  this  garrison,  who  would  rise  upon  their  appearance,  con¬ 
vinced  me  of  the  necessity  of  a  rigid  example,  and  resolved  me 
to  take  the  advice  of  my  officers  by  ordering  the  prisoners  to 
be  executed.  They  were  accordingly  shot  at  the  head  of  the 
regiment  on  the  17th.*  In  doing  of  which,  although  I  could 
not  find  that  the  articles  of  war  gave  me  the  fullest  authority, 
yet,  as  commanding  officer  of  a  frontier  post,  far  distant  from 
the  Commander  in-chief,  and  having  a  separate  commission 
from  Congress  as  commandant  of  this  post,  I  considered  myself 
fully  empowered  in  a  case  of  such  great  necessity.  I  hope 
your  Excellency  will  be  convinced  of  this  necessity,  and  ap¬ 
prove  of  the  justness  of  the  execution.  Inclosed  your  Excel¬ 
lency  has  a  copy  of  the  proceedings  of  the  court  martial.  I 
am,  &c.” 


General  Washington  to  Colonel  Gansevoort. 


“  Head-  Quarters,  White  Plains ,  ) 
“  29th  August,  1778.  ] 


“Sir. 

“  I  have  just  received  your  favor  of  the  13th  instant.  In¬ 
closed  is  a  copy  of  a  letter  sent  you  some  time  ago  respecting 
the  court  martial  you  transmitted. 

“  The  spirit  of  desertion  which  possessed  your  soldiers,  was 
certainly  very  alarming,  and  required  a  serious  check.  I  hope 
the  intention  of  the  example  you  have  made  will  be  fully  an¬ 
swered  ;  and  although  the  proceeding  was  not  strictly  in  the 
prescribed  form,  yet  the  necessity  of  the  case  may  justify  the 
measure. 


*  Notwithstanding  this  severe  example,  it  is  noted  in  the  private  diary  of  Adju¬ 
tant  Hutton,  of  Colonel  Gansevoort’s  regiment,  that  on  the  same  day  on  which  these 
five  men  were  tried  and  sentenced  to  death,  six  others  deserted  ;  and  two  others  de¬ 
serted  five  days  after  their  execution.— Fide  Gansevoort' s  papers. 


362 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 

“  I  have  spoken  to  Lieut.  Colonel  Willett  on  the  application 
of  the  officers  of  the  garrison.  It  is  impossible  to  comply  at 
present  with  their  request,  things  are  so  circumstanced — but 
I  shall  take  steps  to  relieve  it  before  winter.* 

“ 1  am,  sir,  your  obedient,  humble  serv’t. 

11  Geo.  Washington.” 

“  Col.  Gansevoort.”X 

The  position  of  Fort  Schuyler  was  of  the  first  importance, 
as  the  key  to  the  western  entrance  of  the  Mohawk  country ;  but 
it  was  nevertheless  too  remote  from  the  upper  German  settle¬ 
ments  of  the  valley,  to  afford  them  protection  from  sudden  ir¬ 
ruptions  of  the  enemy  avoiding  that  fortress  in  their  approach. 
The  consequence  was,  that  the  work  of  destruction  was  actively 
prosecuted  among  the  settlements  referred  to,  during  the  Sum¬ 
mer  of  this  year.  The  first  blow  was  struck  upon  a  small  and 
rather  secluded  hamlet,  called  Andrus-town,  situated  about  six 
miles  south-east  of  the  German  Flatts,t  on  the  18th  of  July,  by 
a  small  party  of  Indians  led  by  Brant  in  person.  This  settle¬ 
ment  consisted  of  seven  families,  planted  upon  a  lot  of  one 


*  In  November  following,  Gansevoort’s  command  was  relieved  by  Colonel  Guise 
Van  Schaick,  whose  regiment  was  assigned  to  that  post. 

f  These  letters  have  been  copied  by  the  author  from  the  originals.  The  enclo¬ 
sure  mentioned  in  the  above  letter  from  General  Washington  reads  as  follows: — 


[Copy.] 

“  Head-Quarters ,  White  Plains,  ) 
“Jlugust  13,  1778.  5 

*l  Sir, 

“  I  have  received  the  proceedings  of  a  court-martial  held  by  your  order,  respecting 
Samuel  Geake.  As  neither  the  articles  of  war,  nor  any  resolves  of  Congress,  au¬ 
thorise  the  constituting  of  general  courts-martial  by  any  other  than  the  Commander 
in-chief,  the  commanding  officer  of  a  separate  department,  or  a  general  officer  com¬ 
manding  in  a  particular  State,  I  should  have  been  under  the  necessity  of  ordering  a 
second  trial,  and  appointing  a  court  for  the  purpose,  if  it  had  been  judged  expedient 
to  bring  Geake  to  punishment.  But  as  his  confession  contains  information  very 
pointedly  against  Major  Hammell,  which  concurs  with  other  accounts  I  have  received, 
I  think  it  of  more  importance  to  the  public  to  save  Geake,  as  a  witness  against  Ham¬ 
mell,  than  to  make  an  example  of  him.  You  will  therefore  keep  him  in  such  a  kind 
of  confinement  as  will  effectually  prevent  his  escape,  till  matters  are  ripe  for  the 
prosecution  of  Major  Hammell,  and  at  the  same  time  will  be  as  little  rigorous  as  the 
nature  of  the  case  will  admit.  He  need,  however  know  nothing  of  my  intention. 
I  am,  &c. 

“Geo.  Washington.” 

“  Col.  Gansevoort .” 


J  In  the  North  part  of  the  present  town  of  Warren. 


1778.]  DESTRUCTION  OF  GERMAN  FLATTS.  363 

thousand  acres.*  They  were  in  affluent  circumstances  for 
borderers,  and  the  object  of  the  invasion  was  plunder.  The 
settlement  was  utterly  destroyed — every  thing  of  value  that 
could  be  removed,  was  carried  away — the  houses  and  other 
buildings  were  reduced  to  ashes — an  aged  man  named  Bell,  with 
his  son  and  two  others,  was  killed — one  other  inhabitant 
perished  in  the  flames  of  his  own  house — and  the  remainder  of 
the  little  colony  were  carried  into  captivity.  Advices  of  this 
catastrophe  had  no  sooner  reached  the  Flatts,  than  a  party  of 
resolute  Whigs  determined  to  pursue  the  marauders,  among 
whom  was  John  Frank,  one  of  the  Committee  of  Safety.!  Ar¬ 
riving  at  the  scene  of  desolation,  they  hastily  buried  the  dead, 
and  continued  their  march,  accompanied  by  six  or  seven 
friendly  Indians,  to  the  Little  Lakes,!  where,  also,  was  a  small 
white  colony  known  as  “Young’s  Settlement,”  from  the  name 
of  its  founder.  Here  it  was  discovered  that  the  enemy  was  so  far 
in  advance,  that  the  chase  was  relinquished.  But  as  Young, 
the  head  man  of  the  settlement,  was  a  Tory,  as  also  was  his 
next  neighbor,  a  man  named  Collyer,  the  exasperated  Whigs 
avenged,  to  a  small  extent,  the  destruction  of  Andrus-town,  by 
plundering  and  burning  their  habitations. 

But  the  most  considerable  event  of  the  season  in  that  vicinity, 
was  the  entire  destruction  of  the  comparatively  extensive  and 
populous  settlement  of  the  German  Flatts.  This  settlement, 
originally  called  Burnetsfield,  from  the  circumstance  that  the 
patent  had  been  granted  by  Governor  Burnet,  extended  over 
the  richest  and  most  beautiful  section  of  the  Mohawk  Yalley, 
comprehending  the  broad  alluvial  lands  directly  beyond  the 
junction  of  the  West  Canada  creek  and  the  river,  and  includ¬ 
ing  about  ten  miles  of  the  valley  from  east  to  west.  Midway 
of  the  settlement,  on  the  south  side  of  the  river,  yet  stands  the 
ancient  stone  church,  the  westernmost  of  the  line  of  those 
structures  built  under  the  auspices  of  Sir  William  Johnson. 

*  The  names  of  the  proprietors  were  Bell,  Frank,  Oosterhoudt,  Crim,  Staring, 
Lepper,  and  Hoyer. 

!  John  Frank,  Esq.  yet  a  resident  of  German  Flatts,  very  old,  but  with  mental 
faculties  unimpaired.  The  author  has  known  him  these  twenty-five  years,  and  in 
September,  1837,  paid  him  a  visit.  Most  of  the  information  respecting  the  events 
now  immediately  under  consideration,  is  derived  from  him. 

J  Two  small  lakes  in  the  South-east  part  of  the  town  of  Warren,  discharging 
their  waters  into  Otsego  Lake. 


364 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 

A  short  distance  east  of  the  church  stood  the  large  and  mas¬ 
sive-built  stone  mansion  of  the  Herkimer  family,  which,  like 
the  church  itself,  was  used  as  a  fort.*  Hence  it  was  called  Fort 
Herkimer.  On  the  north  side  of  the  river,  upon  a  gravelly 
plain,  elevated  some  ten  or  fifteen  feet  above  the  surrounding 
flatts,  stood  Fort  Day  ton.  t 

At  the  time  of  which  we  are  writing,  the  settlement  on  the 
south  side  of  the  river  numbered  thirty-four  dwelling-houses, 
and  there  were  about  an  equal  number  upon  the  north  side, 
together  with  as  many  barns  and  other  out-buildings,  and 
several  mills.  The  population,  for  the  number  of  houses,  was 
numerous.  The  lands,  rich  by  nature,  and  well  cultivated, 
had  that  year  brought  forth  by  handfuls  ;  so  that  the  barns 
were  amply  stored  with  their  products. 

It  was  at  the  close  of  August,  or  early  in  the  month  of  Septem¬ 
ber,  that  this  fine  district  was  laid  waste  by  the  Indians  under  the 
direction  of  Brant.  Most  providentially,  however,  the  invasion 
was  attended  with  the  loss  of  but  two  lives — one  man  being 
killed  outright,  and  another,  named  M‘Ginnis,  perished  in  the 
flames.  The  particulars  of  this  hostile  irruption  were  these  : — 
Entertaining  some  suspicions  of  Brant,  who  was  at  Unadilla, 
a  scout  of  four  men  had  been  despatched  irfto  that  vicinity  for 
observation.  Three  of  these  men  were  killed  at  the  Edmeston 
settlement.  The  fourth,  John  Helmer,  succeeded  in  making 
his  escape,  and  returned  to  the  flatts  at  half  an  hour  before  sun¬ 
down,  just  in  time  to  announce  that  Brant,  with  a  large  body 
of  Indians,  was  advancing,  and  would,  in  a  few  hours,  be  upon 
them.  All  was,  of  course,  terror  and  alarm  through  the  settle- 

*  It  was  at  this  place  that  the  first  Liberty  Pole  in  the  valley  was  reared,  in  the 
Spring  of  1775.  The  sheriff  of  Tryon  County,  White,  with  whose  subsequent  his¬ 
tory  the  reader  is  already  acquainted,  came  up  to  the  flatts  with  a  large  body  of 
militia  from  Johnstown,  and  cut  it  down.  White  had  been  a  captain  in  the  French 
war. 

f  The  present  site  of  the  village  of  Herkimer,  in  the  town  of  the  same  name,  and 
one  of  the  most  beautiful  localities  in  America.  The  name  of  German  Flatts  was 
designed  for  this  town,  which  would  have  been  the  most  appropriate,  as  Herkimer 
would  have  been  for  the  town  on  the  south  side  of  the  river,  now  called  German 
Flatts,  where  the  flatts  are  far  less  extensive,  and  where  the  Herkimer  family 
resided.  The  mistake  was  made  by  the  legislature  when  the  towns  were  named. 
This  explanation,  together  with  the  geographical  description  in  the  text,  is  necessary 
to  prevent  confusion  in  regard  to  the  localities  of  Forts  Dayton  and  Herkimer,  in 
the  record  of  subsequent  events. 


1778.] 


DESTRUCTION  OP  GERMAN  PLATTS. 


365 


ment ;  and  the  inhabitants — men,  women,  and  children — were 
gathered  into  Forts  Dayton  and  Herkimer  for  security.  In 
flying  to  those  defences,  they  gathered  up  the  most  valuable  of 
their  stuff,  and  by  means  of  boats  and  canoes  upon  the  river, 
succeeded,  in  the  course  of  the  evening,  in  collecting  a  large 
portion  of  their  best  articles  of  furniture.  But  they  had  no 
time  to  look  after  their  flocks  and  herds. 

Early  in  the  evening  Brant  arrived  at  the  edge  of  the  settle¬ 
ment,  but  as  the  night  came  on  excessively  dark  and  rainy,  he 
halted  with  his  forces  in  a  ravine,  near  the  house  of  his  Tory 
friend  Shoemaker,  where  the  younger  Butler  and  his  party 
were  captured  the  preceding  year.  Here  the  chieftain  lay 
with  his  warriors  until  the  storm  broke  away  toward  morning 
■ — unconscious  that  his  approach  had  been  notified  to  the  peo¬ 
ple  by  the  scout  in  season  to  enable  them  to  escape  the  blow 
of  his  uplifted  arm.  Before  the  dawn  he  was  on  foot,  and  his 
warriors  were  sweeping  through  the  settlement;  so  that  the  torch 
might  be  almost  simultaneously  applied  to  every  building  it 
contained.  Just  as  the  day  was  breaking  in  the  east,  the  fires 
were  kindled,  and  the  whole  section  of  the  valley  was  speedily 
illuminated  by  the  flames  of  houses  and  barns,  and  all  things 
else  combustible.  The  spectacle,  to  the  people  in  the  forts, 
was  one  of  melancholy  grandeur.  Every  family  saw  the 
flames  and  smoke  of  its  own  domicil  ascending  to  the  skies, 
and  every  farmer  the  whole  product  of  his  labor  for  the  season 
dissolving  into  ashes. 

Having  no  fire-arms  larger  than  their  rifles,  the  Indians 
avoided  even  a  demonstration  against  the  forts,  notwithstanding 
their  chagrin  that  neither  scalps  nor  prisoners  were  to  grace 
their  triumph.  But  as  the  light  of  day  advanced,  their  warriors 
were  seen  singly,  or  in  small  groups,  scouring  the  fields,  and 
driving  away  all  the  horses,  sheep,  and  black  cattle  that  could 
be  found.  Nothing  upon  which  they  could  lay  their  hands 
was  left;  and  the  settlement,  which,  but  the  day  before,  for  ten 
miles  had  smiled  in  plenty  and  in  beauty,  was  now  houseless 
and  destitute.*  Happily,  however,  of  human  life  there  was  no 

*  The  Remembrancer  states  that  there  were  63  dwelling-houses,  57  bams,  3 
grist-mills,  and  two  saw-mills  burnt,  with  most  of  the  furniture  and  grain  kept 
therein ;  and  235  horses,  229  horned- cattle,  269  sheep,  and  93  oxen,  taken  and  car¬ 
ried  away.  Judge  Frank  informed  the  author  that  he  was  upon  guard  on  the  morn- 


366 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 

greater  sacrifice  than  has  already  been  mentioned.  After  the 
Indians  had  decamped  with  their  booty,  a  force  of  between 
three  and  four  hundred  militia-men  collected,  and  went  in  pur¬ 
suit — following  as  far  as  Edmeston’s  plantation  on  the  Una- 
dilla  river,  where  the  bodies  of  the  three  scouts  were  found  and 
buried.  But  no  other  results  attended  this  expedition.*  A  party 
of  the  Oneida  Indians  was  more  successful.  They  penetrated 
into  one  of  the  Unadilla  settlements,  burnt  several  houses,  retook 
some  of  the  cattle  driven  from  the  German  Flatts,  and  brought 
off  a  number  of  prisoners.  The  results  of  this  little  expedition 
were  communicated  to  Major  Cochran,  then  in  command  at 
Fort  Schuyler,  on  or  about  the  25th  of  September,  by  a  depu¬ 
tation  of  about  one  hundred  of  the  Oneida  and  Tuscarora  war¬ 
riors,  in  the  following  speech  : — 

“  Brothers  :  We  have  now  taken  the  hatchet  and  burnt 
Unadilla, t  and  a  place  called  the  Butternuts.  We  have  brought 
five  prisoners  from  each  of  those  places.  Our  warriors  were 
particular  that  no  hurt  should  be  done  to  women  and  children. 
We  left  four  old  men  behind,  who  were  no  more  able  to  go  to 
war.  We  have  re-taken  William  Dygert,  who  was  taken 
about  nine  weeks  ago  by  Brant  on  Fall  Hill.  We  now  deliver 
him  to  you,  so  that  he  may  return  to  his  friends.  Last  year 
we  took  up  the  hatchet  at  Stillwater,  and  we  will  now  continue 
it  in  our  hands.  The  Grasshopper,  one  of  the  Oneida  chiefs, 
took  to  himself  one  of  the  prisoners  to  live  with  him  in  his  own 
family,  and  has  adopted  him  as  a  son. 

“  Brothers  :  We  deliver  you  six  prisoners,  with  whom  you 
are  to  act  as  you  please. 

mg  of  the  conflagration,  standing  upon  the  corner  of  the  fort  (Herkimer,)  which 
afforded  him  the  best  view  of  the  scene  when  the  flames  broke  forth.  He  also  saw 
the  dusky  swarms  of  savages  rush  down  the  hill-slopes  into  the  meadows  after  the 
cattle,  as  soon  as  it  was  sufficiently  light  to  discern  objects  with  tolerable  distinct¬ 
ness.  The  whole  scene,  he  says,  was  picturesque  and  sublime. 

*  “  Captain  Gilbert  Tice  came  from  Niagara  a  few  days  before  Brant  set  out  with 
his  party  to  destroy  the  German  Flatts.  He  had  33  Indians  with  him,  mostly  Mo¬ 
hawks.  Brant’s  whole  party  at  the  German  Flatts  was  300  Tories,  and  152  In¬ 
dians.  There  were  no  regular  troops  amongst  them.” — MS.  letter  of  Major  Cochran 
to  Colonel  Gansevoort,  Sept.  28,  1778. 

f  The  Indians  must  have  meant  one  of  the  upper  settlements  on  the  Unadilla, 
somewhere  between  the  Butternuts  and  the  “  Forks,”  about  twenty-five  miles  north 
of  the  embouchure  of  that  river  into  the  Susquehanna.  The  principal  town  of  the 
Indians  was  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  was  destroyed  two  or  three  weeks  after¬ 
ward  by  Colonel  Butler,  as  will  presently  appear. 


1778.]  EXPEDITION  OF  COLONEL  BUTLER.  367 

“  Brothers  :  You  had  a  man  scalped  here  some  time  ago. 
We  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras  have  now  taken  revenge,  and 
have  brought  you  some  slaves.  We  do  not  take  scalps.  We 
hope  you  are  now  convinced  of  our  friendship  to  you  and  your 
great  cause.  The  warriors  detain  two  of  the  prisoners  till  to¬ 
morrow  morning.  The  Canasaragas  have  one  in  their  posses¬ 
sion.  They  will  bring  him  to-morrow  or  the  next  day.”* 

The  Oneidas,  with  very  few  exceptions,  were  ever  faithful 
to  the  cause  of  the  Whigs,  and  sometimes  fought  with  great 
personal  bravery.  The  Oriskany  clan  of  that  nation  joined 
Geueral  Herkimer  on  the  morning  of  his  disastrous  battle, 
under  their  chiefs  Cornelius  and  Colonel  Honyerry,  and  sus¬ 
tained  themselves  valiantly  in  that  murderous  conflicts 

But  the  acquisitions  of  booty  by  the  Indians  at  the  German 
Flatts  were  more  than  counterbalanced,  a  few  days  afterward, 
by  their  losses  in  their  own  chief  towns,  Unadilla  and  Ogh- 
kwaga,  which  were  invaded,  and  in  turn  laid  waste,  by  Colonel 
William  Butler,  with  the  4th  Pennsylvania  regiment,  a  detach¬ 
ment  of  Colonel  Morgan’s  rifle-men,  then  recently  stationed  at 
Schoharie,  as  we  have  already  seen,  and  a  corps  of  twenty 
rangers.  Having  marched  from  Schoharie  to  the  head  waters 
of  the  Delaware,  and  descended  that  stream  two  days’  march, 
Colonel  Butler  struck  off  thence  to  the  Susquehanna,  upon 
which  he  emerged  in  the  neighborhood  of  Unadilla.  He  ap¬ 
proached  the  settlement  with  great  caution  ;  but  the  enemy  had 
left  the  place  several  days  before.  Two  of  the  white  set¬ 
tlers,  Tories,  were  made  prisoners,  however,  one  of  whom  was 
compelled  to  guide  the  forces  of  Butler  to  Oghkwaga,  which 
service  he  performed.  The  town  was  taken  possession  of 
without  interruption,  the  Indians  having  fled  the  day  before  in 
the  greatest  confusion — leaving  behind  a  large  quantity  of  com, 
their  dogs,  some  cattle,  and  a  great  part  of  their  household 
goods.  The  march  of  Butler’s  troops  had  been  fatiguing,  and 
the  vegetables  and  poultry,  which  they  found  here  in  great 
abundance,  enabled  them  to  fare  sumptuously  during  their 


*  MS.  report  of  Major  Cochran  to  Colonel  Gansevoort. 

f  This  fact  was  derived  from  Judge  Frank,  after  the  chapter  containing  the  ac¬ 
count  of  the  battle  of  Oriskany  was  written.  Honyerry,  or  Hansjurie  Tewahon- 
grahkon,  as  his  name  stands  in  the  archives  of  the  war  department,  was  commis¬ 
sioned  a  captain  by  the  Board  of  War  in  1779. 

51 


368 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 


stay.  The  town  was  uncommonly  well  built  for  an  Indian  settle¬ 
ment,  there  being  a  considerable  number  of  good  farm-houses 
on  either  side  of  the  river.  These  were  all  destroyed,  together 
with  the  Indian  castle  three  miles  farther  down  the  river,  as  also 
large  quantities  of  provisions,  intended  for  their  winter’s  supply. 
They  saw  nothing  of  the  enemy,  and  lost  only  one  man  at  that 
place,  who  was  shot  by  an  Indian  straggler  lurking  in  ambush. 
Returning  to  Unadilla,  that  settlement,  upon  both  sides  of  the 
river,  was  burnt,  as  also  a  grist-mill  and  saw-mill — the  only 
ones  in  the  Susquehanna  valley.* 

But  although,  so  far  as  fighting  was  concerned,  it  was  an 
easy  campaign,  still  the  difficulties  encountered  by  the  expedi¬ 
tion  were  very  great,  and  such  as  could  not  have  been  under¬ 
gone  but  by  men  “  possessing  a  large  share  of  hardiness,  both 
“  of  body  and  mind.  They  were  obliged  to  carry  their  provi- 
“  sions  on  their  backs  ;  and,  thus  loaded,  frequently  to  ford 
“  creeks  and  rivers.  After  the  toils  of  hard  marches,  they  were 
“  obliged  to  camp  down  during  wet  and  chilly  nights  without 
“  covering,  or  even  the  means  of  keeping  their  arms  dry.”t 
They  completed  their  work  in  sixteen  days,  and  returned  to 
Schoharie.  But  the  Indians  were  not  slow  in  taking  their  re¬ 
venge  for  this  destruction  of  their  towns.  An  Indian’s  ven¬ 
geance  slumbers  no  longer  than  until  an  opportunity  is  afforded 
for  sating  it,  as  will  appear  in  the  ensuing  chapter. 


*  Letter  of  Colonel  William  Butler  to  General  Stark. 


i  Ramsay. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


Walter  N.  Butler — His  flight  from  Albany,  bent  on  revenge — The  Great  Tree — 
Hostile  indications  among  the  Senecas  and  Cayugas — Premonitions  of  an  attack 
by  Butler  and  Brant  upon  Cherry  Valley — Discredited  by  Colonel  Alden — Scouts 
sent  out  and  captured — Surprise  of  the  town — Massacre  and  burning — Death  of 
Colonel  Alden — Families  of  Mr.  Wells,  Mr.  Dunlop,  and  others — Brutality  of  the 
Tories — Family  of  Mr.  Mitchell — The  monster  Newberry — Departure  of  the 
enemy  with  their  captives — A  night  of  gloom — Women  and  children  sent  back — 
Letter  of  Butler  to  Gen.  Schuyler — Murder  of  Mrs.  Campbell’s  mother — Vindi¬ 
cation  of  Brant — Interesting  incident — Brant’s  opinion  of  Capt.  M‘Kean — Colo¬ 
nel  John  Butler  laments  the  conduct  of  his  son — Letter  of  General  James  Clinton 
to  Walter  Butler — Letter  of  Butler  in  replv — Molly  Brant — Particulars  of  Mrs. 
Campbell’s  captivity — Feast  of  thanksgiving  for  their  victory — The  great  feast  of 
the  White  Dogs — Return  of  Walter  Butler  from  Guebec — Colonel  Butler  negotiates 
with  the  Indians  for  Mrs.  Campbell — She  goes  to  Niagara — Catharine  Montour 
and  her  sons — Mrs.  Campbell  finds  her  children — Descends  the  St.  Lawrence  to 
Montreal — Meets  Mrs.  Butler — Arrives  at  Albany,  and  is  joined  by  her  husband 
— Grand  campaign  projected — Jacob  Helmer  and  others  sent  privately  to  Johns¬ 
town  for  the  iron  chest  of  Sir  John — Execution  of  Helmer — Arrival  of  British 
Commissioners — Not  received — Exchange  of  Ministers  with  France — Incidents 
of  the  war  elsewhere  for  the  year. 


The  arrest  of  Walter  N.  Butler,  at  the  German  Flatts,  in  the 
Summer  of  1777  ;  his  trial,  and  condemnation  to  death  ;  his  re¬ 
prieve  ;  as  also  his  subsequent  imprisonment  in  Albany,  and 
his  escape  ;  are  facts  with  which  the  reader  has  already  been 
made  acquainted.  Although  his  execution  would  have  been 
perfectly  justifiable  under  the  code  militaire,  taken,  as  he  had 
been,  within  the  American  lines,  in  the  very  act  of  inviting  the 
people  to  treason ;  yet  the  respectability  of  his  family,  and  the 
associations  he  had  himself  formed  in  Albany,  where  he  had 
been  educated  to  the  profession  of  the  law,  were  the  causes, 
through  the  interposition  of  those  who  had  been  his  personal 
friends  before  the  war,  of  saving  his  life.  Still,  the  reprieve 
granted  by  General  Arnold  was  followed  by  rigorous  confine¬ 
ment  in  the  jail  at  Albany  until  the  Spring  of  the  present  year  ; 
when,  being  either  sick  in  reality,  or  feigning  to  be  so,  through 
the  clemency  of  General  Lafayette  his  quarters  were  changed 
to  a  private  house,  where  he  was  guarded  by  a  single  sentinel. 
It  appears  that  the  family  with  whom  he  lodged  were  Tories 
at  heart ;  and  having  succeeded  in  making  the  sentinel  drunk, 
through  their  assistance  Butler  was  enabled  to  effect  his  escape. 
A  horse  having  been  provided  for  him,  he  succeeded  in  joining 
his  father  at  Niagara  soon  after  the  affair  at  Wyoming.  His 


370 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778 


temper  was  severe  and  irascible  ;  but  he  was  nevertheless  not 
without  his  good  qualities,  and  was  a  young  man  of  fair  pro¬ 
mise — ■“  a  pretty  able  young  lawyer,”  to  use  an  expression  from 
the  lips  of  one  who  knew  him  well*  It  is  believed,  however, 
that  he  took  mortal  offence  at  his  treatment  while  in  Albany, 
and  re-entered  the  service  of  the  Crown,  burning  with  resent¬ 
ment  and  thirsting  for  revenge. 

This  recapitulation,  in  part,  of  a  portion  of  the  younger  But¬ 
ler’s  history,  is  deemed  essential  in  connexion  with  the  events 
to  be  recorded  in  the  present  chapter. 

There  was  with  General  Washington,  during  most  of  the 
Summer,  a  Seneca  chief,  called  The  Great  Tree ,  who,  on  leav¬ 
ing  the  head-quarters  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  professed  the 
strongest  friendship  for  the  American  cause,  and  his  first  object, 
after  his  return  to  his  own  people,  was  to  inspire  them  with  his 
own  friendly  sentiments.  While  passing  through  the  Oneida 
nation  on  his  way  home,  he  professed  the  strongest  confidence 
in  his  ability  to  keep  his  own  tribe  bound  in  the  chain  of  friend¬ 
ship,  and  pledged  himself,  in  the  event  of  his  failure,  to  come 
down  with  his  friends  and  adherents,  and  join  the  Oneidas. 
Early  in  October,  Mr.  Dean,  the  Indian  interpreter  and  agent 
in  the  Oneida  territory,  wrote  to  Major  Cochran,  then  in  com¬ 
mand  of  Fort  Schuyler,  that,  not  hearing  from  The  Great  Tree 
as  soon  as  they  expected,  they  had  despatched  messengers  to 
the  Seneca  country,  who  had  returned  with  unfavorable  intel¬ 
ligence.  It  was  stated,  that  on  his  arrival  in  his  own  country 
The  Great  Tree  found  his  tribe  all  in  arms.  The  warriors  had 
been  collected  from  the  remotest  of  their  lodges,  and  were  then 
thronging  the  two  principal  towns,  Kanadaseago  and  Jennesee. 
Having  heard  that  the  Americans  were  preparing  an  expedi¬ 
tion  against  their  country,  they  had  flown  to  arms ;  and  The 
Great  Tree  was  himself  determined  to  chastise  the  enemy  who 
should  dare  to  penetrate  his  country.  The  Oneida  messengers 
were  farther  told  that  all  the  Indians  west  of  their  own  tribe, 
including,  of  course,  the  Onondagas,  together  with  the  Indian 
settlements  on  the  Susquehanna  and  its  branches,  were  to  join 
them.  They  were  to  rendezvous  somewhere  on  the  Tioga, 

*  The  venerable  John  Frank  of  German  Flatts.  Butler  studied  law  with  the 
late  Francis  Sylvester. 


1778.] 


INVASION  OP  CHERRY  VALLEY. 


371 


and  make  a  descent  either  upon  the  Pennsylvania  or  New  Jer¬ 
sey  frontier.* 

The  Mohawk  chief,  Thayendanegea,  does  not  appear  to 
have  been  among  the  Senecas  at  this  time  ;  and  it  is  believed 
that  the  fermentation  had  been  wrought  by  Butler,  after  his 
return  to  Niagara.  Be  that  as  it  may,  he  obtained  the  com¬ 
mand  of  a  detachment  of  his  father’s  rangers,  with  permission 
to  employ  the  forces  of  Captain  Brant.  Though  late  in  the 
season,  young  Walter  determined  to  undertake  an  expedition 
into  Tryon  County,  and  avenge  his  imprisonment.t  It  has 
been  asserted,  that  while  on  his  way  from  Niagara  with  his 
rangers,  Butler  met  Brant  returning  from  the  Susquehanna 
country  to  his  old  winter-quarters  at  Niagara,  and  that  the 
proud  Mohawk  was  not  a  little  displeased  at  the  idea  of  being 
assigned  to  a  subordinate  station  under  a  man  whom  he  cor¬ 
dially  disliked.  However,  the  difficulty  was  adjusted,  and  the 
sachem  was  prevailed  upon  to  turn  back  upon  the  white  set¬ 
tlements,  with  five  hundred  of  his  warriors.  The  united  force 
comprised  seven  hundred  men. 

The  point  selected  by  the  enemy  was  Cherry  Valley — a  set¬ 
tlement  as  remarkable  for  the  respectability  of  its  inhabitants, 
as  its  location  was  for  its  beauty.  Unlike  the  generality  of 
border  settlements,  the  people  were  intelligent,  and  exemplary 
for  their  morals.  So  scrupulous  were  they  in  regard  to  observ¬ 
ing  the  precepts  of  Christianity,  that  their  Committee  of  Safety 
declined  sitting  with  the  Tryon  County  Committee  on  the  Sab¬ 
bath  day — unless  in  the  event  of  such  alarming  circumstances 
as  would  necessarily  “super-exceed  the  duties  to  be  performed 
in  attending  the  public  worship  of  God  ” — which,  they  said, 
did  not  then  appear  to  be  the  case.f 

It  has  already  been  stated,  that  in  consequence  of  their  exposed 
situation,  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  had  directed  the  erection  of 
a  fortification  at  that  place  early  the  preceding  Spring.  Colo¬ 
nel  Gansevoort  at  once  solicited  the  command  of  the  post,  with 
the  regiment  which  had  so  greatly  distinguished  itself  the  pre¬ 
ceding  year  in  the  defence  of  Fort  Schuyler.  But  it  was  given 

*  Letter  of  Major  Cochran  to  Col.  Gansevoort,  October  10,  1778. 

f  Campbell’s  Annals. 

|  Letter  to  Tryon  County  Committee,  signed  by  John  Moore,  Samuel  Clyde, 
and  Samuel  Campbell,  dated  June  9,  1775. 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


372 


[1778. 


to  Colonel  Ichabod  Alden,  at  the  head  of  an  eastern  regiment, 
unfortunately  but  little  accustomed  to  Indian  warfare. 

On  the  8th  of  November,  Colonel  Alden  received  a  despatch 
from  Fort  Schuyler  by  express,  advising  him  that  his  post  was 
to  be  attacked  by  the  Tories  and  Indians.  The  intelligence 
had  been  conveyed  to  Fort  Schuyler  by  an  Oneida  Indian, 
reporting  that  he  received  it  from  one  of  the  Onondagas,  who 
had  been  present  at  a  great  meeting  of  the  Indians  and  Tories 
at  Tioga,  at  which  the  determination  was  formed.  In  conse¬ 
quence  of  the  lateness  of  the  season,  the  inhabitants,  not  antici¬ 
pating  any  farther  hostilities  before  Spring,  had  removed  their 
effects  from  the  fortification,  where,  during  the  Summer,  they 
had  been  deposited  for  safety,  back  to  their  own  dwellings. 
On  the  receipt  of  this  intelligence,  they  requested  permission  to 
remove  once  more  into  the  fort,  or  at  least  to  be  allowed  again 
to  deposite  their  most  valuable  property  within  its  walls.  But 
Colonel  Alden,  discrediting  the  intelligence  as  an  idle  Indian 
rumor,  denied  their  solicitations,  assuring  the  people  that  he 
would  use  all  diligence  against  surprise,  and  by  means  of  vigi¬ 
lant  scouts,  be  at  all  times  prepared  to  warn  them  of  approach¬ 
ing  danger.  Accordingly  scouts  were  despatched  in  various 
directions  on  the  9th.  The  party  proceeding  down  the  Sus¬ 
quehanna,  as  it  were  in  the  very  face  of  the  enemy,  very  wisely 
kindled  a  fire  in  the  evening,  by  the  side  of  which  they  laid 
themselves  down  to  sleep.  The  result  might  have  been  fore¬ 
seen.  They  were  all  prisoners  when  they  awoke  ! 

Extorting  all  necessary  information  from  the  prisoners  so 
opportunely  taken,  the  enemy  moved  forward  on  the  10th — But¬ 
ler  with  his  rangers,  and  Thayendanegea  with  his  Indians — 
encamping  for  the  night  on  the  top  of  a  hill,  thickly  covered 
with  evergreens,  about  a  mile  south-west  of  the  fort  and  village 
of  Cherry  Yalley.  The  snow  fell  several  inches  during  the 
night — the  storm  turning  to  rain  in  the  morning,  with  a  thick 
and  cloudy  atmosphere.  The  officers  of  the  garrison  were 
accustomed  to  lodge  about  among  the  families  near  the  fort ; 
and  from  the  assurances  of  Colonel  Alden,  the  apprehensions  of 
the  people  were  so  much  allayed,  that  they  were  reposing  in 
perfect  security.  Colonel  Alden  himself,  with  Stacia,  his 
lieutenant-colonel,  lodged  with  Mr.  Robert  Wells,  a  gentleman 
of  great  respectability,  recently  a  judge  of  the  county,  who  was, 


1778.]  INVASION  OF  CHERRY  VALLEY.  373 

moreover,  an  intimate  friend  of  Colonel  John  Butler,  as  he  had 
also  been  of  Sir  William  Johnson.*  Having  ascertained  the 
localities  in  which  the  officers  lodged,  the  enemy  approached 
the  unsuspecting  village  in  the  greatest  security,  veiled  by  the 
haze  which  hung  in  the  atmosphere.  An  alarm  was,  however, 
given,  before  the  enemy  had  actually  arrived  in  the  village,  by 
the  firing  of  an  Indian  upon  a  settler  from  the  outskirts,  who 
was  riding  thither  on  horseback.  He  was  wounded,  but  never¬ 
theless  pushed  forward,  and  gave  instant  information  to  the 
vigilant  Colonel.  Strange  as  it  may  seem,  this  officer  still  dis¬ 
believed  the  approach  of  an  enemy  in  force — supposing  the 
shot  to  have  proceeded  from  a  straggler.  But  he  was  soon 
convinced  of  his  error ;  for  even  before  the  guards  could  be 
called  in,  the  Indians  were  upon  them.  Unfortunately,  proba¬ 
bly,  for  the  inhabitants,  the  rangers  had  halted  just  before 
entering  the  village  to  examine  their  arms,  the  rain  having 
damaged  their  powder.  During  this  pause,  the  Indians  sprang 
forward  ;  and  the  Senecas,  being  at  that  period  the  most  fero¬ 
cious  of  the  Six  Nations,  were  in  the  van.  The  house  of  Mr. 
Wells  was  instantly  surrounded  by  the  warriors  of  that  tribe, 
and  several  Tories  of  no  less  ferocity,  who  rushed  in  and  mas¬ 
sacred  the  whole  family,  consisting  at  that  time  of  himself,  his 
mother,  his  wife,  his  brother  and  sister,  John  and  Jane,  three 
of  his  sons,  Samuel,  Robert,  and  William,  and  his  daughter 
Eleanor.  The  only  survivor  of  the  family  was  John,  who  was 
then  at  school  in  Schenectady.  His  father  had  taken  his 
family  to  that  place  for  safety  some  months  before,  but  his  fears 
having  subsided,  they  had  just  removed  back  to  their  home.f 
Colonel  Alden,  having  escaped  from  the  house,  was  pursued 
some  distance  down  a  hill  by  an  Indian,  who  repeatedly  de¬ 
manded  of  him  to  surrender.  This,  however,  he  refused  to  do, 
turning  upon  his  pursuer  repeatedly,  and  snapping  his  pistol, 
but  without  effect.  The  Indian  ultimately  hurled  his  toma¬ 
hawk  with  unerring  direction  at  his  head,  and  rushing  forward, 
tore  his  scalp  from  him  in  the  same  instant.  Thus,  in  the  very 
outset  of  the  battle,  fell  the  commander,  who,  had  he  been  as 

*  Robert  Wells  was  the  father  of  the  late  distinguished  counsellor,  John  Wells, 
of  New- York. 

t  Notice  of  John  Wells  by  William  Johnson,  Esq.  concluding  vol.  of  Johnson’s 
Reports. 


374 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 


prudent  as  he  was  brave,  might  have  averted  the  tragic  scenes 
of  that  hapless  day.  Lieutenant-colonel  Stacia  was  made 
prisoner ;  and  the  American  guards,  stationed  at  the  house  of 
Mr.  Wells,  were  all  either  killed  or  taken. 

The  destruction  of  the  family  of  Mr.  Wells  was  marked  by 
circumstances  of  peculiar  barbarity.  It  was  boasted  by  one  of 
the  Tories,  that  he  had  killed  Mr .  Wells  while  engaged  in 
prayer — certainly  a  happy  moment  for  a  soul  to  wing  its  flight 
to  another  state  of  existence ;  but  what  the  degree  of  hardi¬ 
hood  that  could  boast  of  compassing  the  death  of  an  unarmed 
man  at  such  a  moment !  His  sister  Jane  was  distinguished 
alike  for  her  beauty,  her  accomplishments,  and  her  virtues. 
As  the  savages  rushed  into  the  house,  she  fled  to  a  pile  of  wood 
on  the  premises,  and  endeavored  to  conceal  herself.  She  was 
pursued  and  arrested  by  an  Indian,  who,  with  perfect  compo¬ 
sure,  wiped  and  sheathed  his  dripping  knife,  and  took  his  toma¬ 
hawk  from  his  girdle.  At  this  instant  a  Tory,  who  had  for¬ 
merly  been  a  domestic  in  the  family,  sprang  forward  and  inter¬ 
posed  in  her  behalf — claiming  her  as  a  sister.  The  maiden, 
too,  who  understood  somewhat  of  the  Indian  language,  im¬ 
plored  for  mercy.  But  in  vain.  With  one  hand  the  Indian 
pushed  the  Tory  from  him,  and  with  the  other  planted  his 
hatchet  deep  into  her  temple  ! 

The  fort  was  repeatedly  assaulted  during  the  day,  and  at 
times  with  spirit ;  but  Indians  are  not  the  right  description  of 
troops  for  such  service,  and  being  received  by  a  brisk  fire  of 
grape  and  musketry  from  the  garrison,  they  avoided  the  fort,  and 
directed  their  attention  chiefly  to  plundering  and  laying  waste 
the  village,  having  sated  themselves  in  the  onset  with  blood. 
In  this  work  of  destruction  they  were  unmolested,  since,  num¬ 
bering  more  than  twice  as  many  as  the  garrison,  a  sortie  was 
felt  to  be  unwarrantable. 

Among  the  families  which  suffered  from  the  tomahawks  of 
the  Indians  and  Tories — for  the  latter,  as  at  Wyoming,  were 
not  to  be  outdone  by  their  uncivilized  allies — were  those  of 
the  Rev.  Samuel  Dunlop,  and  a  Mr.  Mitchell.  Mrs.  Dunlop 
was  killed  outright,  and  thus  shared  the  fate  of  Mrs.  Wells,  who 
was  her  daughter.  Mr.  Dunlop  and  another  daughter  would 
likewise  have  been  murdered  but  for  the  interposition  of  Little 
Aaron,  a  chief  of  the  Oghkwaga  branch  of  the  Mohawks,  who 


1778.]  INVASION  OF  CHERRY  VALLEY.  375 

led  the  old  gentleman,  tottering  beneath  the  weight  of  years,  to 
the  door,  and  stood  beside  him  for  his  protection.  The  Indians 
attempted  to  plunder  him  of  some  of  his  attire,  but  the  sachem 
compelled  them  to  relinquish  that  portion  of  their  spoil. 
The  venerable  servant  of  God,  shocked  by  the  events  of  that 
day  beyond  the  strength  of  his  nerves,  died  within  a  year  after¬ 
ward. 

The  case  of  Mr.  Mitchell  was  still  more  painful.  He  was 
in  the  field  at  work  when  he  beheld  the  Indians  approaching  ; 
and  being  already  cut  off  from  his  house,  his  only  course  was 
to  betake  himself  to  the  woods.  On  returning  to  his  home, 
after  the  enemy  had  retired,  he  found  his  house  on  fire,  and 
within  its  plundered  walls  the  murdered  bodies  of  his  wife  and 
three  of  his  children.  The  fourth,  a  little  girl  of  ten  or  twelve 
years  of  age,  had  been  left  for  dead.  But  signs  of  life  appear¬ 
ing,  the  parent,  having  extinguished  the  fire,  which  had  not 
yet  made  much  progress,  brought  his  little  mangled  daughter 
forth  to  the  door,  and  while  bending  over  her,  discovered  a 
straggling  party  of  the  enemy  approaching.  He  had  but  just 
time  to  conceal  himself,  before  a  Tory  sergeant,  named  New¬ 
berry,  rushed  forward,  and  by  a  blow  of  his  hatchet  extinguished 
what  little  growing  hope  of  life  had  been  left,  by  a  darker 
though  less  savage  enemy  than  himself.  It  is  some  consolation, 
while  recording  this  deed  of  blood,  to  be  able  to  anticipate  the 
course  of  events,  so  far  as  to  announce  that  this  brutal  fellow 
paid  the  forfeit  of  his  life  on  the  gallows,  by  order  of  General 
James  Clinton,  at  Canajoharie,  in  the  summer  of  the  following 
year.  On  the  next  day  Mr.  Mitchell  removed  his  dead  to  the 
fort  with  his  own  arms,  and  the  soldiers  assisted  in  their  inter¬ 
ment.  Several  other  families  were  cut  off — the  whole  number 
of  the  inhabitants  slain  being  thirty-two,  mostly  women  and 
children.  In  addition  to  these,  sixteen  soldiers  were  killed. 
Some  of  the  inhabitants  escaped,  but  the  greater  proportion 
were  taken  prisoners.  Among  the  former  were  Mrs.  Clyde, 
the  wife  of  Colonel  Clyde,  who  was  absent,  and  her  family. 
She  succeeded  in  reaching  the  woods  with  her  children,  ex¬ 
cepting  her  eldest  daughter,  whom  she  could  not  find  at  the 
moment ;  and  although  the  savages  were  frequently  prowling 
around  her,  she  yet  lay  secure  in  her  concealment  until  the 
next  day.  The  eldest  daughter,  likewise,  had  made  a  success- 

52 


376 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[L778 

ful  flight,  and  returned  in  safety.  Colonel  Campbell  was  also 
absent ;  but  hastening  home  on  hearing  the  alarm,  he  arrived 
only  in  time  to  behold  the  destruction  of  his  property  by  the 
conflagration  of  the  village,  and  to  ascertain  that  his  wife  and 
children  had  been  carried  into  captivity.*  The  torch  was  ap¬ 
plied  indiscriminately  to  every  dwelling-house,  and,  in  fact,  to 
every  building  in  the  village.  The  barns,  being  filled  with  the 
combustible  products  of  husbandry,  served  to  render  the  con¬ 
flagration  more  fierce  and  terrific ;  especially  to  the  fugitive 
inhabitants  who  had  escaped  to  the  woods  for  shelter,  and 
whose  sufferings  were  aggravated  by  the  consciousness  that 
their  retreating  footsteps  were  lighted  bv  the  flames  of  their 
own  households. 

The  prisoners  taken  numbered  between  thirty  and  forty. 
They  were  marched,  on  the  evening  of  the  massacre,  down  the 
valley  about  two  miles  south  of  the  fort,  where  the  enemy  en¬ 
camped  for  the  night.  Large  fires  were  kindled  round  about 
the  camp,  into  the  centre  of  which  the  prisoners,  of  all  ages  and 
sexes,  were  promiscuously  huddled,  and  there  compelled  to 
pass  the  hours  till  morning — many  of  them  half  naked,  shiver¬ 
ing  from  the  inclemency  of  the  weather,  with  no  shelter  but 
the  frowning  heavens,  and  no  bed  but  the  cold  ground.  It  was 
a  dismal  night  for  the  hapless  group — rendered,  if  possible,  still 
more  painful  by  the  savage  yells  of  exultation,  the  wild,  half- 


*  Colonel  Campbell  was  the  grandfather  of  the  author  of  the  Annals  of  Tryon 
County,  so  frequently  referred  to  in  the  present  volume,  to  whom  the  author  is 
almost  exclusively  indebted  for  the  facts  respecting  the  invasion  of  Cherry  Valley. 
The  author  of  the  Annals  being  himself  a  native  of  that  place,  was  not  only  familiar 
with  its  history  from  his  cradle,  but  has  taken  great  pains  to  collect  the  facts.  There 
is  indeed  no  other  reliable  authority.  Ramsay  is  equally  brief  and  unsatisfactory  ; 
while  Macauley’s  wretched  jumble  of  every  thing,  called,  for  what  reason  cannot 
be  divined,  a  History  of  New-York,  contains  the  most  foul  misrepresentations. 
The  massacre  was  bad  enough,  in  all  conscience ;  but  when  it  is  stated  that,  “  not 
“  content  with  killing  the  inhabitants,  they  ripped  open  and  quartered  the  women, 
“  and  then  suspended  their  mangled  limbs  on  the  trees— that  the  helpless  infants 
“  were  taken  from  their  mothers’  breasts,  and  their  brains  knocked  out  against  the 
“  posts,” — and  when  these  statements  are  compared  with  the  real  facts  of  the  case, 
we  may  wTell  tremble  for  the  truth  of  history.  The  simple  incident  which  gave  rise 
to  this  shocking  tale  of  mutilating  the  bodies  of  the  dying  and  dead,  was  this.  One 
of  the  Tories  had  lived  as  a  domestic  with  the  Rev.  Mr.  Dunlop.  He  had  run  away 
in  consequence  of  ill-treatment,  as  was  alleged,  on  the  part  of  Mrs.  D.  After  she 
was  slain,  it  is  said  he  cut  off  her  hand.  But  even  this  story  is  of  doubtful  au¬ 
thenticity. 


1778.] 


INVASION  OP  CHERRY  VALLEY. 


377 


frantic  revelry,  and  other  manifestations  of  joy  on  the  part  of 
the  victors,  at  the  success  of  their  bloody  enterprise.  In  the 
course  of  the  night  a  division  of  the  spoil  was  made  among  the 
Indians,  and  on  the  following  morning  the  march  was  resumed  ; 
although  parties  of  the  Indians  returned  to  prowl  among  the 
ruins  of  the  village  or  hang  upon  its  outskirts,  during  the 
greater  part  of  the  day,  and  until  reinforcements  of  militia  from 
the  Mohawk  Valley  began  to  arrive,  when  they  dispersed. 

The  retiring  enemy  had  not  proceeded  far  on  their  way,  be¬ 
fore  the  prisoners,  with  few  exceptions,  experienced  a  change 
in  their  circumstances,  as  happy  as  it  was  unexpected.  They 
had  been  separated,  for  the  convenience  of  travelling,  into  small 
groups,  in  charge  of  different  parties  of  the  enemy.  On  coming 
to  a  halt,  they  were  collected  together,  and  informed  that  it  had 
been  determined  to  release  all  the  women  and  children,  except¬ 
ing  Mrs.  Campbell  and  her  four  children,  and  Mrs.  Moore  and 
her  children.  These  it  was  resolved  to  detain  in  captivity  as 
a  punishment  to  their  husbands,  for  the  activity  they  had  dis¬ 
played  in  the  border  wars.  With  these  exceptions,  the  women 
and  their  little  ones  were  immediately  sent  back,  bearing  the 
following  letter  from  the  commander  of  the  rangers,  addressed 
to  General  Schuyler.  As  a  key  to  the  letter,  and  perhaps, 
also,  to  the  motives  of  Captain  Butler  in  this  act  of  humanity, 
it  should  here  be  remarked,  that  on  the  flight  of  his  father  and 
himself  to  Canada,  his  mother  and  the  younger  children  had 
been  left  behind.  Mrs.  Butler  and  her  children  were  detained 
by  the  Committee  of  Safety,  and  permission  to  follow  the  hus¬ 
band  and  son  to  Canada  had  been  refused,  as  has  been  stated 
in  a  former  chapter  : — 

Captain  Butler  to  General  Schuyler. 

“  Cherry  Valley ,  Nov.  12,  1778. 

“  Sir, 

“  I  am  induced  by  humanity  to  permit  the  persons  whose 
names  I  send  herewith,  to  return,  lest  the  inclemency  of  the 
season,  and  their  naked  and  helpless  situation,  might  prove 
fatal  to  them,  and  expect  that  you  will  release  an  equal  number 
of  our  people  in  your  hands,  amongst  whom  I  expect  you  will 
permit  Mrs.  Butler  and  family  to  come  to  Canada ;  but  if  you 
insist  upon  it,  I  do  engage  to  send  you,  moreover,  an  equal 


378 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778 

number  of  prisoners  of  yours,  taken  either  by  the  Rangers  or 
Indians,  and  will  leave  it  to  you  to  name  the  persons.  I  have 
done  every  thing  in  my  power  to  restrain  the  fury  of  the  In¬ 
dians  from  hurting  women  and  children,  or  killing  the  prison¬ 
ers  who  fell  into  our  hands,  and  would  have  more  effectually 
prevented  them,  but  that  they  were  much  incensed  by  the  late 
destruction  of  their  village  of  Anguaga*  by  your  people.  I  shall 
always  continue  to  act  in  that  manner.  I  look  upon  it  beneath 
the  character  of  a  soldier  to  wage  war  with  women  and 
children.  I  am  sure  you  are  conscious  that  Colonel  Butler  or 
myself  have  no  desire  that  your  women  or  children  should  be 
hurt.  But,  be  assured,  that  if  you  persevere  in  detaining  my 
father’s  family  with  you,  that  we  shall  no  longer  take  the  same 
pains  to  restrain  the  Indians  from  prisoners,  women  and 
children,  that  we  have  heretofore  done. 

“  I  am,  your  humble  servant, 

“  Walter  N.  Butler, 

“  Capt.  Com.  of  the  Rangers. 

11  General  Schuyler.” t 

Having  thus,  in  a  great  measure,  disencumbered  themselves 
of  their  prisoners,  the  enemy  proceeded  on  their  journey  by 
their  usual  route  at  that  period,  down  the  Susquehanna  to  its 
confluence  with  the  Tioga,  thence  up  that  river  into  the  Seneca 
country,  and  thence  to  Niagara.  Mrs.  Cannon,  an  aged  lady, 
and  the  mother  of  Mrs.  Campbell,  was  likewise  held  in  capti¬ 
vity  ;  but  being  unfitted  for  travelling  by  reason  of  her  years, 
the  Indian  having  both  in  charge  despatched  the  mother  with 
his  hatchet,  by  the  side  of  the  daughter,  on  the  second  day  of 
their  march.  Mrs.  Campbell  was  driven  along  by  the  uplifted 
hatchet,  having  a  child  in  her  arms  eighteen  months  old,  with 
barbarous  rapidity,  until  the  next  day,  when  she  was  favored 
with  a  more  humane  master.  In  the  course  of  the  march  a 
straggling  party  of  the  Indians  massacred  an  English  family 
named  Buxton,  residing  on  the  Butternut  Creek,  and  reduced 
their  buildings  to  ashes.f 

Thus  terminated  the  expedition  of  Walter  N.  Butler  and 

*  One  of  the  old  names  of  Unadilla. 

f  This  letter  was  recently  found  among  the  papers  of  General  James  Clinton. 

t  There  is  some  reason  to  doubt  whether  this  murder  of  the  Buxtons  was  not  the 
y/ork  of  the  Oneidas,  during  their  excursion  to  Unadilla  and  the  Butternuts. 


1778.]  DESOLATION  OF  THE  VILLAGE.  379 

Joseph  Brant  to  Cherry  Valley.  Nothing  could  exhibit  an  as¬ 
pect  of  more  entire  desolation  than  did  the  site  of  that  village 
on  the  following  day,  when  the  militia  from  the  Mohawk  ar¬ 
rived,  too  late  to  afford  assistance.  “  The  cocks  crowed  from 
“  the  tops  of  the  forest  trees,  and  the  dogs  howled  through  the 
“  fields  and  woods.”  The  inhabitants  who  escaped  the  massa¬ 
cre,  and  those  who  returned  from  captivity,  abandoned  the 
settlement,  until  the  return  of  peace  should  enable  them  to  plant 
themselves  down  once  more  in  safety  ;  and  in  the  succeeding 
Summer  the  garrison  was  withdrawn  and  the  post  abandoned. 

Next  to  the  destruction  of  Wyoming,  that  of  Cherry  Valley 
stands  out  in  history  as  having  been  the  most  conspicuous  for 
its  atrocity.  And  as  in  the  case  of  Wyoming,  both  in  history 
and  popular  tradition,  Joseph  Brant  has  been  held  up  as  the 
foul  fiend  of  the  barbarians,  and  of  all  others  deserving  the 
deepest  execration.  Even  the  learned  and  estimable  counsel¬ 
lor,  who  so  long  reported  the  adjudicated  law  of  the  State  of 
New-York,*  in  the  tribute  to  the  memory  of  the  late  John  Wells, 
with  which  he  closed  the  last  volume  of  his  juridical  labors, 
has  fallen  into  the  same  popular  error  ;  and  applies  the  second 
stanza  in  the  striking  passage  of  “  Gertrude  of  Wyoming,” 
which  called  forth  the  younger  Brant  in  vindication  of  his  fa¬ 
ther’s  memory,  to  the  case  of  his  departed  and  eminent  friend.t 
It  was  indeed  most  true  as  applied  to  the  melancholy  case  of 
Mr.  Wells,  of  whose  kindred  “nor  man,  nor  child,  nor  thing 
of  living  birth,”  had  been  left  by  the  Indians.  But  it  may  be 
fearlessly  asserted  that  it  was  not  true  as  coupled  with  the 
name  of  Joseph  Brant.  It  has  already  been  seen  that  Brant 
was  not  the  commander  of  this  expedition  ;  and  if  he  had  been, 
it  is  not  certain  that  he  could  have  compelled  a  different  result. 
But  it  is  certain  that  his  conduct  on  that  fatal  day  was  neither 
barbarous  nor  ungenerous.  On  the  contrary,  he  did  all  in  his 
power  to  prevent  the  shedding  of  innocent  blood ;  and  had  it 
not  been  for  a  circumstance  beyond  his  control,  it  is  more  than 
probable  that  the  distinguished  counsellor  referred  to,  would 
not  have  been  left  “  alone  of  all  his  race.”  Captain  Brant  as- 

*  William  Johnson,  Esq.  long  reporter  of  the  Supreme  Court,  the  Court  of  Errors, 
and  the  Court  of  Chancery  of  this  State. 

f  The  passage  referred  to — as  unjust  as  it  is  poetical — will  be  found  near  the  close 
of  the  second  volume  of  the  present  work,  in  the  sketch  of  the  life  of  the  younger 
Brant. 


380 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 

serted,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  question  his  veracity,  that  on 
the  morning  of  the  attack,  he  left  the  main  body  of  the  Indians, 
and  endeavored,  to  anticipate  their  arrival  at  the  house  of  Mr. 
Wells,  for  the  purpose  of  affording  protection  to  the  family. 
On  his  way  it  was  necessary  to  cross  a  ploughed  field,  the 
yielding  of  the  earth  in  which,  beneath  his  tread,  so  retarded 
his  progress,  that  he  arrived  too  late. 

But  this  is  not  all.  On  entering  one  of  the  dwellings,  he 
found  a  woman  employed  in  household  matters.  “  Are  you 
thus  engaged,”  inquired  the  chief,  “  while  all  your  neighbors 
are  murdered  around  you  ?”  The  woman  replied  that  they 
were  in  favor  of  the  King.  “  That  plea  will  not  avail  you  to¬ 
day,”  replied  the  warrior.  “  They  have  murdered  Mr.  Wells’s 
family,  who  were  as  dear  to  me  as  my  own.”  “  But,”  conti¬ 
nued  the  woman,  “  there  is  one  Joseph  Brant :  if  he  is  with  the 
Indians,  he  will  save  us.”  “ 1  am  Joseph  Brant!”  was  the 
quick  response  :  “  but  I  have  not  the  command,  and  I  know 
not  that  I  can  save  you  ;  but  I  will  do  what  is  in  my  power.” 
At  the  moment  of  uttering  these  words,  he  observed  the  Senecas 
approaching.  “  Get  into  bed  quick,”  he  commanded  her,  “  and 
feign  yourself  sick.”  The  woman  obeyed,  and  when  the  In¬ 
dians  came  up,  he  put  them  off  with  that  pretext.  Instantly  as 
they  departed,  he  rallied  a  few  of  his  Mohawks  by  a  shrill 
signal,  and  directed  them  to  paint  his  mark  upon  the  woman 
and  her  children.  “  You  are  now  probably  safe,”  he  remarked 
— and  departed.* 

Another  instance,  from  the  same  authority, t  will  serve 
farther  to  illustrate  the  conduct  and  bearing:  of  this  distinguish- 
ed  Indian  leader  on  that  occasion  :  After  the  battle  was  over, 
he  inquired  of  one  of  the  captives  for  Captain  M‘Kean,  who 
had  retired  to  the  Mohawk  V alley  with  his  family.  “  He  sent  me 
a  challenge  once,”  said  the  chief ;  “  I  have  now  come  to  accept 
it.  He  is  a  fine  soldier  thus  to  retreat !”  It  was  said  in  reply : 
“  Captain  M£Kean  would  not  turn  his  back  upon  an  enemy 
where  there  was  a  probability  of  success.”  “  I  know  it,”  re¬ 
joined  Brant :  “he  is  a  brave  man  and  I  would  have  given 


*  It  is  an  Indian  practice  thus  to  mark  their  captives,  and  the  known  mark  of  a 
tribe  or  chief  is  a  protection  from  danger  at  other  hands. 

•j  Campbell’s  Annals. 


CONDUCT  OF  BRANT  AND  BUTLER. 


381 


1778.] 


“  more  to  take  him  than  any  other  man  in  Cherry  Valley  :  but 
“  I  would  not  have  hurt  a  hair  of  his  head.” 

These  were  generous  sentiments,  worthy  of  a  generous  sol¬ 
dier.  Indeed,  the  whole  conduct  of  the  Mohawk  chief  on  that 
melancholy  day  was  any  thing  rather  than  characteristic  of  the 
“  monster  ”  Brant  has  been  represented  to  be.  Of  the  conduct 
of  the  leader  of  the  expedition,  Captain  Walter  N.  Butler,  a  less 
charitable  judgment  must  be  formed — not  so  much  perhaps  on 
account  of  the  atrocities  committed — because  these,  too,  may 
have  been  beyond  his  control,  or  suddenly  perpetrated  without 
his  knowledge — but  because  the  expedition  was  entirely  one  of 
his  own  undertaking.  It  was  said  that  Colonel  John  Butler 
was  grieved  at  the  conduct  of  his  son  at  this  place  ;  remarking, 
on  one  occasion,  in  regard  to  the  murder  of  Mr.  Wells  and 
family — “  I  would  have  gone  miles  on  my  hands  and  knees 
“  to  save  that  family,  and  why  my  son  did  not  do  it,  God 
“  only  knows.”  It  has  also  been  asserted  that  the  Colonel  ac¬ 
cused  Brant  of  having  incited  the  Indians  secretly  to  commit 
the  excesses  in  question,  in  order  to  bring  odium  upon  his  son, 
under  whose  command,  as  the  reader  has  already  been  inform¬ 
ed,  he  had  been  placed,  strongly  in  opposition  to  his  own  wishes. 
But  the  Mohawk  repelled  the  charge,  and  appealed  to  his  for¬ 
mer  conduct,  particularly  in  the  case  of  Springfield,  as  a  vindi¬ 
cation  of  his  character  from  the  imputation  of  wanton  cruelty. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  has  been  laid  to  the  charge  of  Butler, 
that  when,  on  the  night  preceding  the  massacre,  some  of  his 
rangers  desired  secretly  to  apprise  their  friends  in  the  village 
of  the  storm  which  was  to  burst  upon  them  in  the  morning,  he 
peremptorily  denied  the  request — apprehending  that  if  a  few 
were  ever  so  cautiously  admonished  of  the  approaching  danger, 
the  tidings  would  be  bruited  and  the  whole  village  escape.* 

These  things  may,  or  they  may  not,  be  true.  But  in  either 
case  the  loyalist  Butlers,  father  and  son,  should  be  justly  dealt 
by,  although  they  have  not  been  as  yet.  At  least  the  world 
has  never  heard  what  they  might  possibly  have  said  in  their 
own  defence — nay,  what  they  did  say — in  regard  to  the  affairs 
of  Wyoming  and  Cherry  Valley  ;  and  candor  requires  the  ad¬ 
mission,  that  the  narratives  of  those  events  which  have  descend¬ 
ed  to  us,  were  written  too  soon  after  their  occurrence  to  war- 


*  Campbell’s  Annals. 


382 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 


rant  a  belief  in  the  entire  impartiality  of  the  writers.  But  as 
truth  constitutes  the  great  excellence  of  history,  and  as  a  just 
opinion  can  rarely  be  formed  upon  testimony  altogether  ex- 
'parte  after  fifty-eight  years  of  silence,  it  may  be  allowed  to  the 
Butlers,  though  dead,  to  speak  a  word  for  themselves.  The 
elder  Butler  lived  at  Niagara  many  years  after  the  close  of  the 
contest;  and, though  employed  in  the  British  Indian  Department, 
his  conduct  was  such,  both  in  public  and  private  life,  as  to  com¬ 
mand  the  respect  of  those  who  knew  him. 

The  letter  of  Captain  Butler  to  General  Schuyler,  written  the 
day  after  the  affair  at  Cherry  Valley,  was  delivered  by  the  gen¬ 
tleman  who,  of  all  others,  felt  the  greatest  interest  in  facilitating 
the  arrangement  proposed — Colonel  Campbell  himself.  It  was 
not  answered  by  General  Schuyler,  for  the  reason  that  he  was 
not  then  in  command  of  the  district ;  and  for  the  still  farther 
reason  that,  from  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  it  took  a  differ¬ 
ent  direction.  On  the  1st  of  January,  however,  the  following 
letter  upon  the  subject  was  addressed  to  Captain  Butler  by 
Brigadier-General  James  Clinton  : — 


General  Clinton  to  Captain  Butler. 

“  Albany ,  January  1st,  1779. 

“  Sir, 


A  letter,  dated  the  12th  of  November  last,  signed  by  you, 
and  directed  to  General  Schuyler,  and  which  was  delivered  by 
John  Campbell,  is  come  to  hand.  As  its  contents  related  to 
persons  who  were  citizens  of  the  State,  with  which  the  military 
do  not  interfere,  the  letter  was  not  delivered  to  Brigadier-Gene¬ 
ral  Hand,  who  commanded  in  this  department,  but  transmitted 
to  his  Excellency  Governor  Clinton,  that  his  pleasure  might 
be  known  on  its  contents.  He  has  authorized  me  to  make  the 
exchange  you  request.  I  am  at  a  loss  to  know  not  only  where 
to  direct  to  you,  but  also  in  what  part  of  the  country  the  un¬ 
happy  prisoners  taken  from  this  State  have  been  carried.  I 
therefore  send  the  bearers,  A.  B.  and  C.  D.  with  a  flag,  to  carry 
this  letter  to  any  place  where  they  may  learn  you  are,  or  any 
other  officer  who  can  accomplish  the  exchange  in  your  ab¬ 
sence.  Should  the  prisoners  be  in  any  of  the  Indian  villages, 
and  in  a  condition  to  be  moved,  you  will  please  to  send  them 
to  the  nearest  of  our  settlements  ;  or,  if  you  do  not  choose  to 
do  that,  I  will  send  proper  persons  to  meet  and  receive  them  at 


1778.]  LETTER  OF  GENERAL  CLTNTON.  3S3 

any  place  you  may  appoint.  I  am  not  informed  if  Mrs.  Butler, 
her  family,  and  such  others  as  will  be  given  in  exchange  for 
those  you  have  in  captivity,  and  those  you  have  suffered  to  re¬ 
turn  as  mentioned  in  your  letter,  would  cifoose  to  move  at  this 
inclement  season.  If  they  do,  they  shall  be  sent.  If  not,  they 
may  remain  until  Spring ;  and  then  they  may  either  go  to 
Oswego  or  Canada,  at  their  option.  Should  the  prisoners 
taken  at  Cherry  Yalley,  or  any  others  belonging  to  the  State  of 
New-York,  be  at  Niagara,  it  will  be  impossible  for  them  to  re¬ 
turn  until  Spring ;  and  then  I  request  that  they  may  be  sent  to 
Oswego  or  Fort  Schuyler,  and  that  you  will  send  notice  of 
your  determination,  that  provision  may  be  made  accordingly. 
Do  not  flatter  yourself,  sir,  that  your  father’s  family  have  been 
detained  on  account  of  any  consequence  they  were  supposed  to 
be  of,  or  that  it  is  determined  they  should  be  exchanged  in  con¬ 
sideration  of  the  threat  contained  in  your  letter.  I  should 
hope,  for  the  sake  of  human  nature  and  the  honor  of  civilized 
nations,  that  the  British  officers  had  exerted  themselves  in 
restraining  the  barbarity  of  the  savages.  But  it  is  difficult 
even  for  the  most  disinterested  mind  to  believe  it,  as  numerous 
instances  of  barbarity  have  been  perpetrated  where  savages 
were  not  present — or,  if  they  were,  the  British  force  was  not 
sufficient  to  restrain  them,  had  there  been  a  real  desire  so  to  do. 
The  enormous  murders  committed  at  Wyoming  and  Cherry 
Yalley  would  clearly  have  justified  a  retaliation  ;  and  that  your 
mother  did  not  fall  a  sacrifice  to  the  resentment  of  the  survivors 
of  those  families  who  were  so  barbarously  massacred,  is  owing 
to  the  humane  principles  which  the  conduct  of  their  enemies 
evinces  a  belief  that  they  are  utterly  strangers  to.  The  flag 
will  carry  their  arms  with  them,  that  they  may  furnish  them¬ 
selves  with  provisions,  should  what  they  set  out  with  be  ex¬ 
pended  before  they  reach  any  places  where  they  can  be  supplied. 
As  Captain  Butler  may  be  absent,  I  enclose  a  copy  of  this  letter 
to  General  Schuyler. 

“ 1  am,  &c., 

“  James  Clinton. 

“To  Captain  Walter  Butler,  or  any  officer  in  the  British 
service  to  whom  this  may  be  handed.”* 

*  This  letter  has  been  copied  from  the  original  draft,  among  the  papers  of  General 
Clinton. 

53 


384 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 


This  letter  reached  its  destination  in  due  season,  and  called 
forth  the  following  reply  from  Captain  Butler,  written  in  be¬ 
half  of  his  father  and  himself : — 

Captain  Butler  to  General  Clinton. 

“  Niagara ,  18th  Feb.  1779. 

“  Sir, 

“  I  have  received  a  letter  dated  the  1st  January  last,  signed 
by  you,  in  answer  to  mine  of  the  12th  November. 

11  Its  contents  I  communicated  to  Lieutenant  Colonel  Bolton,  the 
commanding  officer  of  this  garrison,  &c.  by  whom  I  am  directed 
to  acquaint  you,  that  he  had  no  objection  that  an  exchange 
of  prisoners,  as  mentioned  in  your  letter,  should  take  place  ;  but 
not  being  fully  empowered  by  his  Excellency — General  Haldi- 
mand* — to  order  the  same  immediately  to  be  put  in  execution, 
has  thought  proper  I  should  go  down  to  the  Commander-in- 
chief  for  his  direction  in  the  matter. 

<c  In  the  mean  time,  Colonel  Butler,  as  he  ever  has  done  on 
every  other  occasion,  will  make  every  effort  in  his  power  to 
have  all  the  prisoners,  as  well  those  belonging  to  your  troops, 
as  the  women  and  children,  in  captivity  among  the  different  In¬ 
dian  nations,  collected  and  sent  in  to  this  post  to  be  forwarded 
to  Crown  Point,  should  the  exchange  take  place  by  the  way  of 
Canada,  or  to  Oswego,  if  settled  there.  In  either  case  Colonel 
Bolton  desires  me  to  inform  you  that  the  prisoners  shall  receive 
from  him  what  assistance  their  wants  may  require,  which  pri¬ 
soners  have  at  all  times  received  at  this  post. 

“  The  disagreeable  situation  of  your  people  in  the  Indian  vil¬ 
lages,  as  well  as  ours  amongst  you,  will  induce  me  to  make  all 
the  expedition  in  my  power  to  Canada,  (Quebec,)  in  order  that 
the  exchange  may  be  settled  as  soon  as  possible.  For  the  good 
of  both,  I  make  no  doubt  that  his  Excellency  General  Haldi- 
mand  will  acquiesce  in  the  proper  exchange.  The  season  of 
the  year  renders  it  impossible  that  it  should  take  place  before 
the  10th  or  15th  May  next.  However,  I  shall  write  you,  by 
the  way  of  Crown  Point,  General  Haldimand’s  determination, 
and  when  and  where  the  exchange  will  be  most  agreeable  to 
lnm  to  be  made.  I  could  wish  Mrs.  Butler  and  her  family,  in- 

*  General  Sir  Frederick  Haldimand  had  previous  to  this  time  superseded  Sir 
Guy  Carleton  in  the  command  of  the  Canadas. 


1778. 


LETTER  OF  WALTER  N.  BUTLER. 


385 


eluding  Mrs.  Scheehan  and  son,  and  Mrs.  Wall,  were  permitted 
to  go  to  Canada  in  the  Spring,  even  should  the  exchange  be 
fixed  at  Ontario. 

“  It  is  not  our  present  business,  sir,  to  enter  into  an  alterca¬ 
tion,  or  to  reflect  on  the  conduct  of  either  the  British  or  the 
Continental  forces,  or  on  that  of  each  other  ;  but  since  you 
have  charged  (on  report,  I  must  suppose)  the  British  officers  in 
general  with  inhumanity,  and  Colonel  Butler  and  myself  in 
particular  ;  in  justice  to  them,  and  in  vindication  of  his  and 
my  own  honor  and  character,  I  am  under  the  disagreeable  ne¬ 
cessity  to  declare  the  charge  unjust  and  void  of  truth,  and  which 
can  only  tend  to  deceive  the  world,  though  a  favorite  cry  of 
the  Congress  on  every  occasion,  whether  in  truth  or  not. 

“  We  deny  any  cruelties  to  have  been  committed  at  Wyo¬ 
ming,  either  by  whites  or  Indians ;  so  far  to  the  contrary,  that 
not  a  man,  woman,  or  child  was  hurt  after  the  capitulation,  or 
a  woman  or  child  before  it,  and  none  taken  into  captivity. 
Though,  should  you  call  it  inhumanity  the  killing  men  in 
arms  in  the  field ,  we  in  that  case  plead  guilty.  The  inhabit¬ 
ants  killed  at  Cherry  Valley  does  not  lay  at  my  door — my  con¬ 
science  acquits.  If  any  are  guilty  (as  accessories)  it’s  yourselves  ; 
at  least  the  conduct  of  some  of  your  officers.  First,  Colonel 
Hartley,  of  your  forces,  sent  to  the  Indians  the  enclosed,  being  a 
copy  of  his  letter  charging  them  with  crimes  they  never  com¬ 
mitted,  and  threatening  them  and  their  villages  with  fire  and 
sword  and  no  quarters.  The  burning  of  one  of  their  villages, 
then  inhabited  only  by  a  few  families — your  friends — who  ima¬ 
gined  they  might  remain  in  peace  and  friendship  with  you,  till 
assured  a  few  hours  before  the  arrival  of  your  troops  that  they 
should  not  even  receive  quarters,  took  to  the  woods ;  and,  to 
complete  the  matter,  Colonel  Denniston  and  his  people  appear¬ 
ing  again  in  arms  with  Colonel  Hartley,  after  a  solemn  capitu¬ 
lation  and  engagement  not  to  bear  arms  during  the  war,  and 
Colonel  Denniston  not  performing  a  promise  to  release  a  num¬ 
ber  of  soldiers  belonging  to  Colonel  Butler’s  corps  of  rangers, 
then  prisoners  among  you,  were  the  reasons  assigned  by  the 
Indians  to  me,  after  the  destruction  of  Cherry  Valley,  for  their 
not  acting  in  the  same  manner  as  at  Wyoming.  They  added, 
that  being  charged  by  their  enemies  with  what  they  never  had 
done,  and  threatened  by  them,  they  had  determined  to  convince  ' 


386 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 


you  it  was  not  fear  which  had  prevented  them  from  commit¬ 
ting  the  one,  and  that  they  did  not  want  spirit  to  put  your 
threats  against  them  in  force  against  yourselves. 

“  The  prisoners  sent  back  by  me,  or  any  now  in  our  or  the 
Indians’  hands,  must  declare  I  did  every  thing  in  my  power  to 
prevent  the  Indians  killing  the  prisoners,  or  taking  women  and 
children  captive,  or  in  any  wise  injuring  them.  Colonel  Stacey 
and  several  other  officers  of  yours,  when  exchanged,  will 
acquit  me ;  and  must  further  declare,  that  they  have  received 
every  assistance,  before  and  since  their  arrival  at  this  post,  that 
could  be  got  to  relieve  their  wants.  I  must,  however,  beg  leave, 
by  the  bye,  to  observe,  that  I  experienced  no  humanity,  or  even 
common  justice,  during  my  imprisonment  among  you. 

“  I  enclose  you  a  list  of  officers  and  privates  whom  I  should 
be  glad  were  exchanged  likewise.  The  list  of  the  families  we 
expect  for  those  as  well  sent  back  as  others  in  our  hands,  you 
have  likewise  enclosed. 

“  Colonel  Stacey,  and  several  officers  and  others,  your  peo¬ 
ple,  are  at  this  post,  and  have  leave  to  write. 

“  I  am, 

“Your  very  humble  serv’t., 

“  Walter  N.  Butler, 

“  Captain  corps  of  Rangers. 

“  Brigadier  Gen.  Clinton, 
of  the  Continental  forces .” 

This  is  a  straight-forward,  manly  letter  ;  and  when  the  im¬ 
partial  reader  is  weighing  the  testimony  in  regard  to  the  trans¬ 
actions  of  which  it  speaks,  it  certainly  deserves  consideration. 

It  is,  moreover,  believed  to  be  the  first  time  that  the  accused 
have  been  permitted  to  relate  their  own  side  of  the  case. 
There  were,  no  doubt,  bloody  outrages  committed — probably 
upon  both  sides — because  in  such  a  contest,  waged  by  border¬ 
ers,  many  of  whom,  as  has  been  seen,  were  previously  burning 
with  indignation  against  each  other,  it  is  hardly  to  be  expected 
that  individual  combatants  would  always  contend  hand  to 
hand  with  all  the  courtesy  which  characterised  gallant  knights  - 
in  the  days  of  chivalry.  In  justice  to  Colonel  John  Butler, 
moreover,  it  must  be  admitted  that  his  conduct  toward  his  pri¬ 
soners  at  Niagara,  and  among  the  Indians  in  that  country,  was 


387 


1778.]  mrs.  campbell’s  captivity. 

uniformly  characterised  by  humanity.  One  proof  of  this  dis¬ 
position  was  afforded  in  the  case  of  Colonel  Stacia,  whose  de¬ 
struction  had,  for  some  reason  or  other,  been  determined  upon 
by  Molly  Brant,  the  Indian  wife  of  Sir  William  Johnson  ;  who, 
in  her  widowhood,  had  been  taken  from  Johnstown  to  Niagara.* 
The  few  prisoners  from  Cherry  Valley  were  marched,  by  the 
route  already  indicated,  to  the  Seneca  country.  Mrs.  Camp¬ 
bell  was  carried  to  the  Seneca  castle  at  Kanadaseago,  where 
she  was  presented  to  a  family  to  fill  a  place  made  vacant  by 
the  death  of  one  of  its  members.  Her  children,  the  infant  in¬ 
cluded,  were  separated  from  her,  and  distributed  among  differ¬ 
ent  Indian  families.  Being  skilful  with  her  needle,  and  render¬ 
ing  herself  useful  to  those  with  whom  she  lived,  she  was 
treated  with  indulgence.  No  restraints  were  imposed  upon  her, 
and  she  was  even  gratified  in  her  desire  to  pay  a  due  regard  to 
the  Sabbath,  of  which  institution  they  were  ignorant.  Among 
other  little  civilities,  perceiving  that  she  wore  caps,  an  Indian 
presented  her  one,  which  was  cut  and  spotted  with  blood.  On 
a  closer  scrutiny,  her  feelings  were  shocked  by  the  discovery, 

*  “  Molly  Brant  had,  for  some  cause,  a  deadly  hostility  to  Colonel  Stacia.  Re¬ 
sorting  to  the  Indian  method  of  dreaming,  she  informed  Colonel  Butler  that  she 
had  dreamed  that  she  had  the  Yankee’s  head,  and  that  she  and  the  Indians  were 
kicking  it  about  the  fort.  Colonel  Butler  ordered  a  small  keg  of  rum  to  be  painted 
and  given  to  her.  This,  for  a  short  time,  appeased  her ;  but  she  dreamed  a  second 
time  that  she  had  the  Yankee’s  head,  with  his  hat  on,  and  that  she  and  the  Indians 
were  kicking  it  about  the  fort  for  a  football.  Colonel  Butler  ordered  another  keg  of 
rum  to  be  given  to  her,  and  then  told  her  decidedly  that  Colonel  Stacia  should  not 
be  given  up  to  the  Indians.  Apart  from  this  circumstance,  I  know  nothing  disreput¬ 
able  to  Molly  Brant.  On  the  contrary,  she  appears  to  have  had  just  views  of  her 
duties.  She  was  careful  of  the  education  of  her  children,  some  of  whom  were  re¬ 
spectably  married.’' — Campbell's  Jlnnals. — It  may  be  added,  that  her  descendants 
from  Sir  William  Johnson  compose  some  of  the  most  respectable  and  intelligent 
families  of  Upper  Canada  at  this  day.  The  traditions  of  the  Mohawk  Valley  state, 
that  the  acquaintance  of  Sir  William  with  Molly  had  a  rather  wild  and  romantic 
commencement.  The  story  runs,  that  she  was  a  very  sprightly  and  very  beautiful 
Indian  girl  of  about  sixteen  when  he  first  saw  her.  It  was  at  a  regimental  militia 
muster,  where  Molly  was  one  of  a  multitude  of  spectators.  One  of  the  field-officers 
coming  near  her  upon  a  prancing  steed,  by  way  of  banter  she  asked  permission  to 
mount  behind  him.  Not  supposing  she  could  perform  the  exploit,  he  said  she  might. 
At  the  word  she  leaped  upon  the  crupper  with  the  agility  of  a  gazelle.  The  horse 
sprang  off  at  full  speed,  and,  clinging  to  the  officer,  her  blanket  flying,  and  her  dark 
tresses  streaming  in  the  wind,  she  flew  about  the  parade-ground  swift  as  an  arrow, 
to  the  infinite  merriment  of  the  collected  multitude.  The  Baronet,  who  was  a  wit¬ 
ness  of  the  spectacle,  admiring  the  spirit  of  the  young  squaw,  and  becoming  ena¬ 
moured  of  her  person,  took  her  home  as  his  wife. 


LIFE  OF  BRANT, 


388 


[1778. 


from  the  mark,  that  it  had  belonged  to  the  lovely  companion 
of  her  youth,  the  hapless  Jane  Wells  ! 

After  returning  from  a  successful  expedition,  a  dance  of 
Thanksgiving  is  performed  by  the  Iroquois,  which  partakes  of 
the  character  of  a  religious  ceremony  ;*  and  Mrs.  Campbell  had 
the  opportunity,  soon  after  her  arrival  at  Kanadeseaga,  of  wit¬ 
nessing  the  festival  in  honor  of  their  recent  victory,  of  which 
she  herself  was  one  of  the  trophies.  A  grand  council  was  con¬ 
voked  for  this  purpose,  and  preparations  were  made  for  the  obser¬ 
vance  of  the  festival,  upon  a  scale  corresponding  with  the  im¬ 
portance  of  the  achievements  they  were  to  celebrate.  The  ar¬ 
rangements  having  been  completed,  the  warriors  came  forth  to 
the  centre  of  the  village,  where  the  great  fire  had  been  kindled, 
horribly  disfigured  by  black  and  red  paint,  and  commenced 
their  savage  rites  by  singing  of  their  own  exploits,  and  those 
of  their  ancestors, — by  degrees  working  themselves  up  into  a 
tempest  of  passion  ;  whooping,  yelling,  and  uttering  every  hi¬ 
deous  cry  :  brandishing  their  knives  and  war-clubs,  and  throw¬ 
ing  themselves  into  the  most  menacing  attitudes,  in  a  manner 
terrific  to  the  unpractised  beholder.  There  was  no  prisoner 
put  to  the  torture,  or  attired  with  the  raven  death-cap  on  this 
oocasion;  t  but  the  prisoners  were  paraded,  and  the  scalps  borne 
in  procession,  as  would  have  been  the  standards  taken  in  civi¬ 
lized  warfare  in  the  celebration  of  a  triumph.  For  every  scalp, 
and  for  every  prisoner  taken,  the  scalp-yell ,  or,  as  it  is  some¬ 
times  called,  the  death-halloo ,  was  raised  in  all  its  mingled 
tones  of  triumph  and  terror.!  The  scalp-yell  is  the  most  ter¬ 
rific  note  which  an  Indian  can  raise,  and  from  the  numbers 
that  had  fallen  during  this  expedition,  it  was  often  repeated. 
The  white  dog  for  the  sacrifice  was  then  killed ;  the  offerings 
collected  were  thrown  into  the  fire ;  whereupon  the  dog  was 
laid  upon  the  pile  and  thoroughly  roasted.  The  flesh  was 
then  eaten,  and  the  wild  festival  closed. 

From  an  account  of  the  ceremonies  at  one  of  the  festivals,  of 


*  Heckewelder. 

f  The  Indians  do  not  often  put  their  prisoners  to  the  torture,  or  even  to  death — 
seldom,  unless  when  they  have  sustained  great  losses,  or  when  some  of  their  war¬ 
riors  have  been  murdered.  The  torture  is  then  resorted  to,  to  glut  their  vengeance. 
— Heckewelder. 

t  Idem.  *- 


THE  DOG  SACRIFICE. 


389 


1778.] 

which  Mrs.  Campbell  was  a  spectator  during  her  captivity,  she 
must  have  been  present  at  the  great  annual  feast  of  thanksgiv¬ 
ing  and  remission  of  sin,  which  is  held  by  the  Senecas  and 
other  tribes  of  the  confederacy.  This  is  their  greatest  na¬ 
tional  and  most  solemn  sacrifice.  It  is  invariably  held  at 
the  time  of  the  old  moon  in  January,  and  is  celebrated  with 
great  parade  ;  the  ceremonies  being  conducted  with  the  utmost 
order,  harmony,  and  decorum,  under  the  direction  of  a  large 
committee  appointed  for  that  purpose. 

The  festivities  continued  nine  days,  on  the  first  of  which 
two  white  dogs,  without  spot  or  blemish,  if  such  could  be  found, 
were  strangled  and  hung  up  before  the  door  of  the  council- 
house,  at  the  height  of  twenty  feet.  Not  a  drop  of  blood  was 
allowed  to  be  shed  in  compassing  their  death,  as  the  victims 
would  thereby  be  rendered  unfit  for  the  sacrifice.  After  the 
animals  were  killed,  and  before  their  suspension,  their  faces 
were  painted  red,  as  also  the  edges  of  their  ears  and  other 
parts  of  their  bodies.  They  were  then  fantastically  decorated 
with  ribbons  and  feathers,  rendering  them  as  beautiful,  in  the 
eye  of  an  Indian,  as  possible.  Their  fancy  dress  being  com¬ 
pleted,  the  dogs  were  hung  up,  and  the  ceremonies  of  the  frolic 
commenced.  In  the  course  of  the  first  day  every  lodge  in  the 
town  was  visited  by  the  committee,  each  member  being  pro¬ 
vided  with  a  shovel,  with  which  he  removed  the  ashes  and 
coals  from  every  hearth,  and  scattered  them  to  the  winds.  In 
this  manner  the  fire  of  every  lodge  was  extinguished,  to  be 
re-kindled  only  by  striking  virgin  sparks  from  the  flint.  The 
discharge  of  a  gun  at  every  lodge  announced  that  the  work  of 
purification,  even  of  fire  itself,  had  been  performed ;  and  with 
this  ceremony  ended  the  labors  of  the  first  day. 

The  ceremonies  of  the  second  day  were  opened  with  a  dance 
by  the  committee,  after  which,  dressed  in  bear-skins,  the  mem¬ 
bers  visited  every  lodge,  with  baskets  to  take  up  alms — receiving 
whatever  was  bestowed,  but  particularly  tobacco,  and  other 
articles  used  for  incense  in  the  sacrifice.  Two  or  three  days 
were  occupied  in  receiving  these  grateful  donations,  during 
which  time  the  people  at  the  council-house  were  engaged  in 
dances  and  other  recreations.  On  the  fifth  day  masks  were 
added  to  the  bear-skin  dresses  of  the  masters  of  the  festival, 
some  ludicrous  and  others  frightful,  in  which  they  ran  about 


390 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 

the  village,  smearing  themselves  with  dirt,  and  bedaubing  all 
such  as  refused  to  add  to  the  contents  of  their  baskets  of  in¬ 
cense.  While  thus  engaged,  the  collectors  were  supposed  to 
receive  into  their  own  bodies  all  the  sins  of  their  tribe,  how¬ 
ever  numerous  or  heinous,  committed  within  the  preceding 
year. 

On  the  ninth  day  of  the  feast,  by  some  magical  process,  the 
sins  of  the  nation  thus  collected  were  transfused  from  the 
several  members  of  the  Committee  into  one  of  their  number. 
The  dogs  were  then  taken  down,  and  the  whole  weight  of  the 
nation’s  iniquity,  by  another  magical  process,  was  transfused  into 
their  lifeless  carcasses.  The  bodies  of  the  dogs  were  next  laid 
upon  an  altar  of  wood,  to  which  fire  was  applied,  and  the 
whole  consumed — the  masters  of  the  sacrifice  throwing  the 
tobacco  and  other  odoriferous  articles  into  the  flames,  the  in¬ 
cense  ascending  from  which  was  supposed  to  be  acceptable  to 
the  Great  Spirit.  The  sacrifice  ended,  the  people  all  partook 
of  a  bountiful  feast,  the  chief  article  of  which  was  succatash. 
Then  followed  the  war  and  peace  dances,  and  the  smoking  of 
the  calumet.  Thus  refreshed,  and  relieved  from  the  burden  of 
sin — at  peace  with  the  Great  Spirit,  and  with  each  other — the 
warriors  with  their  families  returned,  each  to  his  own  house, 
prepared  to  enter  upon  the  business  and  the  duties  of  another 
year  ;  the  chiefs,  during  the  festival,  having  carefully  reviewed 
the  past,  and  adjusted  their  policy  for  the  future.* 

Captain  Butler  having  returned  from  his  visit  to  General 
Haldimand,  with  permission  for  the  proposed  exchange  of  pri¬ 
soners,  the  Colonel,  his  father,  proceeded  to  the  Seneca  castle 

*  The  reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Campbell  scarcely  allowed  her  to  give  the  particulars 
of  this  great  festival  in  extenso,  although  she  seems,  from  the  Annals  of  her  grandson, 
to  have  retained  a  remembrance  of  the  leading  points  of  the  ceremonies.  The  au¬ 
thor  has  supplied  the  deficiencies  of  her  account  from  the  life  of  Mrs.  Jemison.  The 
sacrifice  of  dogs  is,  we  believe,  universal  among  the  North  American  Indians.  How 
long  the  practice  has  prevailed  cannot  well  be  known.  Cotton  Mather  affirms, 
“  that  the  Indians,  in  their  wars  with  us,  finding  a  sore  inconvenience  by  our  dogs, 
sacrificed  a  dog  to  the  devil ;  after  which  no  English  dog  would  bark  at  an  Indian 
for  divers  months  ensuing.”  Magnalia,  iii.  192.  What  interpreter  the  devil  had  on 
these  occasions,  does  not  appear.  That  he  did  not  understand  the  Indian  tongue,  is 
manifest  from  the  same  writer : — “  Once  finding  that  the  Daemons,  in  a  possessed 
young  woman,  understood  the  Latin,  Greek,  and  Hebrew  tongues,  my  curiosity  in¬ 
duced  me  to  make  trial  of  this  Indian  language,  and  the  Daemons  did  seem  as  if  they 
did  not  understand  it.” — Sands. 


1778.]  mrs.  campbell’s  captivity.  391 

to  negotiate  for  the  release  of  Mrs.  Campbell.  The  family  by 
whom  she  had  been  adopted  were  very  reluctant  to  part  with 
her  ;  but,  after  the  holding  of  a  council,  the  strong  appeals  of 
Colonel  Butler,  who  was  anxious  for  the  release  of  his  own 
wife  and  family,  prevailed.  Mrs.  Campbell,  however,  had  been 
pledged  to  a  Genesee  family,  whither  she  was  shortly  to  be  re¬ 
moved  ;  and  as  her  liberation  could  not  be  completed  without  the 
consent  of  that  family,  Guyanguahta,  the  aged  king  of  the 
Senecas,  who  had  become  her  zealous  friend,  made  the  journey 
to  the  Genesee  on  her  behalf.  He  was  successful,  and  Mrs. 
Campbell  was  removed  to  Niagara.  The  aged  king,  being  too 
old  to  go  out  upon  the  war-path,  had  borne  no  part  in  the 
pending  hostilities.  He  seemed  little  disposed  to  evil,  and  on 
parting  with  the  fair  captive  bade  her  an  affectionate  farewell 
in  the  words  following: — ‘‘You  are  about  to  return  to  your 
“  home  and  friends,”  said  the  venerable  sachem.  “  I  rejoice. 
“  You  live  a  great  way  off,  and  many  journies  from  here.  I  am 
“  an  old  man,  and  do  not  know  that  I  shall  live  to  the  end  of 
“  the  war.  If  I  do,  I  will  come  and  see  you.”*  Mrs.  Camp¬ 
bell  reached  Niagara  in  June,  1779.  While  residing  there, 
among  others  she  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing  the  celebrated 
Catharine  Montour,  whose  name  occurs  in  the  preceding  pages 
in  connexion  with  the  battle  of  Wyoming.  One  of  her  two 
sons,  who  had  signalized  themselves  at  Wyoming,  was  also  in 
the  affair  at  Cherry  Valley  ;  and  it  was  he  who  made  prisoner 
of  Mr.  Cannon,  the  father  of  Mrs.  Campbell,  after  he  had  been 
wounded  by  a  musket  ball.  Being  a  Whig  of  consideration, 
and  also  a  member  of  the  Committee  of  Safety,  it  was  deter¬ 
mined  to  retain  Mr.  Cannon  in  captivity,  for  the  purpose  of  ex¬ 
changing1  him  for  some  one  of  their  own  men  of  like  conse- 
quence.  But  his  age  and  his  wound  rendered  him  an  incon¬ 
venient  prisoner,  and  Kate  Montour  was  in  a  rage  with  her 
son  for  not  having  killed  him  outright.  Yet,  notwithstanding 
this  exhibition  of  a  savage  temper,  she  was  treated  with 
marked  consideration  by  the  British  officers. 

It  was  not  until  June  of  the  following  year  that  Mrs.  Camp¬ 
bell  was  sent  from  Niagara  to  Montreal,  on  her  way  home. 
While  residing  at  the  former  post,  the  Indians  having  been 


*  Campbell’s  Annals. 

54 


392 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 

driven  into  the  fort,  she  was  enabled  to  recover  three  of  her 
children.  On  her  arrival  at  Montreal,  she  met  with  Mrs.  But¬ 
ler  and  her  family,  who  had  been  previously  released.  Here, 
also,  and  in  charge  of  that  lady,  Mrs.  Campbell  found  her 
fourth  child,  a  little  son  who  had  been  torn  from  her  in  the 
Cherry  Valley  massacre.  He  was  dressed  in  the  green  uniform 
of  Butler’s  rangers ;  but  had  forgotten  the  English  language — 
speaking  nothing  but  Indian.  From  Montreal  Mrs.  Campbell 
was  sent  to  Albany  by  the  way  of  Lake  Champlain,*  where  she 
was  shortly  afterward  joined  by  her  husband,  who  had  been 
stationed  at  Fort  Schuyler  most  of  the  time  during  her  captivity. 

The  destruction  of  Cherry  Valley  closed  the  warlike  opera¬ 
tions  of  both  nations,  in  the  North,  for  that  year.  A  formida¬ 
ble  campaign  had  indeed  been  projected  early-  in  the  season,  as 
has  been  already  stated,  not  only  against  the  hostiles  of  the  Six 
Nations,  but  likewise  against  the  nations  more  remote,  for 
whom  Detroit  was  the  common  centre.  But  the  larger  half  of 
this  enterprise  had  been  abandoned  after  the  irruption  into 
Wyoming,  and  the  next  project  contemplated  the  invasion  of 
the  Seneca  country  by  way  of  the  Tioga  and  Chemung  rivers. 
In  October  this  branch  of  the  project  was  likewise  deferred,  at 
the  suggestion  of  Generals  Gates  and  Schuyler. 

*  On  her  way  from  Montreal,  a  variety  of  circumstances  and  incidents  intervened 
to  harass  Mrs.  Campbell  and  the  prisoners  returning  in  her  company,  and  to  retard 
their  progress.  She  had  been  detained  four  months  at  Montreal,  and  these  addi¬ 
tional  delays  were  exceedingly  vexatious.  Before  their  departure  from  Crown 
Point,  a  rumor  had  reached  the  American  shores  of  the  lake,  from  Ticonderoga  to 
Skenesborough,  that  another  expedition  was  about  to  be  undertaken  from  Canada 
against  New-York,  and  the  inhabitants  had  become  not  a  little  alarmed  at  the 
prospect.  It  happened  that  the  men  in  the  batteaux  containing  the  prisoners,  were 
clad  in  blanket  coats,  and  some  of  the  women  wore  red  cloaks.  A  scout  had  disco¬ 
vered  them  on  the  lake,  and  taking  them  for  a  party  of  Indians  and  Tories,  gave  the 
alarm,  and  before  their  arrival,  more  than  a  thousand  men  had  collected,  under  Col. 
Ethan  Allen.  While  stopping  at  a  small  fortress,  eight  miles  from  Castleton,  it  was 
announced  that  a  flag  was  approaching.  It  was  supposed  to  be  sent  to  demand  the 
surrender  of  the  fortress.  Col.  Herrick,  of  the  militia,  struck  his  sword  upon  the 
ground  with  such  force  that  he  broke  it  in  pieces,  saying  it  should  not  be  surrendered. 
Col.  Allen  told  the  prisoners  that  they  should  not  again  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy,  and  immediately  mounting  them  upon  horseback,  sent  them  off  toward 
Albany,  with  an  escort  of  a  hundred  men.  This  flag  was  sent  for  the  following 
reason: — It  had  been  rumored  that  the  inhabitants  in  that  section  had  said  that  if 
they  were  not  protected  from  the  incursions  of  the  Indians  and  Tories,  they  would 
seek  protection  elsewhere.  It  is  perhaps  needless  to  add  that  this  flag  was  sent  to 
offer  them  the  protection  of  Great  Britain — a  proposition  which  was  of  course  re¬ 
fused. — Campbell’s  Jlnnals. 


1778.] 


sir  john  Johnson’s  iron  chest. 


393 


Meantime,  notwithstanding  that  these  enterprises  had  succes¬ 
sively  fallen  to  the  ground  for  want  of  “  the  sinews  of  war,” 
Congress  had  been  projecting  another  stupendous  campaign, 
comprehending  a  simultaneous  attack  upon  the  whole  northern 
range  of  British  possessions,  from  Cape  Breton  and  Newfound¬ 
land  to  Detroit.  The  French  fleet  was  to  co-operate  by  at¬ 
tacking  the  islands  and  territories  at  the  estuary  of  the  St. 
Lawrence ;  while  the  Americans  were  to  send  an  army  to  De¬ 
troit,  another  to  Niagara,  a  third  to  Oswego,  and  a  fourth  against 
Montreal  by  the  way  of  St.  Francis.  It  is  needless  to  add,  that 
although  Congress  had  arranged  all  the  details,  the  moment 
the  plan  was  laid  before  the  Commander-in-chief,  who  had  not 
previously  been  consulted  in  the  premises,  it  was  necessarily 
laid  aside.  In  the  first  place,  the  nation  had  not  the  means  ; 
and  in  the  second,  Congress,  in  arranging  matters  for  this 
splendid  undertaking,  had  forgotten  that  they  were  to  leave  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  and  all  the  British  forces  in  New-York,  and  at 
the  South,  computed  at  the  least  at  seventeen  thousand  men,  be¬ 
hind  !  Thus  closed  the  Northern  campaigns  of  1778.  The 
British,  Tories  and  Indians  went  into  winter-quarters,  and  the 
frontier  inhabitants  disposed  of  themselves  as  best  they  could. 

Much  has  been  said  in  the  traditions  of  Tryon  County,  and 
somewhat,  also,  in  the  courts  of  law,  in  cases  involving  titles 
to  real  estate  formerly  in  the  family  of  Sir  William  John¬ 
son,  respecting  the  burial  of  an  iron  chest,  by  his  son  Sir  John, 
previous  to  his  flight  to  Canada,  containing  the  most  valuable  of 
his  own  and  his  father’s  papers.  Late  in  the  Autumn  of  the  pre¬ 
sent  year,  General  Haldimand,  at  the  request  of  Sir  John,  sent 
a  party  of  between  forty  and  fifty  men  privately  to  Johnstown, 
to  dig  up  and  carry  the  chest  away.  The  expedition  was  suc¬ 
cessful  ;  but  the  chest  not  being  sufficiently  tight  to  prevent 
the  influence  of  dampness  from  the  earth,  the  papers  had  be¬ 
come  mouldy,  rotten,  and  illegible,  when  taken  up.  The  in¬ 
formation  respecting  this  expedition  was  derived,  in  the  Spring 
following,  from  a  man  named  Helmer,  who  composed  one  of  the 
party,  and  assisted  in  disinterring  the  chest.  Helmer  had  fled  to 
Canada  with  Sir  John.  While  retiring  from  Johnstown  with 
the  chest,  he  injured  his  ankle  ;  and  by  reason  of  his  lameness, 
went  back  to  his  father’s  house,  where  he  remained  concealed 
until  Spring,  when  he  was  arrested.  He  was  tried  as  a  spy 


394 


LIFE  OF  BHANT. 


[1778. 


by  a  court-martial,  at  Johnstown,  April  15, 1779,  and  sentenced 
to  death — chiefly  on  his  own  admissions  to  the  court.  A  con¬ 
siderable  number  of  rather  summary  executions,  by  the  Whigs 
of  Tryon  County,  took  place  in  the  course  of  the  contest.* 

The  leading  military  events  occurring  in  other  parts  of  the 
country,  during  the  year  1778,  have  already  been  incidentally 
adverted  to,  with  the  exception  of  those  that  transpired  at  the 
South.  In  the  month  of  June,  the  Earl  of  Carlisle,  Governor 
Johnstone,  and  William  Eden,  Esq.  who,  in  conjunction  with 
General  and  Lord  Howe,  had  been  appointed  Commissioners 
to  make  another  attempt  to  treat  with  the  Colonies,  arrived, 
and  sent  their  instructions  to  Congress.  A  letter  from  the 
President  was  despatched  in  reply,  rebuking  the  Commissioners 
for  the  language  indulged  by  them  in  regard  to  the  King  of 
France,  our  ally,  and  again  peremptorily  refusing  to  entertain 
a  negotiation,  except  upon  the  basis  of  independent  States.  On 
the  6th  of  August,  M.  Gerard  was  publicly  received  as  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  of  the  King  of  France — to  the  great  joy  of  the 
American  people  ;  and  on  the  14th  of  September,  Dr.  Benja¬ 
min  Franklin  was  appointed  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  the 
Court  of  Versailles. 

In  the  course  of  the  Summer,  two  incursions  of  British  regu¬ 
lars  and  American  refugees  had  been  made  from  Florida  into 
Georgia.  Both  expeditions  met  with  such  disheartening  ob¬ 
stacles,  as  to  induce  their  retreat  without  accomplishing  more 
than  the  destruction  of  the  church,  dwelling-houses,  and  rice- 
fields  of  Midway.  In  return  for  these  visitations,  General 
Robert  Ilowe  led  an  expedition  of  about  two  thousand  men, 
mostly  militia,  into  Florida.  He  captured  the  British  posts  on 
the  St.  Mary’s  river,  and  was  proceedingsuccessfully,  when  his 
march  was  arrested  by  sickness,  so  fatal  to  his  army  as  to 
compel  a  relinquishment  of  the  enterprise.  Toward  the  close 


*  This  information,  in  regard  to  the  recovery  of  the  iron  chest,  is  derived  from  the 
minutes  of  the  court-martial,  among  the  papers  of  Gen.  Clinton.  The  MS.  narra¬ 
tive  of  Jacob  Sammons,  in  the  author’s  possession,  states  that  the  chest  was  dug  up 
during  a  night  in  May,  1778,  by  Lieut.  Crawford,  at  the  head  of  forty  men  sent 
from  Canada  for  that  purpose.  Sammons  then  held  a  lease  of  the  Johnson  farm 
from  the  committee  of  sequestrations.  The  chest  had  been  buried  beneath  one  of 
the  garden  walks.  Sammons  discovered  it  in  the  morning,  with  the  fragments  of 
papers  scattered  around  it.  But  as  he  wrote  his  narrative  long  afterward,  the  proba¬ 
bility  is  that  the  date  given  on  the  trial  of  Helmer  is  the  true  one. 


CLOSE  OF  THE  YEAR. 


395 


1778.] 

of  the  year,  the  British  Commander-in-chief  determined  to 
strike  a  signal  blow  against  the  South.  For  this  purpose  an 
expedition  of  two  thousand  men,  under  the  command  of  Colo¬ 
nel  Campbell,  an  officer  of  courage  and  ability,  embarked  at 
New-York  on  the  27th  of  November,  destined  against  Savan¬ 
nah.  After  a  passage  of  three  weeks,  Colonel  Campbell  landed 
near  the  mouth  of  Savannah  river.  General  Howe,  to  whom 
the  defence  of  Georgia  had  been  confided,  had  but  six  hundred 
regular  troops  and  a  few  hundred  militia  to  oppose  the  invaders. 
This  officer  had  taken  a  position  between  the  landing  and  the 
town,  where  a  battle  was  fought  on  the  29th  of  December. 
He  was  out-numbered,  out-generalled,  and  beaten,  with  a  loss 
of  one  hundred  killed.  The  town  and  fort  of  Savannah,  thirty- 
eight  officers,  four  hundred  and  fifteen  privates,  twenty-three 
murtars,  together  with  the  shipping  in  the  river,  and  a  large 
quantity  of  ammunition  and  provisions,  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  conquerors.  It  was  an  easy  victory  to  the  enemy,  whose 
loss  was  but  seven  killed  and  nineteen  wounded. 

From  these  glimpses  of  the  events  of  the  year  1778,  occurring 
elsewhere  than  in  the  Indian  country,  it  seems,  after  the  battle 
of  Monmouth,  to  have  been  a  season  of  comparative  inactivity 
on  both  sides.  Still,  having  repossessed  themselves  of  the  strong 
pass  of  the  Highlands  immediately  after  the  return  of  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  and  Commodore  Hotham  to  New-York,  toward  the  close 
of  the  preceding  year,  no  lack  of  industry  was  exhibited  on  the 
part  of  the  Americans  in  strengthening  and  multiplying  its  de¬ 
fences,  from  which  neither  force  nor  treachery  ever  again  dis¬ 
lodged  them.  The  prosecution  of  those  works  had  been  origi¬ 
nally  entrusted  to  General  Putnam  ;  but  the  advanced  age  of 
that  patriotic  officer  had  rendered  him  less  active  than  formerly, 
and  he  had  become  unpopular  in  New-York — mainly  from  an 
impression  that  a  more  energetic  commander,  stationed,  as  he 
was,  with  an  army  at  Fishkill,  and  apprised  of  the  approach  of 
Sir  Henry  Clinton,  would  have  saved  Forts  Clinton  and  Mont¬ 
gomery.  By  directions  from  the  Commander-in-chief,  therefore, 
the  Connecticut  veteran  had  been  transferred  back  to  his  own 
State,  upon  a  different  service. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


Indian  siege  of  Fort  Laurens — Successful  stratagems — Flight  of  the  pack-horses — 
The  fort  abandoned — Projected  enterprise  from  Detroit — Gov.  Hamilton  captured 
at  St.  Vincent  by  Col.  Clarke — Projects  of  Brant — Uneasiness  in  the  West  of 
New-York — Deliberations  of  the  Oneidas  and  Onondagas — Brant’s  projects  de¬ 
feated — Treachery  of  the  Onondagas — Colonel  Van  Schaick  marches  to  lay  waste 
their  towns — Instructions  of  General  Clinton — Passage  of  Wood  Creek  and 
Oneida  Lake — Advance  upon  the  Indian  towns — Their  destruction — Return  of 
the  expedition  to  Fort  Schuyler — Mission  of  the  Oneidas  to  Fort  Schuyler  in  be¬ 
half  of  the  Onondagas — Speech  of  Good  Peter — Reply  of  Colonel  Van  Schaick — 
Irruption  of  Tories  and  Indians  into  the  lower  Mohawk  country — Stone  Arabia — 
Defence  of  his  house  by  Captain  Richer — The  Indians  in  Schoharie — General 
Clinton  traverses  the  Mohawk  valley — M’Clellan’s  expedition  to  Oswegatchie — 
Unsuccessful — Irruption  of  the  Onondagas  into  Cobleskill — Defeat  of  the  Ame¬ 
ricans — The  settlement  destroyed — Murders  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Pitt — 
Irruptions  of  Tories  into  Warwarsing — Invasion  of  Minisink — Battle  near  the 
Delaware — Massacre  of  the  Orange  County  militia — Battle  with  the  Shawanese. 

The  erection  of  an  advanced  post,  called  Fort  Laurens,  on 
the  Tuscarawa,  by  General  M’Intosh,  who  was  directed  to  ad¬ 
vance  upon  the  Indian  towns  of  Sandusky,  has  been  mentioned 
in  a  preceding  chapter.  Colonel  Gibson,  who  had  been  left  in 
command  of  the  fort,  with  a  garrison  of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
men,  soon  found  his  position  rather  uncomfortable,  by  reason 
of  the  swarms  of  Indians  hovering  about  the  precincts,  who  soon 
became  so  numerous  as  completely  to  invest  the  little  fortress. 
The  first  hostile  demonstration  of  the  forest  warriors  was  exe¬ 
cuted  with  equal  cunning  and  success.  The  horses  of  the 
garrison  were  allowed  to  forage  for  themselves  upon  the  herbage, 
among  the  dried  prairie-grass  immediately  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  fort — wearing  bells,  that  they  might  be  the  more  easily 
found  if  straying  too  far.  It  happened  one  morning  in  January, 
that  the  horses  had  all  disappeared,  but  the  bells  were  heard, 
seemingly  at  no  great  distance.  They  had,  in  truth,  been  stolen 
by  the  Indians,  and  conveyed  away.  The  bells,  however, 
were  taken  off,  and  used  for  another  purpose.  Availing  them¬ 
selves  of  the  tall  prairie-grass,  the  Indians  farmed  an  ambus¬ 
cade,  at  the  farthest  extremity  of  which  they  caused  the  bells  to 
jingle  as  a  decoy.  The  artifice  was  successful.  A  party  of 
sixteen  men  was  sent  in  pursuit  of  the  straggling  steeds,  who 
fell  into  the  snare.  Fourteen  were  killed  upon  the  spot,  and 


1779,]  SIEGE  OF  FORT  LAURENS.  397 

the  remaining-  two  taken  prisoners,  one  of  whom  returned  at 
the  close  of  the  war,  aud  of  the  other  nothing  was  ever  heard.* 
Toward  evening  of  the  same  day,  the  whole  force  of  the  In¬ 
dians,  painted,  and  in  the  full  costume  of  war,  presented  them¬ 
selves  in  full  view  of  the  garrison,  by  marching  in  single  files, 
though  at  a  respectful  distance,  across  the  prairie.  Their  num¬ 
ber,  according  to  a  count  from  one  of  the  bastions,  was  eight 
hundred  and  forty-seven — altogether  too  great  to  be  encountered 
in  the  field  by  so  small  a  garrison.  After  this  display  of  their 
strength,  the  Indians  took  a  position  upon  an  elevated  piece  of 
ground  at  no  great  distance  from  the  fort,  though  on  the  op¬ 
posite  side  of  the  river.  In  this  situation  they  remained  seve¬ 
ral  weeks,  in  a  state  rather  of  armed  neutrality  than  of  active 
hostility.  Some  of  them  would  frequently  approach  the  fort 
sufficiently  near  to  hold  conversations  with  those  upon  the 
walls.  They  uniformly  professed  a  desire  for  peace,  but  pro¬ 
tested  against  the  encroachments  of  the  white  people  upon  their 
lands — more  especially  was  the  erection  of  a  fort  so  far  within 
the  territory  claimed  by  them  as  exclusively  their  own,  a  cause 
of  complaint — nay,  of  admitted  exasperation.  There  was  with 
the  Americans  in  the  fort,  an  aged  friendly  Indian  named 
John  Thompson,  who  seemed  to  be  in  equal  favor  with  both 
parties,  visiting  the  Indian  encampment  at  pleasure,  and  coming 
and  going  as  he  chose.  They  informed  Thompson  that  they 
deplored  the  continuance  of  hostilities,  and  finally  sent  word 
by  him  to  Colonel  Gibson,  that  they  were  desirous  of  peace,  and 
if  he  would  present  them  with  a  barrel  of  flour,  they  would 
send  in  their  proposals  the  next  day.  The  flour  was  sent,  but 
the  Indians,  instead  of  fulfilling  their  part  of  the  stipulation, 
withdrew,  and  entirely  disappeared.  They  had,  indeed,  con¬ 
tinued  the  siege  as  long  as  they  could  obtain  subsistence,  and 
raised  it  only  because  of  the  lack  of  supplies.  Still,  as  the  be- 
leaguerment  was  begun  in  stratagem,  so  was  it  ended.  Colo- 

*  The  Rev.  Mr.  Doddridge,  whose  little  work  is  the  authority  for  all  the  facts  re¬ 
lative  to  Fort  Laurens,  states  that  Captain,  afterward  General  Briggs,  of  Virginia, 
being  the  officer  of  the  day,  was  exceedingly  desirous  of  heading  the  party  sent  to 
bring  in  the  horses,  but  was  refused  permission  by  Colonel  Gibson,  who  remarked, 
that  when  he  had  occasion  to  send  out  a  captain’s  command,  he  should  be  thankful 
for  his  services,  but  until  then,  he  must  be  content  to  discharge  his  duties  within  the 
fort.  “  On  what  trifling  circumstances,”  adds  the  good  minister,  “do  life  and  death 
sometimes  depend !” 


398 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1779. 


nel  Gibson’s  provisions  were  also  running  short,  and  as  he 
supposed  the  Indians  had  entirely  gone  off,  he  directed  Colonel 
Clark,  of  the  Pennsylvania  line,  with  a  detachment  of  fifteen 
men,  to  escort  the  invalids  of  the  garrison,  amounting  to  ten  or 
a  dozen  men,  back  to  Fort  M’Intosh.  But  the  Indians  had  left 
a  strong  party  of  observation  lurking  in  the  neighborhood  of 
the  fort ;  and  the  escort  had  proceeded  only  two  miles  before  it 
was  fallen  upon,  and  the  whole  number  killed  with  the  excep¬ 
tion  of  four — one  of  whom,  a  captain,  escaped  back  to  the  fort. 
The  bodies  of  the  slain  were  interred  by  the  garrison,  on  the 
same  day,  with  the  honors  of  war.  A  party  was  likewise  sent 
out  to  collect  the  remains  of  the  fourteen  who  had  first  fallen 
by  the  ambuscade,  and  bury  them ;  which  service  was  per¬ 
formed.  It  was  found,  however,  that  the  wolves  had  mostly 
devoured  their  flesh,  and  by  setting  traps  upon  the  new-made 
grave,  some  of  those  ravenous  beasts  were  caught  and  shot  on 
the  following  morning. 

The  situation  of  the  garrison  was  now  becoming  deplorable. 
For  two  weeks  the  men  had  been  reduced  to  half  a  pound  of 
sour  flour,  and  a  like  quantity  of  offensive  meat,  per  diem  ;  and 
for  a  week  longer  they  were  compelled  to  subsist  only  upon  raw 
hides,  and  such  roots  as  they  could  find  in  the  circumjacent 
woods  and  prairies,  when  General  M‘Intosh  most  opportunely 
arrived  to  their  relief,  with  supplies,  and  a  reinforcement  of 
seven  hundred  men.  But  still  they  came  near  being  imme¬ 
diately  reduced  to  short  allowance  again,  by  an  untoward  ac¬ 
cident  causing  the  loss  of  a  great  portion  of  their  fresh  supplies. 
These  supplies  were  transported  through  the  wilderness  upon 
pack-horses.  The  garrison,  overjoyed  at  the  arrival  of  succors, 
on  their  approach  to  within  about  a  hundred  yards  of  the  fort 
manned  the  parapets  and  fired  a  salute  of  musketry.  But  the 
horses  must  have  been  young  in  the  service.  Affrighted  at 
the  detonation  of  the  guns,  they  began  to  rear  and  plunge,  and 
broke  from  their  guides.  The  example  was  contagious,  and  in 
a  moment  more,  the  whole  cavalcade  of  pack-horses  were 
bounding  into  the  woods  at  full  gallop,  dashing  their  burdens 
to  the  ground,  and  scattering  them  over  many  a  rood  in  all  di¬ 
rections — the  greater  portion  of  which  could  never  be  recover¬ 
ed.  But  there  was  yet  enough  of  provisions  saved  to  cause  the 
mingling  of  evil  with  the  good.  Very  incautiously,  the  officers 


1779.]  EVACUATION  OF  FORT  LAURENS.  399 

dealt  out  two  days’  rations  per  man,  the  whole  of  which  was 
devoured  by  the  famishing  soldiers,  to  the  imminent  hazard  of 
the  lives  of  all,  and  resulting  in  the  severe  sickness  of  many. 
Leaving  the  fort  again,  General  M‘Intosh  assigned  the  command 
to  Major  Yernon,  who  remained  upon  the  station  several 
months.  He,  in  turn,  was  left  to  endure  the  horrors  of  famine, 
until  longer  to  endure  was  death ;  whereupon  the  fort  was 
evacuated  and  the  position  abandoned — its  occupation  and 
maintenance,  at  the  cost  of  great  fatigue  and  suffering,  and  the 
expense  of  many  lives,  having  been  of  not  the  least  service  to  the 
country. 

Originally  it  had  been  the  purpose  of  General  M'Intosh  to 
penetrate  through  the  wilderness  to  Lake  Erie,  and  thence 
make  a  descent  upon  Detroit ;  and  by  a  letter  from  the  Com¬ 
mander-in-chief  to  a  Committee  of  Congress  appointed  to  con¬ 
fer  with  him  upon  military  subjects,  it  seems  to  have  been  his 
opinion  that  M'Intosh  had  made  the  best  dispositions  for  the 
enterprise  which  the  circumstances  of  the  case  allowed.  But 
he  was  disappointed  in  his  expectations  of  men,  provisions,  and 
stores.  This  seems  to  have  been  one  of  those  undertakings  by 
order  of  Congress,  without  consultation  with  the  Commander- 
in-chief,  which  had  previously  annoyed  him  not  a  little.  Still, 
it  received  his  approbation,  the  more  readily  because  its  design 
was  in  coincidence  with  his  own  views  on  the  subject  of  Indian 
warfare — his  uniform  opinion  being,  that  the  cheapest  and  most 
effectual  method  of  opposing  them,  was  to  carry  the  war  into 
their  own  country.  By  their  incursions  into  the  frontier  set¬ 
tlements,  so  long  as  the  Americans  were  content  to  act  on  the 
defensive,  the  Indians  had  little  to  lose  and  every  thing  to  gain  ; 
whereas  the  direct  reverse  would  be  the  consequence  of  an 
offensive  war  against  them.* 

But,  notwithstanding  the  untoward  result  of  General  M‘In- 
tosh’s  expedition,  the  Indian  branch  of  the  service  opened  aus¬ 
piciously  the  present  year  elsewhere,  and  first  in  a  region  yet 
deeper  in  the  west  than  Fort  Laurens.  Colonel  Hamilton,  the 
British  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Detroit — a  rough,  bad-tempered, 
and  cruel  officer,  who  had  signalised  himself  by  the  exertion  of 
a  malignant  influence  over  the  Indians — and  had  provoked 


*  Letter  of  Washington  to  the  Committee  of  Congress,  Jan.  12,  1779. 

55 


400 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1779. 

them  to  take  up  the  hatchet  against  the  Americans  by  every 
possible  means — -instigating  them  to  deeds  of  blood  by  large 
rewards — had  projected  a  powerful  Indian  expedition  against 
the  Virginia  frontier,  to  be  executed  early  in  the  Spring* 
With  this  design,  at  the  close  of  the  preceding  Autumn,  Hamil¬ 
ton  left  Detroit,  and  took  post  at  St.  Vincents,  on  the  Wabash, 
in  order  to  act  earlier  and  more  efficiently  immediately  after 
the  breaking  up  of  Winter.  But  his  purpose  was  most  happily 
defeated  by  a  blow  from  a  direction  which  he  did  not  anticipate. 
Colonel  Clarke,  who  was  yet  with  a  small  force  in  command  of 
Kaskaskias,  having  learned,  in  February,  that  Hamilton  had 
weakened  himself  by  despatching  many  of  his  Indians  in  dif¬ 
ferent  directions  to  annoy  the  frontiers  of  the  States,  formed  the 
bold  resolution  of  attacking  him  in  his  quarters.  After  a  diffi¬ 
cult  movement  by  land  and  water,  at  the  head  of  one  hundred 
and  thirty  men,  Clarke  suddenly  arrived  before  St.  Vincents. 
The  town  at  once  submitted  ;  and  on  the  following  day,  Colo¬ 
nel  Hamilton  and  the  garrison  surrendered  themselves  prison¬ 
ers  of  war.  It  was  the  good  fortune  of  Colonel  Clarke  also  to 
intercept  and  capture  a  valuable  convoy  of  provisions  and 
stores,  coming  to  St.  Vincents  from  Detroit.  Hamilton  was 
transferred  to  Virginia,  where  the  Council  of  the  Commonwealth 
instituted  an  inquiry  into  the  inhuman  conduct  imputed  to  him, 
and  his  confinement  in  irons,  on  a  diet  of  bread  and  water, 
was  recommended.t  The  plans  of  the  enemy  were  not  a  little 
disconcerted  by  this  small,  though  brilliant  affair ;  and  peace 
with  several  of  the  Indian  tribes  in  that  direction  was  the  im¬ 
mediate  consequence. 

In  the  mean  time,  and  before  this  disaster  befel  the  Detroit 
expedition,  some  bold  winter  emprise  was  projected  by  Joseph 
Brant,  which— in  consequence,  probably,  of  the  capture  of 
Hamilton — miscarried,  or  rather  was  not  attempted  to  be  put 
in  execution.  It  does  not  appear  what  the  measure  was  upon 
which  Brant  was  meditating;  but  on  the  1st  of  January,  Colo-  « 
lonel  Van  Dyck,  then  in  command  of  Fort  Schuyler,  wrote  to 


*  Should  any  one  doubt  the  propriety  of  speaking  thus  harshly  in  history  of  tin's 
Colonel  Hamilton,  let  him  read  the  “Narrative  of  the  capture  and  treatment  of 
John  Dodge,  by  the  British  at  Detroit,”  published  in  Almon’s  Remembrancer,  vol. 
vi.  pp.  73 — 81. 
t  Ramsay. 


1779.]  AFFAIRS  AMONG  THE  SIX  NATIONS.  401 

General  Clinton,  ,£  that  the  Oneidas  had  just  received  informa- 
“  tion  that  the  enemy  seemed  determined  to  strike  some  capital 
££  blow  during-  the  winter.”  In  addition  to  an  application  from 
the  Q,uiquoga  Indians  to  join  them  in  the  expedition,  Colonel 
Van  Dyck  stated  that  “  one  of  the  principal  Oneida  warriors 
“  had  received  a  private  letter  from  Joseph  Brant,  inviting  him 
££  to  join  the  Six  Nations  with  his  adherents,  that  he  might 
££  avoid  the  danger  to  which  his  tribe  was  exposed.”* 

There  is  reason  to  suppose  that  a  part  of  Brant’s  project  was 
to  strike  a  blow  upon  the  Oneidas  themselves,  unless  they  could 
be  seduced  from  their  neutrality — amounting,  as  it  did,  almost 
to  an  alliance  with  the  United  States.t  But  this  faithful  tribe 
were  neither  to  be  coaxed  nor  driven  from  the  stand  they  had 
maintained  since  the  beginning  of  the  controversy.  On  the 
16th  and  17th  of  January,  the  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras  held  a 
council,  to  deliberate  upon  the  invitations  of  the  Q,uiquogas 
and  Captain  Brant,  the  result  of  which  they  communicated  to 
Colonel  Van  Dyck  on  the  following  day.  They  informed  that 
efficient  officer,  that  after  giving  permission  to  any  of  their 
tribe,  who  desired  to  join  the  enemy,  to  withdraw,  there  was  a 
unanimous  resolution  of  the  council  “  to  stand  by  each  other  in 
££  defence  of  their  lives  and  liberty,  against  any  enemy  that 
££  might  be  disposed  to  attack  them  and  to  the  late  message  of 
the  Qmiquogas,  they  unanimously  agreed  to  return  the  follow¬ 
ing  answer,  viz  :  i£  That  as  they  had  ever  behaved  themselves 
££  in  a  quiet,  and  peaceable  manner  toward  the  confederacy,  they 
££  could  not  conceive  that  their  conduct  could  be  considered 
££  reprehensible  by  them.  They  likewise  put  them  in  mind  of 
£!  their  long  and  unwearied  efforts  to  prevent  the  Six  Nations 
££  involving  themselves  in  the  calamities  of  war,  and  that  they 
££  had  exerted  themselves  so  far  as  by  their  influence  to  relieve, 


*  Papers  of  General  James  Clinton. 

t  On  the  9th  of  April,  1779,  Congress  passed  a  resolution  granting  the  commis¬ 
sion  of  Captain  to  four  of  the  Oneida  and  T  uscarora  Indians,  and  eight  commissions  of 
Lieutenants.  Subsequently,  the  then  principal  Oneida  chief,  Louis  Atayataroughta, 
was  commissioned  a  Lieutenant-colonel.  Louis,  or  “Colonel  Louis”  as  he  wa3 
afterward  called,  was  the  representative  of  three  races,  being  part  Indian,  part  negro, 
and  part  white  man.  A  few  other  commissions  were  issued  to  those  Indians  in  the 
course  of  the  war.  The  greater  number  served  faithfully.  Some  were  killed,  and 
three  of  the  lieutenants  deserted  to  the  enemy,  and  exchanged  their  commissions  for 
the  same  rank  in  the  British  service. 


402 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1779. 


{ from  close  confinement,  some  of  their  people  whom  the  for- 
u  tune  of  war  had  put  into  the  hands  of  their  enemies.  But 
“  that  they  now  utterly  despaired  of  ever  being  able  to  effect  a 
“  reconciliation  between  the  Confederacy  and  the  United  States  ; 
“  and  that  the  only  hope  they  had  of  them  was,  that  some  of 
“  them  would,  in  time,  abandon  the  cause  thus  imprudently  es- 
“  poused  ;  that  they  would  never  violate  their  alliance  with  the 
“  American  States  ;  and  though  they  would  not  be  the  aggressors, 
“  or  wantonly  provoke  any  tribe  to  war,  yet  that  they  should 
“  henceforth  be  on  their  guard  against  any  enemy  whatever.” 

Seven  of  the  principal  Onondaga  chiefs,  who  had  hitherto 
been  considered  as  neutrals,  being  at  the  time  in  Oneida,  on 
their  way  to  Fort  Schuyler,  it  was  determined  to  call  them  in 
to  the  council,  and  acquaint  them  with  the  above  resolution.  It 
was  accordingly  done  by  the  transmission  of  a  large  black  belt 
of  wampum.  The  Onondagas  replied,  <£  That  they  were  very 
C£  glad  to  hear  the  resolution  which  their  children,  the  Oneidas 
“  and  Tuscaroras,  had  made.  They  observed,  that  as  the 
<£  Oneidas,  who  were  the  head  of  the  confederacy,  had  com- 
££  mitted  the  council-fire  and  tree  of  peace  to  their  care,  with  a 
££  charge  to  guard  them  against  the  approach  of  any  thing  which 
“  might  injure  either,  or  tend  to  interrupt  the  harmony  of  the 
11  confederacy,  they  had  therefore  invariably  pursued  the  path 
££of  peace  ;  and  though  they  had  been  desired  by  the  opposite 
t£  party  of  their  tribe  to  extinguish  the  council-fire,  yet  they 
“  had  refused,  nor  could  they  consistently  do  it  while  the 
“  Oneidas  retained  any  hopes  of  accommodating  matters  in  the 
££  Six  Nations.  But  as  the  heads  of  the  confederacy  had  de- 
££  dared  themselves  so  fully  upon  that  subject,  they  had  now  let 
(£  go  their  hold  of  peace,  extinguished  the  council-fire,  and 
l(  sunk  the  tree  into  the  earth ;  and  were  determined  to  join 
“  their  children,  the  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras,  to  oppose  any  in- 
(£  vader.” 

The  Onondagas  farther  engaged,  upon  their  return  home,  to 
effect  a  final  separation  in  their  tribe,  and  insist  that  every  one 
should  declare  for  one  side  or  the  other.  The  conduct  of  most 
of  the  Onondagas  had  been  from  the  first  equivocal — often 
openly  hostile.  But  those  present  at  this  council  manifested  a 
better  feeling,  and  joined  in  the  request  of  the  Oneidas  for 
troops  to  aid  in  their  protection.  The  Oneidas,  on  this  occa^ 


403 


1779.]  DESIGNS  AGAINST  THE  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 

sion,  placed  £reat  confidence  in  the  professions  of  their  Onon¬ 
daga  brethren,  and  were  in  high  spirits  at  the  result  of  the 
council.* 

There  was  other  evidence,  not  only  of  the  intention  of  Thay- 
endanegea  to  make  a  powerful  Indian  descent  upon  the  Mo¬ 
hawk  during  this  winter,  but  of  the  supposed  fidelity  of  these 
Onondagas  to  the  United  Sates.  About  the  middle  of  Fe- 
bruary,  General  Clinton,  having  through  various  channels  and 
by  several  expresses,  received  information  at  Albany  of  such  a 
design,  marched  to  Schenectady  with  Colonel  Yan  Schaick’s 
regiment,  ordering  the  latter  as  far  up  the  Mohawk  as  Caugh- 
nawaga,  there  to  await  the  event.  On  the  26th  of  February, 
Captain  Copp,  of  Fort  Yan  Dyck,t  wrote  to  Captain  Graham, 
then  in  charge  of  Fort  Schuyler,  announcing  that  two  of  the 
Oneida  messengers,  of  distinguished  (Indian)  families,  had  just 
returned  from  Niagara,  where  they  had  obtained  positive  evi¬ 
dence  of  Brant’s  purpose.  The  Mohawk  chief  had  received 
expresses,  announcing  that  the  Shawanese  and  Delawares  were 
to  strike  a  simultaneous  blow  upon  the  frontier  of  Virginia  ;t 
and  Brant  himself  was  to  lead  the  main  expedition  direct  to  the 
Mohawk,  while  another  diversion  was  to  be  created  by  sending 
a  smaller  force  round  by  the  Unadilla,  to  fall  upon  the  settle¬ 
ments  of  Schoharie.  In  regard  to  the  fidelity  of  the  Onondagas, 
it  was  stated  by  the  Oneida  chiefs  that  fourteen  of  that  nation 
had  been  despatched  to  Niagara,  by  the  chiefs  of  the  tribe,  to 
pursuade  their  brethren,  who  had  taken  up  the  hatchet  with  the 
Mohawks,  to  return.  But  these  fourteen  messengers  had  not 
been  permitted  to  come  back  themselves,  and  the  Onondagas 
were  apprehensive  that  they  and  all  their  people  at  Niagara 
had  been  made  prisoners.  The  uneasiness  in  Tryon  County 
was  greatly  increased  under  these  circumstances.  Major  Jelles 
Fonda  wrote  to  General  Clinton,  stating  that  there  were  yet 
three  hundred  Tory  families  in  the  northern  part  of  that  settle¬ 
ment,  affording  aid  and  comfort  to  the  hostile  refugees,  who 
kept  up  a  continual  intercourse  with  them,  across  through  the 
woods,  or  by  Lake  Champlain,  to  Canada.  For  greater  secu¬ 
rity,  therefore,  he  urged  permission  to  build  a  strong  block- 

*  General  Clinton’s  correspondence — MS.  letter  of  Colonel  Van  Dyck. 

t  In  the  Oneida  or  Onondaga  country. 

J  The  project  of  Colonel  Hamilton,  frustrated  by  his  capture. 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


404 


[1779. 


house,  and  station  fifty  rangers  within  it,  on  the  Sacondaga 
river,  directly  north  of  Johnstown. 

Captain  Brant,  however,  either  abandoned  or  deferred  the 
threatened  invasion,  probably  for  the  reason  already  indicated 
— the  capture  of  Colonel  Hamilton.  The  winter  consequently 
passed  away  without  any  serious  disturbance  in  that  region. 
But,  notwithstanding  all  the  fair  professions  of  the  Onondagas, 
their  treachery  had  become  alike  so  manifest  and  so  injurious, 
as  to  render  it  expedient,  immediately  on  the  opening  of  the 
Spring,  to  make  them  a  signal  example  to  the  rest  of  their  red 
brethren.  Accordingly,  early  in  April  an  expedition  was  de¬ 
tailed  upon  this  service  by  General  Clinton,  with  the  approba¬ 
tion  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  consisting  of  detachments  from 
the  regiments  of  Colonels  Yan  Schaick  and  Gansevoort,  to  the 
number  of  five  hundred  men,  under  the  conduct  of  the  former. 
The  troops  were  moved  as  expeditiously  as  possible  to  Fort 
Schuyler,  and  thirty  batteaux  were  simultaneously  ordered  thither 
to  transport  them  down  Wood  Creek,  and  through  the  Oneida 
Lake  to  Three  Rivers.  Colonel  Yan  Schaick’s  instructions 
were  very  full  and  explicit  upon  every  point.  The  design  was 
to  proceed  as  rapidly  and  cautiously  as  possible,  in  order  to  take 
the  Indians  by  surprise  ;  for  which  purpose,  on  the  morning  of 
the  departure  of  the  expedition,  it  was  to  be  announced  that  its 
destination  was  against  Oswego.  Colonel  Yan  Schaick  was  di¬ 
rected  to  burn  and  utterly  destroy  the  village  and  castle  of  the 
Onondagas,  together  with  all  their  cattle  and  effects  ;  but  he 
was  strictly  enjoined  to  make  as  many  prisoners  as  possible, 
and  put  none  to  death  who  could  be  taken  alive.  The  follow¬ 
ing  passage  occurs  in  the  instructions  of  General  Clinton  on 
this  occasion,  which  is  worthy  of  preservation  : — “  Bad  as  the 
“  savages  are,  they  never  violate  the  chastity  of  any  women, 

“  their  prisoners.  Although  I  have  very  little  apprehension 
“  that  any  of  the  soldiers  will  so  far  forget  their  character  as  to 
“  attempt  such  a  crime  on  the  Indian  women  who  may  fall 
“  into  their  hands,  yet  it  will  be  well  to  take  measures  to  pre- 
“  vent  such  a  stain  upon  our  army.”*  This  injunction  speaks 
volumes  in  praise  of  the  soldier  who  wrote  it.  Colonel  Van 
Schaick  was  farther  enjoined  to  dissuade  any  of  our  Indian 


*  MS.  instructions  of  General  Clinton. 


1779.]  DESTRUCTION  OF  ONONDAGA.  405 

allies  from  accompanying  him  ;  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Wil¬ 
lett  and  Major  Cochran  were  detailed  to  serve  in  the  ex¬ 
pedition. 

The  orders  to  Colonel  Van  Scbaick  were  issued  on  the  9th 
of  April,  and  so  rapidly  were  the  necessary  arrangements  expe¬ 
dited,  that  every  thing  was  in  readiness  for  the  departure  from 
Fort  Schuyler  on  the  18th.  During  the  evening  of  that  day, 
the  batteaux,  with  the  necessary  stores,  were  silently  removed 
across  the  carrying-place  to  Wood  Creek,  and  all  things  there 
placed  in  order.  The  troops  were  early  in  motion  on  the  morning 
of  the  19th,  and  a  thick  mist  contributed  essentially  in  covering 
the  movement,  had  there  been  any  spies  lurking  about  to  make 
observation.  The  number  of  men  embarked,  including  officers, 
was  five  hundred  and  fifty-eight.  Their  progress  to  the  Oneida 
Lake  was  considerably  impeded,  by  reason  of  trees  which  had 
fallen  across  the  creek  ;  so  that  much  of  the  first  day’s  journey 
was  performed  by  the  troops  on  foot.  The  passage  of  the 
Oneida  Lake  was  effected  as  expeditiously  as  possible  ;  and 
although  they  encountered  a  strong  and  excessively  disagreea¬ 
ble  head-wind,  they  nevertheless  reached  the  Onondaga  Land¬ 
ing,  opposite  to  old  Fort  Brewington,  with  the  whole  flotilla,  by 
three  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  20th.  Leaving  a  suitable 
guard  with  the  boats,  the  little  army  pushed  immediately  for¬ 
ward,  and,  despite  the  obstacles  in  traversing  a  deep-tangled 
forest,  the  soil  resembling  a  morass,  they  marched  nine  miles 
without  halting.  The  night  was  dark,  wet,  and  cold  ;  but 
knowing  well  the  wariness  of  the  enemy  and  the  celerity  of 
their  movements,  and  how  frequently  they  were  prepared  to 
strike  when  least  expected,  the  troops  were  necessarily  pre¬ 
cluded  from  kindling  fires,  and  obliged  to  sleep  on  their  arms. 
The  march  was  resumed  very  early  on  the  morning  of  the 
21st,  and  in  order  to  save  time,  they  were  obliged  to  ford  an 
arm  of  the  Onondaga  Lake,  about  two  hundred  yards  wide 
and  four  feet  in  depth.  Arriving  at  the  estuary  of  Onondaga 
Creek,  at  the  head  of  the  lake,  Captain  Graham,  commanding 
the  advance  guard,  captured  one  of  the  warriors  of  the  tribe ; 
and  although  they  were  now  within  two  or  three  miles  of  the 
village  and  castle,  this  was  the  first  Indian  seen,  or  who  was 
apprised  of  the  approach  of  the  expedition.  Captain  Graham 
was  now  directed  again  to  advance  with  all  possible  rapidity 


406 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1779. 

and  caution,  for  the  purpose  of  surrounding  the  lower  castle, 
while  the  residue  of  the  main  force  was  divided  into  small  de¬ 
tachments,  and  hurried  forward  for  the  purpose  of  falling  upon 
the  other  towns,  in  such  rapid  succession  as,  if  possible,  to  take 
all  the  villages  by  surprise.  This  chain  of  villages  extended 
through  the  valley  of  the  Onondaga  Creek  for  the  distance  of 
ten  miles.  The  tribe  had  once  been  among  the  most  powerful 
of  the  Aganuschioni,  or  confederated  people  of  the  Five  Na¬ 
tions.  Situated  in  the  centre  of  the  confederacy,  to  the  Onon- 
dagas,  time  immemorial,  had  been  committed  the  keeping  of 
the  great  council-fire.  This  fire  had  been  extinguished  in 
1692  by  Count  Frontenac,  who  then  came  against  it  at  the  head 
of  a  powerful  expedition  from  Montreal,  and  utterly  destroyed 
the  village.  It  had  again  been  put  out  in  the  Spring  of  1777, 
and  was  now  doomed  to  a  third  extinction,  equally  summary 
and  complete  with  the  former.  But  although  the  expedition  of 
Colonel  Yan  Schaick  had  been  thus  far,  and  was  throughout, 
admirably  conducted,  yet  the  surprise  was  not  as  complete  as 
had  been  intended.  While  Captain  Graham’s  company  was 
securing  a  few  prisoners  taken  in  the  outskirts  of  the  village, 
near  the  principal  castle,  means  were  found  by  the  wily  ad¬ 
versary  to  give  the  alarm  in  advance.  The  tidings,  of  course, 
flew  from  village  to  village  with  greater  rapidity  than  the  se¬ 
veral  detachments  of  troops  could  equal,  and  the  Indians  scat¬ 
tered  off  to  the  woods  in  all  directions.  But  such  was  the 
precipitancy  of  their  flight,  that  they  carried  nothing  with  them 
— not  even  their  arms.  Still,  thirty-three  of  their  number  were 
taken  prisoners,  and  twelve  killed.  Three  villages,  consisting 
of  about  fifty  houses,  were  burnt  to  the  ground  ;  and  a  large 
quantity  of  provisions,  consisting  chiefly  of  beans  and  corn,  de¬ 
stroyed.  Nearly  one  hundred  muskets  were  taken  among  the 
booty,  and  several  rifles,  together  with  a  considerable  quantity 
of  ammunition.  Their  swivel  at  the  council-house  was  rendered 
useless,  and  their  cattle  and  horses  were  destroyed.  The  work  of 
destruction  having  been  completed,  the  detachment  immediately 
commenced  its  return  to  Fort  Schuyler.  It  was  fired  upon  in 
the  afternoon  by  a  small  party  of  Indians  in  the  woods,  but 
without  injury,  while  one  of  the  enemy  fell  by  the  return 
fire.  On  Saturday,  the  24th,  the  troops  were  all  back  again 
at  Fort  Schuyler,  having  performed  a  journey,  going  and  re- 


DESTRUCTION  OF  ONONDAGA. 


407 


1779.] 

turning,  of  one  hundred  and  eighty  miles,  and  effected  their 
object  without  the  loss  of  a  single  man.*  In  the  letter  enclos¬ 
ing  his  official  report  to  General  Clinton,  Colonel  Yan  Schaick 
spoke  in  the  highest  terms  of  the  good  conduct  of  the  officers 
and  soldiers  engaged  in  this  expedition  ;  and  bestowed  the 
warmest  encomiums  upon  Colonel  Willett  and  Major  Cochran, 
for  the  efficient  assistance  received  from  them. 

At  this  distance  of  time,  from  the  very  imperfect  data  afford¬ 
ed  by  written  history,  this  expedition  against  the  Onondagas 
appears  like  a  harsh,  if  not  an  unnecessary  measure.  But, 
notwithstanding  the  professions  of  this  nation,  those  in  the  di¬ 
rection  of  public  affairs  at  that  period  unquestionably  felt  its 
chastisement  to  be  a  work  of  stern  necessity.  General  Schuy¬ 
ler  had  written  that  unless  some  exemplary  blow  should  be  in¬ 
flicted  upon  the  hostiles  of  the  Six  Nations,  Schenectady  would 
shortly  become  the  boundary  of  the  American  settlements  in  that 
direction.  The  enterprise  had,  moreover,  the  sanction  of  the 
Commander-in-chief ;  while  nothing  could  be  more  humane,  in 
regard  to  a  warlike  expedition,  than  the  instructions  of  General 
Clinton.  But  no  small  degree  of  uneasiness  was  nevertheless 
felt  by  the  Oneidas,  at  the  swift  destruction  which  had  thus 
overtaken  the  principal  town  of  their  next-door  neighbors  ;  and 
it  was  not  long  after  the  return  of  Colonel  Yan  Schaick  to  Fort 
Schuyler,  before  he  was  visited  by  a  formal  delegation  from  that 
nation.  At  the  head  of  the  embassage  was  Skenandoah,  an 
important  sachem  of  the  tribe,  accompanied  by  Good  Peter,  the 
orator,  and  Mr.  Deane,  the  interpreter.  The  object  of  this 
mission  was  an  inquiry  into  the  causes  of  the  movement  against 
the  Onondagas,  with  whom,  as  has  been  previously  remarked, 
the  Oneidas  were  closely  connected  by  intermarriages.  Hav¬ 
ing  been  introduced,  Good  Peter  spoke  as  follows  : — • 

“  Brother  :  You  see  before  you  some  of  your  friends,  the 
Oneidas  ;  they  come  to  see  you. 

“  The  engagements  that  have  been  entered  into  between  us 
and  our  brothers,  the  Americans,  are  well  known  to  you. 

“  We  were  much  surprised,  a  few  days  ago,  by  the  news 
which  a  warrior  brought  to  our  Castle  with  a  war-shout,  in¬ 
forming  us  that  our  friends,  the  Onondagas,  were  destroyed. 


*  Colonel  Van  Schaick *s  report — papers  of  General  Clinton. 

56 


408 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[L779. 


“  We  were  desirous  to  see  you  on  this  occasion,  as  they 
think  you  might  have  been  mistaken  in  destroying  that  part  of 
the  tribe. 

“  We  suppose  you  cannot  answer  us  upon  this  subject,  as 
the  matter  was  agreed  upon  below.  But  perhaps  you  may 
know  something  of  this  matter. 

“  When  we  heard  of  this  account,  we  sent  back  word  to  our 
friends  remaining  among  them,  telling  them  not  to  be  pale- 
hearted  because  some  of  them  were  destroyed,  but  to  keep  up 
with  their  former  engagements. 

“  We  sent  off  some  of  our  people  to  Canasaraga,  to  invite 
them  to  come  to  our  village  ;  but  they  returned  an  answer  that 
they  had  sent  some  of  their  own  runners  to  Onondaga,  to  learn 
the  particulars,  and  they  waited  for  their  return. 

“  Our  people  brought  for  answer,  that  they  were  much 
obliged  to  their  children,  the  Oneidas,  for  attending  to  them  in 
their  distresses,  and  they  would  be  glad  if  they  would  speak 
smoothly  to  their  brethren,  the  Americans,  to  know  whether 
all  this  was  done  by  design,  or  by  mistake. 

“  If  it  was  a  mistake,  say  they,  we  hope  to  see  our  brethren 
the  prisoners — if  by  design,  we  still  will  keep  our  engagements 
with  you,  and  not  join  the  King’s  party.  But  if  our  brethren, 
the  Americans,  mean  to  destroy  us  also,  we  will  not  fly — we 
will  wait  here  and  receive  our  death. 

“  Brother  :  This  was  the  answer  of  the  Onondagas.  As  for 
us,  the  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras,  you  know  our  sentiments. 
We  have  supposed  we  know  yours. 

“  The  Commissioners  promised  us  that  when  they  found  any 
thing  wrong,  they  would  tell  us  and  make  it  right. 

“  Brother:  If  vve  have  done  anything  wrong,  we  shall 
now  be  glad  if  you  would  now  tell  us  so.”* 

At  the  end  of  each  sentence,  the  attending  sachems  uttered 
the  usual  sound  of  approbation,  and  having  concluded,  Good 
Peter  resumed  his  seat.  The  address  was  that  of  a  diploma¬ 
tist ;  and  it  was  supposed  probable  that  the -Onondagas  were 
themselves  at  the  bottom  of  the  enibassay,  with  a  view  of  ob¬ 
taining  information  by  which  to  regulate  their  future  conduct. 


*  The  Sexagenary,  a  collection  of  revolutionary  papers  connected  with  the  border 
wars,  edited  by  S.  De  Witt  Bloodgood,  Esq. 


INTERCESSION  OF  THE  ONEIDAS. 


1779.] 


409 


Equally  adroit  was  the  reply  of  Colonel  Yan  Schaick,  given  in 
the  following  terms  : — 

“  I  am  glad  to  see  my  friends,  the  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras. 
I  perfectly  remember  the  engagements  the  Five  Nations  entered 
into  four  years  ago,  and  that  they  promised  to  preserve  a  strict 
and  honorable  neutrality  during  the  present  war,  which  was 
all  we  asked  them  to  do  for  us. 

“  But  I  likewise  know  that  all  of  them,  except  our  brethren 
the  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras,  broke  their  engagements,  and  flung 
away  the  chain  of  friendship.  But  the  Onondagas  have  been 
great  murderers ;  we  have  found  the  scalps  of  our  brothers  at 
their  Castle. 

“  They  were  cut  off,  not  by  mistake,  but  by  design — I  was 
ordered  to  do  it — and  it  is  done. 

“  As  for  the  other  matters  of  which  you  speak,  I  recommend 
a  deputation  to  the  Commissioners  at  Albany.  I  am  not  ap¬ 
pointed  to  treat  with  you  on  those  subjects. 

“  I  am  a  warrior.  My  duty  is  to  obey  the  orders  which  they 
send  me.” 

No  farther  explanations  appear  to  have  been  interchanged  ; 
and  the  Oneidas  were  perhaps  the  more  readily  pacified,  inas¬ 
much  as  they  were  really  friendly  to  the  Americans,  while  at  the 
same  time  they  must  have  been  acquainted  with  the  conduct  of 
the  Onondagas,  which  had  justly  incurred  the  chastisement. 
Scalping  parties  were  always  hovering  about  the  unprotected 
borders,  especially  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Schuyler ;  and 
the  Indians  of  none  of  the  tribes  were  more  frequently  dis¬ 
covered  belonging  to  these  parties,  than  of  that  nation. 

It  is,  perhaps,  a  coincidence  worth  noting,  that  on  the  very 
day  on  which  Colonel  Yan  Schaick  departed  from  Fort  Schuy¬ 
ler  for  Onondaga,  the  lower  section  of  the  Mohawk  Yalley  was 
thrown  into  alarm  by  the  sudden  appearance  of  an  Indian  force 
simultaneously  on  both  sides  of  the  river,  in  the  vicinity  of  Pa¬ 
latine.  On  the  South  side  a  party  rushed  down  upon  the  set¬ 
tlement,  took  three  prisoners,  together  with  several  horses,  and 
drove  the  inhabitants  into  Fort  Plank.  At  the  very  same  hour 
another  division  of  the  savages  made  a  descent  upon  the  back 
part  of  Stone- Arabia,  where,  in  the  onset,  they  burnt  two  houses 
and  murdered  one  man.  The  next  house  in  their  course  be¬ 
longed  to  Captain  Richer.  The  occupants  were  Richer,  his 


410 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1779. 


wife,  and  two  sons,  and  an  old  man.  The  Captain  and  his 
two  boys  being  armed,  on  the  near  approach  of  the  Indians 
gave  them  a  warm  reception.  A  sharp  action  ensued.  The 
old  man,  being  unarmed,  was  killed  ;  as  also  was  one  of  the 
brave  boys,  a  lad  seventeen  years  of  age.  Captain  Richer  was 
severely  wounded  and  his  arm  was  broken ;  his  other  son  was 
also  wounded  in  the  elbow,  and  his  wife  in  one  of  her  legs. 
And  yet,  notwithstanding  that  the  whole  garrison  was  either 
killed  or  wounded,  the  Indians  retreated  on  the  loss  of  two  of  - 
their  number. 

On  the  same  day  a  party  of  Senecas  appeared  in  Schoharie, 
made  prisoners  of  Mr.  Lawyer  and  Mr.  Cowley,  and  plundered 
their  houses.  The  panic  was  again  general ;  the  people  flying 
to  the  forts  for  safety,  and  the  Committee  of  Palatine  writing  im¬ 
mediately  to  General  Clinton,  at  Albany,  for  assistance.  The 
General  was  an  officer  of  great  activity,  and  so  rapidly  did  he 
move  in  cases  of  alarm,  that  he  traversed  the  Mohawk  Valley  with 
Colonel  Gansevoort’s  regiment  and  the  Schenectady  militia,  and 
was  back  at  Albany  again  on  the  28th.  The  Indians  who  ap¬ 
peared  on  the  south  side  were  from  the  West — those  on  the 
north  side  were  Mohawks  from  Canada.  General  Clinton,  in 
his  despatches  to  the  Governor,  his  brother,  expressed  an  opi¬ 
nion,  that  but  for  his  timely  movement  on  that  occasion,  the 
enemy  would  have  driven  the  settlements  all  in  upon  Schenec¬ 
tady.* 

On  the  30th  of  April,  Lieutenants  M’Clellan  and  Harden- 
burgh  returned  to  Fort  Schuyler  from  an  unsuccessful  expe¬ 
dition  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  Indians,  against  the  small  Bri¬ 
tish  garrison  at  Oswegatchie.  It  was  their  intention  to  take 
the  fort  by  surprise  ;  but,  falling  in  prematurely  with  some 
straggling  Indians,  several  shots  were  imprudently  exchanged, 
by  reason  of  which  their  approach  became  known  to  the  gar¬ 
rison.  They  then  attempted  by  stratagem  to  draw  the  enemy 
from  the  fort,  and  partly  succeeded,  but  could  not  induce  them 
to  venture  far  enough  from  their  works  to  cut  them  off;  and 
on  approaching  the  fort  themselves,  the  assailants  were  so 
warmly  received  by  cannister  and  grape,  as  to  be  compelled  to 
retreat  without  unnecessary  delay.  The  only  service  performed 

*  MS.  letter  of  Jacob  R.  Cork  and  Peter  Wagner  to  General  Clinton,  and  Gene¬ 
ral  Clinton’s  letter  to  the  Governor. 


1779.]  VENGEANCE  OF  THE  ONONDAGAS.  411 

was  to  send  a  Caughnawaga  Indian  into  Canada  with  a  letter,  in 
French,  by  “  a  French  General,”  probably  the  Marquis  de  Lafay¬ 
ette,  addressed  to  the  Canadians,  and  written  in  the  preceding 
Autumn.*  This  expedition  was  despatched  from  Fort  Schuyler 
on  the  day  before  Colonel  Yan  Schaick  moved  upon  Onondaga ; 
and  from  a  letter  addressed  by  General  Clinton,  six  weeks  after¬ 
ward,  to  General  Sullivan,  there  is  reason  to  believe  one  object 
was  to  get  clear  of  the  Oneida  Indians  then  in  the  fort,  until 
Colonel  Yan  Schaick  should  have  proceeded  so  far  upon  his  ex¬ 
pedition,  that  they  or  their  people  would  not  be  able  to  give  the 
Onondagas  notice  of  his  approach.  All  the  Indians  still  remain¬ 
ing  in  Fort  Schuyler  on  the  18th,  were  detained  expressly  for 
that  object  of  precaution.  General  Clinton  conceded  their  useful¬ 
ness  as  scouts  and  spies  upon  the  British  forces ;  but,  he  observed, 
“  their  attachment  to  one  another  is  too  strong  to  admit  of  their 
“  being  of  any  service  when  employed  against  their  fellows.”  f 
This  testimony  is  certainly  not  discreditable  to  the  Indian  cha¬ 
racter  as  such. 

But  if,  as  has  been  seen,  the  Oneidas  were  disposed  to  send 
a  deputation  to  make  pacific  inquiries  at  Fort  Schuyler,  in  re¬ 
gard  to  Colonel  Yan  Schaick’s  attack  upon  their  neighbors, 
the  descendants  of  Garanguli  and  Sadakenaghtief  were  not 
themselves  willing  to  pass  the  matter  over  thus  lightly.  Fired 
with  indignation  at  the  destruction  of  their  villages  and  castle, 
and  the  putting  out  of  the  great  council-fire  which  they  had  so 
long  kept  burning  at  their  national  altar,  they  resolved  upon 
summary  vengeance.  To  this  end,  three  hundred  of  their  war¬ 
riors  were  speedily  upon  the  war-path,  bending  their  steps  to 
the  valley  of  the  Schoharie-kill.  The  settlement  of  Cobleskill,§ 
which  had  suffered  so  severely  the  preceding  year,  situated 
about  ten  miles  west  of  the  Schoharie-kill,  and  yet  comprising 
nineteen  German  families,  was  the  first  object  of  attack.  But 
they  were  prevented  from  taking  the  place  by  surprise,  in  conse¬ 
quence  of  two  of  their  number  straggling  a  considerable  distance 
in  advance  of  the  main  body,  who  were  discovered  by  a  scout  of 

*  M’Clellan’s  letter  to  General  Clinton. 

t  Letter  of  Gen.  Clinton  to  Gen.  Sullivan. 

J  Two  illustrious  Onondaga  warriors  and  orators  of  the  preceding  century.  Vide 
Colden’s  Canada. 

§  Usually  thus  written;  but  the  old  inhabitants  say  it  should  be  Cobuskill. — 
Spafford. 


412 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1779. 


two  of  the  Cobleskill  militia.  One  of  the  Indians  was  shot, 
and  the  other  fled  ;  and  the  scouts  hastened  home  to  give  the 
alarm.  Intelligence  of  the  enemy’s  approach  was  immediately 
despatched  to  Schoharie,  with  a  request  for  assistance.  A 
captain  of  the  Continental  army  was  thereupon  sent  to  Cobles¬ 
kill  with  a  detachment  of  regular  troops.  On  the  following 
morning  a  party  of  Indians  sallied  out  of  the  woods,  and  after 
approaching  the  settlement,  suddenly  returned.  They  were 
pursued  by  a  small  detachment  of  troops  to  the  edge  of  the 
forest,  where  their  reception  was  so  sharp  as  to  compel  a  re¬ 
treat.  The  Captain  himself  immediately  marched  to  the  scene 
of  action  with  the  whole  of  his  little  band,  together  with  fifteen 
volunteers  of  the  militia.  The  Indians  receded  before  the 
whites  for  a  time,  and  continued  the  deception  by  showing 
themselves  at  first  in  small  numbers  on  the  skirt  of  the  forest, 
until  they  had  accomplished  the  identical  purpose  they  had  in 
view.  The  Captain  and  his  men  pursued,  without  any  know¬ 
ledge  of  the  disparity  of  numbers  they  had  to  encounter,  until 
the  Indians  had  drawn  them  sufficiently  within  their  toils  to 
make  a  stand.  Their  numbers  now  multiplied  rapidly,  and 
the  battle  became  animated.  The  Captain  fell  wounded,  and 
was  soon  afterward  killed.  His  men,  panic-stricken,  instantly 
fled ;  but  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye,  a  cloud  of  several  hun¬ 
dred  savages,  until  then  in  concealment,  rose  upon  all  sides  of 
them,  pouring  in  a  deadly  shower  of  rifle  balls,  and  making  the 
forest  ring  with  their  appalling  yells.  The  inhabitants  of  the 
settlement,  on  perceiving  the  disaster  which  had  befallen  the 
troops,  fled  in  the  direction  of  Schoharie  with  a  portion  of  the 
fugitive  soldiers.  Their  flight  was  facilitated,  or  rather  they 
were  prevented  from  being  overtaken,  by  seven  of  the  Captain’s 
brave  fellows,  who  took  possession  of  a  deserted  house  and 
made  a  resolute  defence.  From  the  windows  of  their  castle 
they  fired  briskly  upon  the  Indians,  and  bringing  them  to  a 
pause,  detained  them  until  the  inhabitants  had  made  good  their 
flight  to  Schoharie.  Unable  to  drive  the  soldiers  from  the 
house,  the  Indians  at  length  applied  the  brand,  and  the  brave 
fellows  were  burnt  to  death  within  its  walls.  The  whole  set¬ 
tlement  was  then  plundered  and  burnt  by  the  Indians.  But 
they  did  not  proceed  farther  toward  Schoharie.  The  loss  of 
the  whites  was  twenty-two  killed  and  two  taken  prisoners. 


1779.]  INDIAN  OUTRAGES  NEAR  FORT  PITT.  413 

The  bodies  of  the  slain  were  found  the  next  day,  sadly  mutilat¬ 
ed  ;  and  in  the  hand  of  one  of  them  the  Indians  had  placed  a 
roll  of  Continental  bills — a  severe  satire  upon  the  description  of 
money  for  which  the  soldiers  were  serving.  The  great  fact, 
however,  that  it  was  the  cause,  and  not  the  pay,  which  kept 
the  Americans  in  the  field,  could  scarcely  be  appreciated  by 
the  forest  warriors.  They  were  led  in  this  battle  by  a  Tory, 
who  was  subsequently  killed  by  the  celebrated  Murphy.* 
Their  loss  was  severe,  but  to  what  extent  was  not  known. 
Thus  was  amply  avenged  the  destruction  of  Onondaga. 

During  the  month  of  April,  the  inhabitants  of  Monongalia, 
on  the  north-western  Virginia  border  and  the  western  part  of 
Pennsylvania,  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Pitt,  had  been  severely 
harassed  by  the  Indians.  On  the  9th  of  that  month,  a  party  of 
four  men,  despatched  from  Fort  Pitt,  were  all  killed  and 
scalped  at  the  distance  of  fifteen  miles  from  the  fort.  On  the 
13th,  a  man  named  David  Morgan,  of  Monongalia,  discovered 
two  Indians  creeping  upon  several  children  at  work  in  a  field. 
He  gave  the  alarm  to  the  latter,  and  then  shot  one  of  the  In¬ 
dians  dead.  The  other  rushed  upon  Morgan,  and  grappled 
with  him.  A  severe  contest  ensued  for  the  possession  of  the 
Indian’s  knife,  which  Morgan  ultimately  obtained  ;  the  Indian, 
by  grasping  the  blade,  having  his  hand  severely  lacerated. 
Morgan  stabbed  the  Indian,  and  ran  for  the  fort,  while  the  In¬ 
dian  took  to  the  woods.  A  party  set  off  immediately  in  pur¬ 
suit,  and  soon  overtook  the  savage,  sitting  against  a  tree.  He 
begged  for  mercy,  and  was  at  first  taken  as  a  prisoner  ;  but 
during  the  march  back  to  the  fort,  he  became  rather  surly, 
whereupon  his  captors  killed  and  scalped  him — taking,  also, 
the  scalp  from  the  warrior  who  had  been  first  shot  by  Morgan. 
On  the  following  day  another  Indian  scout  was  discovered,  one 

*  Campbell’s  Annals.  The  authority  of  Mr.  Campbell  for  most  if  not  all  his  in¬ 
formation  respecting  the  operations  of  the  enemy  in  the  Schoharie  country,  was  the 
late  Rev.  Mr.  Fenn,  of  Harpersfield — a  gentleman  most  intimately  acquainted  with 
the  early  history  of  that  region.  Still,  there  is  clearly  a  mistake  in  assigning,  as  has 
been  done,  Captain  Patrick  as  the  American  leader  against  the  Onondagas  on  this 
occasion,  since  that  officer  fell  in  the  same  neighborhood  more  than  a  year  before,  as 
stated  in  a  letter  written  at  the  time  by  Colonel  Varick.  [See  chap.  xvi.  text,  and  also 
a  note.]  Who  led  the  Americans  on  this  last  occasion,  the  author  has  not  ascertained. 
But  the  accounts  just  referred  to,  that  it  was  Captain  Patrick,  are  certainly  incor¬ 
rect — unless,  indeed,  there  were  two  Patricks,  both  captains,  and  both  killed  in  the 
same  neighborhood. 


414 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1779. 

of  whom  was  killed  and  scalped.  Two  days  afterward  the 
Indians  killed  and  scalped  David  Maxwell  and  his  wife.  Se¬ 
veral  families  were  carried  into  captivity.  Among  the  prison¬ 
ers  was  one  resolute  woman,  who  killed  one  of  her  guards, 
wounded  another,  and  effected  her  escape*  These  individual 
murders  were  the  more  cruel,  inasmuch  as  they  could  have  no 
effect  upon  the  result  of  the  pending  contest.  The  snatching 
away  of  prisoners  by  these  petty  expeditions  was  a  different 
affair  ;  and  often  served  a  twofold  purpose — enabling  the  enemy 
frequently  to  extort  information,  and,  by  a  silent  operation,  con¬ 
tinually  increasing  the  number  of  prisoners  in  their  hands  for 
exchange.  But,  whether  murdered  outright  or  carried  into  cap¬ 
tivity,  the  trials  of  the  inhabitants  upon  a  frontier,  thus  hourly 
exposed  to  dangers  of  the  most  appalling  description,  can  scarce¬ 
ly  be  appreciated  by  those  who  have  not  been  placed  in  similar 
peril. 

The  frontier  towns  of  the  County  of  Ulster  were  likewise 
not  a  little  annoyed,  in  the  early  part  of  May,  by  a  detachment 
of  thirty  or  forty  of  Butler’s  rangers,  who,  from  their  knowledge 
of  the  country,  were  supposed  to  have  fled  to  the  royal  standard 
from  that  neighborhood.  On  the  4th  of  May,  four  dwelling- 
houses  and  five  barns  were  burnt  by  them  in  Fantine-kill. 
Six  of  the  inhabitants  were  murdered,  besides  three  or  four 
more  who  were  supposed  to  be  burnt  in  their  houses.  Colonel 
Philip  Van  Courtlandt,  stationed  at  that  time  with  one  of  the 
New-York  regiments  at  Warwasing,  went  in  pursuit  of  the 
traitors  ;  but  although  he  twice  came  in  sight  of  them  upon  the 
crest  of  a  mountain,  they  were  too  dexterous  in  threading  the 
forests  to  allow  him  to  overtake  them ;  and  the  Colonel  had 
scarcely  turned  back  from  the  pursuit,  before  they  fell  upon  the 
town  of  Woodstock,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Kingston,  where 
they  burnt  several  houses  and  committed  other  depredations. 
They  made  a  few  prisoners,  some  of  whom  were  carried  away ; 
while  others  were  compelled,  by  the  up-raised  hatchet,  to  take 
an  oath  not  to  serve  in  arms  against  the  King.t 

In  order  to  preserve,  unbroken,  a  narrative  of  the  principal 
Indian  campaign  of  the  present  year,  it  is  necessary  somewhat 
to  anticipate  the  progress  of  events,  by  recording  in  this  place 

*  Almon’s  Remembrancer — letter  from  Fort  Pitt. 

i  Idem — Article  from  Warwasing,  published  first  in  Poughkeepsie. 


INVASION  OF  MINISINK. 


415 


1779.] 

the  particulars  of  the  celebrated  invasion  of  Minisink,  and  the 
bloody  battle  that  immediately  ensued  near  the  Delaware.* 
The  brave  Count  Pulaski,  with  his  battalion  of  cavalry,  had 
been  stationed  at  Minisink  during  the  preceding  winter  ;  but  in 
the  month  of  February  he  was  ordered  to  South  Carolina,  to 
join  the  army  of  General  Lincoln.!  Left  thus  wholly  unpro¬ 
tected,  save  by  its  own  people,  Captain  Brant  determined  to 
make  a  descent  upon  it,  for  the  purpose  of  taking  both  plunder 
and  prisoners.  Accordingly,  on  the  20th  of  July,  or  rather 
during  the  night  of  the  19th,  the  crafty  Mohawk  stole  upon  the 
slumbering  town,  at  the  head  of  sixty  Indians  and  twenty- 
seven  Tory  warriors,  disguised  as  Indians — which  was  a  very 
common  practice  with  the  loyalists  when  acting  with  the 
savages.  Such  was  the  silence  of  their  approach,  that 'Several 
houses  were  already  in  flames  when  the  inhabitants  awoke  to 
their  situation.  Thus  surprised,  and  wholly  unprepared,  all 
who  could  escape  fled  in  consternation,  leaving  the  invaders  to 
riot  upon  the  spoil.  Ten  houses  and  twelve  barns  were  burnt, 
together  with  a  small  stockade  fort  and  two  mills.  Several 
persons  were  killed,  and  others  taken  prisoners.  The  farms 
of  the  settlement  were  laid  waste,  the  cattle  driven  away, 
and  all  the  booty  carried  off  which  the  invaders  could  remove. 
Having  thus  succeeded  in  his  immediate  object,  Brant  lost  no 
time  in  leading  his  party  back  to  the  main  body  of  his  war¬ 
riors,  whom  he  had  left  at  Grassy  Brook. 

No  sooner  had  the  fugitives  from  Minisink  arrived  at  Goshen 
with  the  intelligence,  than  Dr.  Tusten,  the  Colonel  of  the  local 
militia,  issued  orders  to  the  officers  of  his  command  to  meet 
him  at  Minisink  on  the  following  day,  with  as  many  volunteers 
as  they  could  raise.  The  order  was  promptly  obeyed,  and  a 
body  of  one  hundred  and  forty-nine  men  met  their  colonel  at 
the  designated  rendezvous,  at  the  time  appointed— including 
many  of  the  principal  gentlemen  of  the  county.  A  council  of 

*  Minisink,  for  an  inland  American  town,  is  very  ancient.  It  is  situated  about 
ten  miles  west  of  Goshen,  in  the  County  of  Orange,  (N.  Y.)  on  the  Navisink  river, 
and  among  what  are  called  the  Shawangunk  Mountains.  It  is  bordered  on  the 
south-west  by  both  the  States  of  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania.  The  Wallkill 
also  rises  in  this  town.  Its  history,  previous  to  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  is  full  of 
interest.  A  severe  battle  was  fought  with  the  Indians  in  Minisink,  July  22,  166&, 
the  bloody  horrors  of  which  yet  live  in  the  traditions  of  that  neighborhood. 

+  Letter  of  Washington. 

57 


416 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1779 

war  was  held,  to  determine  upon  the  expediency  of  a  pursuit. 
Colonel  Tusten  was  himself  opposed  to  the  proposition,  with 
so  feeble  a  command,  and  with  the  certainty,  if  they  overtook 
the  enemy,  of  being1  obliged  to  encounter  an  officer  combining, 
with  his  acknowledged  prowess,  so  much  of  subtlety  as  charac¬ 
terized  the  movements  of  the  Mohawk  chief.  His  force,  more¬ 
over,  was  believed  to  be  greatly  superior  to  their’s  in  numbers, 
and  to  include  many  Tories  as  well  acquainted  with  the  coun¬ 
try  as  themselves.  The  Colonel,  therefore,  preferred  waiting 
for  the  reinforcements  which  would  be  sure  soon  to  arrive,  the 
more  especially  as  the  volunteers  already  with  him  were  but 
ill  provided  with  arms  and  ammunition.  Others,  however,  were 
for  immediate  pursuit.  They  affected  to  hold  the  Indians  in 
contempt,  insisted  that  they  would  not  fight,  and  maintained 
that  a  re-capture  of  the  plunder  they  had  taken  would  be  an 
easy  achievement.  Town-meeting  counsels,  in  the  conduct  of 
war,  are  not  usually  the  wisest,  as  will  appear  in  the  sequel. 
The  majority  of  Tusten’s  command  were  evidently  determined 
to  pursue  the  enemy ;  but  their  deliberations  were  cut  short 
by  Major  Meeker,  who  mounted  his  horse,  flourished  his  sword, 
and  vauntingly  called  out — “  Let  the  brave  men  follow  me, 
the  cowards  may  stay  behind  !”  It  may  readily  be  supposed 
that  such  an  appeal  to  an  excited  multitude  would  decide  the 
question,  as  it  did.  The  line  of  march  was  immediately  taken 
up,  and  after  proceeding  seventeen  miles  the  same  evening,  they 
encamped  for  the  night.  On  the  morning  of  the  22d  they 
were  joined  by  a  small  reinforcement  under  Colonel  Hathorn, 
of  the  Warwick  regiment,  who,  as  the  senior  of  Colonel  Tusten, 
took  the  command.  When  they  had  advanced  a  few  miles,  to 
Halfway  Brook,  they  came  upon  the  Indian  encampment  of 
the  preceding  night,  and  another  council  was  held  there. 
Colonels  Hathorn,  Tusten,  and  others,  whose  valor  was  go¬ 
verned  by  prudence,  were  opposed  to  advancing  farther,  as  the 
number  of  Indian  fires,  and  the  extent  of  ground  they  had  oc-  < 
cupied,  removed  all  doubt  as  to  the  superiority  of  their  numbers. 
A  scene  similar  to  that  which  had  broken  up  the  former  coun¬ 
cil  was  acted  at  this  place,  and  with  the  same  result.  The 
voice  of  prudence  was  compelled  to  yield  to  that  of  bravado. 

Captain  Tyler,  who  had  some  knowledge  of  the  woods,  was 
sent  forward  at  the  head  of  a  small  scouting  party,  to  follow  the 


INVASION  OF  MINISINK. 


417 


1779.] 

trail  of  the  Indians,  and  to  ascertain,  if  possible,  their  movements; 
since  it  was  evident  that  they  could  not  be  far  in  advance. 
The  Captain  had  proceeded  but  a  short  distance  before  he  fell 
from  the  fire  of  an  unseen  enemy.  This  circumstance  occa¬ 
sioned  considerable  alarm  ;  but  the  volunteers,  nevertheless, 
pressed  eagerly  forward,  and  it  was  not  long  before  they 
emerged  upon  the  hills  of  the  Delaware,  in  full  view  of  that 
river,  upon  the  eastern  bank  of  which,  at  the  distance  of  three- 
fourths  of  a  mile,  the  Indians  were  seen  deliberately  marching 
in  the  direction  of  a  fording-place  near  the  mouth  of  the  Lack- 
awaxen.  This  discovery  was  made  at  about  9  o’clock  in 
the  morning.  The  intention  of  Brant  to  cross  at  the  fording- 
place  was  evident ;  and  it  was  afterward  ascertained  that  his 
booty  had  already  been  sent  thither  in  advance. 

The  determination  was  immediately  formed  by  Colonel  Ha- 
thorn,  to  intercept  the  enemy  at  the  fording-place,  for  which 
purpose  instant  dispositions  were  made.  But,  owing  to  in¬ 
tervening  woods  and  hills,  the  opposing  bodies  soon  lost  sight 
of  each  other,  and  an  adroit  movement  on  the  part  of  Brant 
gave  him  an  advantage  which  it  was  impossible  for  the  Ameri¬ 
cans  to  regain.  Anticipating  the  design  of  Hathorn,  the  moment 
the  Americans  were  out  of  sight  Brant  wheeled  to  the  right,  and 
by  threading  a  ravine  across  which  Hathorn  had  passed,  threw 
himself  into  his  rear,  by  which  means  he  was  enabled  delibe¬ 
rately  to  select  his  ground  for  a  battle  and  form  an  ambuscade. 
Disappointed  in  not  finding  the  enemy,  the  Americans  were 
brought  to  a  stand,  when  the  enemy  disclosed  himself  partially, 
in  a  quarter  altogether  unexpected.  According  to  the  Ameri¬ 
can  account,  the  first  shot  was  fired  upon  an  Indian,  who  was 
known,  and  who  was  mounted  upon  a  horse  stolen  at  Minisink. 
The  Indian  fell,  and  the  firing  soon  became  general — the  enemy 
contriving,  in  the  early  part  of  the  engagement,  to  cut  off  from 
the  main  body  of  Hathorn’s  troops  a  detachment  comprising 
one  third  of  his  whole  number.  The  conflict  was  long:  and 
obstinate.  The  number  of  the  enemy  being  several  times 
greater  than  that  of  the  Goshen  militia,  the  latter  were  sur¬ 
rounded,  and  ultimately  hemmed  within  the  circumference  of 
an  acre  of  ground.  Being  short  of  ammunition,  Hathorn’s  or¬ 
ders,  in  imitation  of  those  of  Putnam  at  Bunker  Hill,  were 
strict  that  no  man  should  fire  until  very  sure  that  his  powder 


418 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1779 

would  not  be  lost.*  The  battle  commenced  about  11  o’clock 
in  the  morning,  and  was  maintained  until  the  going  down  of 
the  sun  ;  both  parties  fighting  after  the  Indian  fashion,  every 
man  for  himself,  and  the  whole  keeping  up  an  irregular  fire 
from  behind  rocks  and  trees  as  best  they  could.  About  sunset 
the  ammunition  of  the  militia  was  expended,  and  the  survivors 
attempted  to  retreat,  but  many  of  them  were  cut  down.  Doc¬ 
tor  Tusten  was  engaged  behind  a  cliff  of  rocks  in  dressing  the 
wounded  when  the  retreat  commenced.  There  were  seven¬ 
teen  disabled  men  under  his  care  at  the  moment,  whose  cries 
for  protection  and  mercy  were  of  the  most  moving  description. 
The  Indians  fell  upon  them,  hbwever,  and  they  all,  together 
with  the  Doctor,  perished  under  the  tomahawk.  Among  the 
slain  were  many  of  the  first  citizens  of  Goshen ;  and  of  the 
whole  number  that  went  forth,  only  about  thirty  returned  to 
tell  the  melancholy  story. t  Several  of  the  fugitives  were  shot 
while  attempting  to  escape  by  swimming  the  Delaware. 

Brant  has  been  severely  censured  for  the  cruelties  perpe¬ 
trated,  or  alleged  to  have  been  perpetrated,  in  this  battle.  He 
always  maintained  that  he  had  been  unjustly  blamed,  and  that 
his  conduct  had  been  the  subject  of  unjust  reproach.  He 
stated  that,  having  ascertained  that  the  Goshen  militia  were  in 
pursuit  of  him,  determined  to  give  him  battle,  he  of  course 
prepared  himself  for  their  reception.  Still,  having  obtained 
the  supplies  he  needed,  his  own  object  was  accomplished.  -He 
also  stated,  that  on  the  near  approach  of  the  Americans,  he 
rose,  and  presenting  himself  openly  and  fairly  to  their  view,  ad¬ 
dressed  himself  to  their  commanding  officer,  and  demanded  their 
surrender — promising  at  the  same  time  to  treat  them  kindly  as 
prisoners  of  war.  He  assured  them,  frankly,  that  his  force  in 
ambush  was  sufficient  to  overpower  and  destroy  them;  that 
then,  before  any  blood  had  been  shed,  he  could  control  his 
warriors ;  but  should  the  battle  commence,  he  could  not  an- 

*  Putnam’s  order  was — “  Don’t  fire,  boys,  till  you  see  the  white  of  their  eyes.” 

f  Among  the  slain  were  Jones,  Little,  Duncan,  Wisner,  Vail,  Townsend,  and 
Knapp.  In  1822  the  people  of  Orange  County  collected  the  bones,  which  until  then 
had  been  left  to  bleach  on  the  battle-field,  and  caused  them  to  be  buried.  The  fune¬ 
ral  procession  numbered  twelve  thousand  people,  among  whom  was  Major  Poppino, 
one  of  the  survivors  of  the  battle — then  nearly  one  hundred  years  old.  The  author 
has  to  some  extent  drawn  upon  the  discourse  of  the  R.ev.  Dr.  Wilson,  delivered  on 
that  occasion,  in  writing  this  account  of  the  battle. 


HIS  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  BATTLE. 


419  • 


1779.] 

swer  for  the  consequences.  But,  he  said,  while  he  was  thus  par¬ 
leying  with  them,  he  was  fired  upon,  and  narrowly  escaped  be¬ 
ing  shot  down — the  ball  piercing  the  outer  fold  of  his  belt. 
Immediately  upon  receiving  the  shot,  he  retired,  and  se¬ 
creted  himself  among  his  warriors.  The  militia,  emboldened 
by  his  disappearance,  seeing  no  other  enemy,  and  disbelieving 
what  he  had  told  them,  rushed  forward  heedlessly  until  they 
were  completely  within  his  power.  In  crossing  a  creek  they 
had  broken  their  order,  and  before  they  could  form  again  on 
the  other  side,  Brant  gave  the  well-known  signal  of  the  war- 
whoop.  Quick  as  the  lightning’s  flash,  his  dark  cloud  of  war¬ 
riors  were  upon  their  feet.  Having  fired  once,  they  sprang 
forward,  tomahawk  in  hand.  The  conflict  was  fierce  and 
bloody.  Few  escaped,  and  several  of  the  prisoners  were 
killed.  There  was  one  who  during  the  battle  saved  himself 
by  means  which  Brant  said  were  dishonorable.  By  some  pro¬ 
cess  or  other,  though  not  a  freemason,  he  had  acquired  a  know 
ledge  of  the  master  mason’s  grand  hailing  signal  of  distress ; 
and  having  been  informed  that  Brant  was  a  member  of  the 
brotherhood,  he  gave  the  mystic  sign.  Faithful  to  his  pledge, 
the  chieftain  interposed  and  saved  his  life.  Discovering  the 
imposture  afterward,  he  was  very  indignant.  Still,  he  spared 
his  life,  and  the  prisoner  ultimately  returned  to  his  friends  af¬ 
ter  a  long  captivity.* 

*  This  version  of  the  battle,  as  given  by  Brant,  has  been  derived  by  the  author 
from  the  notes  of  conversations  with  the  old  chief,  by  Samuel  Woodruff,  Esq.  here¬ 
tofore  cited.  The  prisoner  referred  to  as  having  been  saved  by  the  erroneous  sup. 
position  of  Brant  that  he  was  a  freemason,  was  the  late  Major  Wood  of  Orange 
County.  The  Rev.  Doctor  Wilson  gives  the  following  account  of  this  incident : — 
“Major  Wood  of  Orange  County,  (N.  Y.)  was  made  a  prisoner  at  the  battle  ot 
Minisink,  because  Brant,  from  an  accidental  sign,  mistook  him  for  a  Freemason.  On 
the  evening  after  the  battle,  when  the  ‘  monster  ’  was  about  to  tie  him,  he  remon¬ 
strated,  said  he  was  a  gentleman,  and  promised  not  to  escape.  He  was  not  tied,  but 
laid  between  two  Indians ;  and  told,  that  should  he  attempt  to  escape  he  should  be 
tomahawked.  The  blanket  on  which  he  lay  took  fire  in  the  night,  and  he  dared  not 
move,  lest  the  tomahawk  might  sink  into  his  head,  until  the  fire  reached  his  feet, 
when  he  kicked  it  out.  It  was  Brant’s  blanket.  Brant  treated  him  very  harshly  ever 

after;  and  when  Major  Wood  asked  him  the  reason,  he  replied,  ‘D - n  you,  you 

burnt  my  blanket.’  Major  Wood  was,  for  many  years  after  the  peace,  a  resident  ot 
Orange  County,  and  one  of  its  most  respectable  citizens.”  Dr.  Wilson  supposes 
that  the  Masonic  signal  was  made  by  mere  accident.  It  may  have  been  so ;  but  the 
author  has  been  told  otherwise,  and  that  one  of  the  first  acts  of  his  life,  after  his  re¬ 
turn,  was  to  become  a  freemason.  This  he  considered  himself  in  honor  bound  to  do. 


’  420  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1779. 

There  was  another  occurrence  of  deep  and  thrilling  interest 
connected  with  this  battle,  the  particulars  of  which  were  related 
in  after-years  by  Brant  himself,  while  on  a  visit  to  the  city  of 
New- York.*  Among  those  who  were  grievously  wounded  was 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Gabriel  Wisner,  a  gentleman  of  great  re¬ 
spectability,  a  magistrate,  serving  among  the  Goshen  volun¬ 
teers.  In  surveying  the  battle-field,  the  situation  of  Wisner  ar¬ 
rested  the  attention  of  the  Indian  commander,  who  examined 
his  condition.  The  chief  saw  that  he  was  wounded  past  hope 
of  recovery,  but  he  was,  nevertheless,  in  the  full  possession  of  his 
faculties,  and  was  even  able  to  converse.  Believing  his  case 
to  be  altogether  beyond  the  power  of  medical  and  surgical 
skill,  and  having  no  means  of  carrying  him  away,  Brant  re¬ 
flected  a  moment  upon  his  own  course  of  duty.  He  was  dis¬ 
posed  to  save  his  life  if  he  could,  and  yet  felt  that  it  was 
impossible.  To  leave  him  thus  helpless  and  alone  upon  the 
field,  in  the  possession  of  his  senses  to  a  degree  enabling  him 
to  appreciate  all  the  horrors  of  his  situation,  would  be  the 
height  of  cruelty.  Added  to  which  was  the  moral  certainty, 
that  the  wolves  abounding  in  the  forest,  guided  by  the  scent  of 
blood,  would  soon  be  gorging  themselves  alike  upon  the  wounded 
and  the  dead.  The  thought,  therefore,  that  Wisner  might  be  torn 
in  pieces  while  yet  alive,  seemed  to  him  even  more  than  savage 
cruelty.  Under  these  distressing  circumstances  and  consider¬ 
ations,  the  chief  argued  with  himself  that  true  humanity  re¬ 
quired  a  speedy  termination  of  his  sufferings.  Having  formed 
this  conclusion,  the  next  point  was  to  compass  his  death  with¬ 
out  inflicting  additional  torture  upon  his  feelings.  With  this 
view  he  engaged  Wisner  in  conversation,  and  while  diverting 
his  attention,  struck  him  dead  in  an  instant,  and  unperceived, 
with  his  hatchet.  It  was  but  a  savage  exhibition  of  humanity  ; 
but  there  was  benevolence  in  the  intention,  however  strangely 
reasoned  ;  and  the  motive  of  the  final  blow  is  to  be  applauded, 
notwithstanding  the  shudder  caused  by  its  contemplation.! 

He  also  stated  that  he  had  always  felt  mortified  at  the  deception  he  had  practised, 
and  that  nothing  could  have  been  more  withering  than  the  scorn  with  which  Brant 
ever  looked  upon  him  afterward. 

*  Conversations  of  Brant  with  General  Morgan  Lewis,  related  by  the  latter  to 
the  author. 

f  The  British  account  of  this  battle,  published  in  New- York  on  the  18th  of  Au¬ 
gust,  1779,  as  received  from  “a  person  just  arrived  from  Joseph  Brant  and  his 


INDIAN  IRRUPTIONS. 


421 


1779.] 

From  Minisink,  by  a  rapid  movement,  Brant  fell  upon  a  set¬ 
tlement  on  the  south  side  of  the  Mohawk,  where,  on  the  2d  of 
August,  he  made  a  few  prisoners — the  name  of  one  of  whom 
was  House.  This  man,  with  his  companions,  was  carried  back 
into  the  woods,  and  left  in  charge  of  the  Indians,  while  Brant, 
with  four  of  his  warriors,  went  otf  upon  some  secret  enterprise. 
On  the  fourth  day  after  his  absence,  he  returned,  attended  by 
his  four  warriors,  but  on  horseback  himself,  having  been 
wounded  in  the  foot  by  a  musket  shot.  The  wound,  however, 
was  not  like  that  of  Achilles,  in  the  heel,  but  by  a  buck-shot  in 
the  ball  of  the  great  toe — and  therefore  in  a  place  less  equivocal 
for  a  soldier’s  honor.  They  then  commenced  their  march  in 
the  direction  of  Tioga ;  but  as  House  became  too  lame  by 
walking  to  continue  the  journey  on  foot,  the  Indians  proposed 
killing  him.  To  this  Brant  objected  ;  and  having  been  ac¬ 
quainted  with  House  before  the  war,  he  released  him  on  condi¬ 
tion  of  his  taking  an  oath  of  neutrality,  which  was  written  by 
the  chief  in  the  Indian  language.  House  signed  the  oath,  and 
Brant  witnessed  it.  He  was  then  released,  and  being  some¬ 
where  in  the  vicinity  of  Otsego  Lake,  where  General  Clinton 
was  then  making  preparations  for  his  celebrated  descent  of  the 
Susquehanna,  House  came  into  Clinton’s  camp  on  the  8th  of 
August — the  day  previous  to  his  embarkation.* 

Contemporaneously  with  these  occurrences,  and  while,  as 
will  subsequently  appear,  the  attention  of  the  American  officers 
was  directed  to  more  important  movements,  the  Indians  and 
Tories  once  more  broke  in  upon  the  Pennsylvania  border,  in 
Northampton,  Lyconia,  and  the  neighborhood  of  Sunbury. 
In  a  succession  of  petty  affairs  between  the  1st  and  21st  of 
July,  several  neighborhoods  were  destroyed  and  mills  burnt. 


brethren,”  stated  that  Brant  had  with  him  only  sixty  Indians  and  twenty  white  men. 
Among  the  principal  inhabitants  killed,  the  same  account  gave  the  following  return  : 
“Colonel  Benjamin  Tustan,  Jr.,  Captain  Samuel  Jones,  Captain  John  Little,  Cap¬ 
tain  John  Wood,  Captain  Duncan,  Captain  Benjamin  Vail,  Captain  Reat  Tyler, 
Adjutant  Nathaniel  Frink,  Lieutenant  Benjamin  Dunning,  Lieutenant  Samuel 
Knapp,  Lieutenant  John  Wood,  Lieutenant  Abraham  Shepherd,  Justice  Gabriel 
Weisner,  Justice  Gilbert  Vail,  Justice  Roger  Townsend,  Justice  William  Barker, 
Commissioner  James  Knapp,  Commissioner  James  Mashier,  Wounded,  Major 
Hans  Decker,  Major  Samuel  Meeker,  of  the  Minisink  militia.  Out  of  one  hun¬ 
dred  and  forty-nine  that  went  out,  thirty  returned — missing  one  hundred  and  nine¬ 
teen.” —  Vide  Airman's  Remembrancer,  vol.  vi.  p.  276. 

*  MS.  letter  of  General  James  Clinton  to  Governor  Clinton,  his  brother. 


422  LIFE  OF  BRANT.  [1779. 

On  the  17th,  all  the  principal  houses  in  the  township  of  Mun- 
sey  were  burnt.  Two  persons  were  killed  on  that  clay,  and 
four  had  been  killed  a  few  days  previous,  besides  several 
taken  prisoners.  On  the  20th,  three  men  were  killed  by  a 
small  party  hovering  about  Freeland’s  Fort,  situated  on  the 
West  branch  of  the  Susquehanna,  seventeen  miles  from  Sun- 
bury.  On  the  28th,  five  days  after  the  affair  of  Minisink,  this 
little  defence,  which  was  garrisoned  by  only  thirty  men,  and 
about  fifty  women  and  children  who  had  sought  refuge  within 
its  walls,  was  invested  by  one  of  the  M’Donalds,  at  the  head  of 
two  hundred  Indians,  and  one  hundred  troops  calling  them¬ 
selves  regulars.  But,  although  wearing  the  British  uniform,  it 
was  believed  that  they  were  American  loyalists.  The  enemy 
met  with  less  resistance  during  this  irruption  than  would  have 
been  the  case,  but  for  the  circumstance  that  the  greater  part  of 
the  men  had  been  drafted  for  the  boat  service  of  General  Sulli¬ 
van,  who  was  then  at  Wyoming,  preparing  to  enter  the  Seneca 
country.  Fort  Freeland  was  too  weak  of  itself,  and  too  weakly 
garrisoned,  to  hold  out  long  against  such  a  disparity  of  force. 
Captain  Hawkins  Boone,  a  brave  officer,  stationed  with  thirty 
men  at  a  distance  of  some  miles,  marched  to  the  relief  of  the 
fort  immediately  on  hearing  of  ihe  investment.  The  garrison 
had  surrendered  before  his  arrival.  Boone  nevertheless  gave  bat¬ 
tle  to  the  enemy :  but,  overpowered  by  numbers,  he  was  slain, 
together  with  eighteen  of  his  men,  whose  scalps  were  carried 
as  trophies  into  the  fort.  Two  other  officers,  Captains  Dough¬ 
erty  and  Hamilton,  were  also  killed.  By  the  terms  of  capitu¬ 
lation,  M’Donald  stipulated  to  spare  the  women  and  children, 
and  allow  them  to  depart.  The  fort,  and  the  houses  in  its  vi¬ 
cinity,  were  then  burnt* 

Meantime  the  Shawanese  were  continuing  their  depredations 
upon  the  Ohio  border  of  Virginia,  with  results  certainly  not 
unfavorable  to  the  former.  Colonel  Boon  being  absent  in  North 
Carolina,  Colonel  Bowman  led  an  expedition  of  one  hundred 
and  sixty  men,  in  July,  against  the  Shawanese  of  Old  Chilicothe. 
Although  Bowman  fell  upon  the  Indians  suddenly,  and  with¬ 
out  knowledge  on  their  part  of  his  approach,  they  nevertheless 
fought  him  bravely  for  several  hours,  and  compelled  him  to 


*  Almon’s  Remembrancer — article  from  Philadelphia. 


AN  IMPORTANT  NOTE. 


423 


1779.] 


retreat.  Falling  back  thirty  miles,  Bowman  made  a  stand,  and 
was  shortly  overtaken  by  the  Indians  with  augmented  num¬ 
bers.  Another  engagement  ensued,  which,  during  the  first  two 
hours,  promised  no  advantage  to  the  forces  of  Bowman.  Co¬ 
lonel  Harrod  then  proposed  to  mount  a  number  of  men  upon 
horses  and  make  a  cavalry  charge.  The  suggestion  was 
adopted,  and  the  expedient  succeeded.  The  Indians  fought 
with  remarkable  fury,  but  were,  nevertheless,  broken,  and  com¬ 
pelled  to  fly  in  all  directions.* 

With  these  incidents  closes  the  present  volume.  The  se¬ 
cond  will  open  with  a  narrative  of  the  most  formidable  Indian 
campaign  undertaken  during  the  contest  for  American  Inde¬ 
pendence. 


NOTE. 

It  is  desirable  that  the  present  note  should  be  read  in  connec¬ 
tion  with  the  sixth  chapter  of  this  volume,  containing  the  ac  • 
count  of  General  Schuyler’s  expedition  to  Johnstown  in  Fe¬ 
bruary,  1776,  for  the  purpose  of  disarming  the  Tories  of  Tryon 
County,  and  of  arresting  Sir  John  Johnson.  The  immediate 
causes  of  that  expedition,  aside  from  the  information  of  a  wretch 
named  Connell,  do  not  appear  with  sufficient  distinctness  to  di¬ 
vest  the  proceedings  of  General  Schuyler  of  a  character  almost 
of  harshness.  But  while  the  author  has  entertained  little,  if  any, 
doubt,  that  Congress  had  good  and  sufficient  reasons  for  direct¬ 
ing  the  expedition,  and  Schuyler  for  his  energetic  execution  of 
his  orders,  the  reasons  for  the  urgency  of  the  movement  have 
never  transpired.  Since  tire  preceding  sheets  were  from  the 
press,  however,  the  author  has  received  copies  of  certain  docu¬ 
ments  from  the  archives  of  the  British  Government,  which  re¬ 
flect  all  the  light  upon  the  subject  that  can  be  desired.  After 
the  perusal  of  these  papers,  the  propriety  of  the  measure,  if  it 
ever  has  been,  can  no  longer  be  questioned : — 

*  Adventures  of  Colonel  Daniel  Boon. 

58 


424 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1779 

Governor  Tryon  to  Lord  George  Germaine. 

“  On  board  H.  B.  M.  Ship,  Dutchess  of  Gordon ,  ) 
u  New-  York  Harbor ,  3d  Jan.  1776.  ) 

11  My  Lord, 

“  The  gentleman  who  delivered  me  the  enclosed  letter  from 
Sir  John  Johnson,  assured  me  that  by  Government’s  complying 
with  its  contents,  Sir  John  could  muster  five  hundred  Indians 
to  support  the  cause  of  government,  and  that  these,  with  a  body 
of  regulars,  might  retake  the  forts.  If  Sir  John  had  the  title  of 
Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs,  it  would  give  the  greatest 
weight  to  his  Majesty’s  Indian  affairs — the  Indians  having  the 
greatest  affection  for  the  son  of  their  late  benefactor.  I  wish 
your  Lordship  may  think  as  favorably  of  Sir  John’s  proposals 
as  I  do,”  &c.  &c. 

[enclosure  in  the  above.] 

Sir  John  Johnson  to  Governor  Tryon. 

<c  Sir — I  hope  the  occasion  and  intention  of  this  letter  may 
plead  my  excuse  for  the  liberty  I  take,  in  introducing  to  your 
Excellency  the  bearer  hereof,  Captain  Allan  M’Donnell,  who 
will  inform  you  of  many  particulars  which  cannot  at  this  time 
be  safely  communicated  in  writing.  The  distracted  and  con¬ 
vulsed  state  that  this  unhappy  county  is  now  worked  up  to, 
and  the  situation  that  I  am  in  here,  together  with  the  many  obli¬ 
gations  our  family  owe  to  the  best  of  sovereigns,  induce  me  to 
fall  upon  a  plan  that  may,  I  hope,  be  of  service  to  the  country, 
the  propriety  of  which  I  entirely  submit  to  your  Excellency’s 
better  judgment,  depending  on  that  friendship  which  you  have 
been  pleased  to  honor  me  with,  for  your  advice  on,  and  repre¬ 
sentation  to  His  Majesty,  of  what  I  propose.  Having  consulted 
with  all  my  friends  in  this  quarter,  among  whom  are  many  old 
and  good  officers,  I  have  come  to  the  resolution  of  forming  a 
battalion,  and  have  named  all  the  officers,  most  of  whom  have 
a  good  deal  of  interest  in  their  respective  neighborhoods,  and 
have  seen  a  great  number  of  men  ready  to  complete  the  plan.  We 
must,  however,  not  think  of  stirring,  until  support  and  supplies  of 
many  necessaries  to  enable  us  to  carry  our  design  into  execution 
are  received — all  which  Mr.  M’Donnell  will  inform  your  Excel¬ 
lency  of.  I  make  not  the  least  doubt  of  the  success  of  this  plan, 
should  we  be  supported  in  time.  As  to  news,  I  must  beg  leave 


IMPORTANT  NOTE. 


425 


1779.] 

to  refer  you  to  Mr.  M’Donnell,  who  will  inform  you  of  every 
thing  that  has  been  done  in  Canada,  that  has  come  to  our  know¬ 
ledge.  As  I  find  by  the  papers  you  are  soon  to  sail  for  England, 
I  despair  of  having  the  pleasure  to  pay  my  respects  to  you,  but 
most  sincerely  wish  you  an  agreeable  voyage,  and  a  happy  sight 
of  your  family  and  friends. 

“ 1  am,  your  Excellency’s 

“  Most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

‘John  Johnson.” 

It  was  beyond  doubt  the  organization  and  other  preparations 
indicated  in  the  preceding  letter,  some  knowledge  of  which 
must  have  transpired,  that  induced  Congress  to  direct  the  expe¬ 
dition  into  Tryon  County,  referred  to  above,  which  was  so  vigo¬ 
rously  executed  by  General  Schuyler,  as  narrated  in  the  sixth 
chapter  of  the  present  volume.  And  the  same  Allan  M’Donnell, 
who,  with  Sir  John  Johnson,  was  one  of  the  negotiators  with 
General  Schuyler  on  that  occasion,  was  the  secret  emissary  sent 
by  Sir  John,  one  month  before,  to  negotiate  with  Governor  Try- 
on.  Thus  the  whole  matter  in  respect  to  that  expedition  is  ex¬ 
plained. 


■ 

>  ■  I  f  '  •  <  ' 

1 

.  •  .  ,  >  y-  »••  •  ■  Yv‘. 

-  r  1 


f 


"  .  *  *  *  , 

1  yyr  '  -v  rn  Vi'  ■  t 

' 


-  .  . 


APPENDIX. 


APPENDIX. 


No.  I. 

[Reference  from  the  Introduction.] 

[The  following  is  the  article  referred  to  in  the  text.  It  is  ex¬ 
tracted  from  Almon’s  American  Remembrancer,  (a  work  purporting 
to  be  an  authentic  collection  of  facts,  published  in  London  during  the 
Revolutionary  War,)  for  the  year  1782,  Vol.  14,  page  185.  It  was 
long  supposed  to  be  authentic,  but  has  since  been  ascertained  to 
be  a  publication  from  the  pen  of  Doctor  Franklin,  written  for  poli¬ 
tical  purposes.] 

Extract  of  a  letter  from,  Captain  Gerrish,  of  the  New. England  mi¬ 
litia,  dated  Albany ,  March  7th,  1782. 

The  peltry  taken  in  the  expedition  will,  as  you  see,  amount  to  a 
good  deal  of  money.  The  possession  of  this  booty  at  first  gave  us 
pleasure ;  but  we  were  struck  with  horror  to  find  among  the  pack¬ 
ages  eight  large  ones,  containing  scalps  of  our  unhappy  folks  taken 
in  the  three  last  years  by  the  Seneca  Indians,  from  the  inhabitants 
of  the  frontiers  of  New-York,  New-Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  and  Vir¬ 
ginia,  and  sent  by  them  as  a  present  to  Col.  Haldiman,  Governor 
of  Canada,  in  order  to  be  by  him  transmitted  to  England.  They 
were  accompanied  by  the  following  curious  letter  to  that  gentle¬ 
man  : — 

“  Tioga,  January  3 d,  1782. 

“  May  it  please  your  Excellency, 

At  the  request  of  the  Seneca  chiefs,  I  send  herewith  to  your 
Excellency,  under  the  care  of  James  Boyd,  eight  packs  of  scalps, 
cured,  dried,  hooped,  and  painted  with  all  the  Indian  triumphal 
marks,  of  which  the  following  is  invoice  and  explanation. 

No.  1.  Containing  43  scalps  of  Congress  soldiers,  killed  in  different 
skirmishes;  these  are  stretched  on  black  hoops,  four  inch  dia¬ 
meter  ;  the  inside  of  the  skin  painted  red,  with  a  small  black  spot 


il 


APPENDIX. 


to  note  their  being  killed  with  bullets.  Also  62  of  farmers,  killed 
in  their  houses ;  the  hoops  red  ;  the  skin  painted  brown,  and 
marked  with  a  hoe  ;  a  black  circle  all  round  to  denote  their  be¬ 
ing  surprised  in  the  night ;  and  a  black  hatchet  in  the  middle, 
signifying  their  being  killed  with  that  weapon. 

No.  2.  Containing  98  of  farmers,  killed  in  their  houses  ;  hoops  red  ; 
figure  of  a  hoe,  to  mark  their  profession ;  great  white  circle 
and  sun,  to  show  they  were  surprised  in  the  day-time  ;  a  little 
red  foot,  to  show  they  stood  upon  their  defence,  and  died  fight¬ 
ing  for  their  lives  and  families. 

No.  3.  Containing  97  of  farmers  ;  hoops  green,  to  show  they  were 
killed  in  their  fields  ;  a  large  white  circle  with  a  little  round 
mark  on  it  for  the  sun,  to  show  that  it  was  in  the  daytime  ; 
black  bullet  mark  on  some — hatchet  on  others. 

No  4.  Containing  102  of  farmers,  mixed  of  the  several  marks 
above ;  only  18  marked  with  a  little  yellow  flame,  to  denote 
their  being  of  prisoners  burnt  alive,  after  being  scalped,  their 
nails  pulled  out  by  the  roots,  and  other  torments ;  one  of  these 
latter  supposed  to  be  of  a  rebel  clergyman,  his  band  being  fixed 
to  the  hoop  of  his  scalp.  Most  of  the  farmers  appear  by  the 
hair  to  have  been  young  or  middle  aged  men ;  their  being  but 
67  very  gray  heads  among  them  all ;  which  makes  the  service 
more  essential. 

No.  5.  Containing  88  scalps  of  women  ;  hair  long,  braided  in  the 
Indian  fashion,  to  show  they  were  mothers  ;  hoops  blue  ;  skin 
yellow  ground,  with  little  red  tadpoles,  to  represent,  by  way  of 
triumph,  the  tears  of  grief  occasioned  to  their  relations ;  a 
black  scalping-knife  or  hatchet  at  the  bottom,  to  mark  their 
being  killed  with  those  instruments  ;  17  others,  hair  very  gray  ; 
black  hoops ;  plain  brown  colour,  no  mark  but  the  short  club 
or  cassetete,  to  show  they  were  knocked  down  dead,  or  had 
their  brains  beat  out. 

No.  6.  Containing  193  boys’  scalps,  of  various  ages  ;  small  green 
hoops  ;  whitish  ground  on  the  skin,  with  red  tears  in  the  mid¬ 
dle,  and  black  bullet  marks,  knife,  hatchet,  or  club,  as  their 
deaths  happened. 

No.  7.  211  girls  scalped,  big  and  little;  small  yellow  hoops;  white 
ground  ;  tears,  hatchet,  club,  scalping-knife,  &c. 

No.  8.  This  package  is  a  mixture  of  all  the  varieties  above-men¬ 
tioned,  to  the  number  of  122  ;  with  a  box  of  birch  bark,  con¬ 
taining  29  little  infants’  scalps  of  various  sizes;  small  white 
hoops ;  white  ground. 


appendix. 


Ill 


With  these  packs  the  Chiefs  send  to  your  Excellency  the  follow, 
ing  speech,  delivered  by  Coneiogatchie,  in  council,  interpreted  by 
the  elder  Moore,  the  trader,  and  taken  down  by  me  in  writing. 

“  Father  / — We  send  you  herewith  many  scalps,  that  you  may 
see  that  we  are  not  idle  friends.  A  blue  belt. 

“  Father  ! — We  wish  you  to  send  these  scalps  over  the  water  to 
the  Great  King,  that  he  may  regard  them  and  be  refreshed  ;  and 
that  he  may  see  our  faithfulness  in  destroying  his  enemies,  and  be 
convinced  that  his  presents  have  not  been  made  to  ungrateful  people. 
A  blue  and  white  belt  with  red  tassels. 

“  Father  ! — Attend  to  what  I  am  now  going  to  say  ;  it  is  a  mat- 
ter  of  much  weight.  The  great  King’s  enemies  are  many,  and  they 
grow  fast  in  number.  They  were  formerly  like  young  panthers ; 
they  could  neither  bite  nor  scratch  ;  we  could  play  with  them  safely  ; 
we  feared  nothing  they  could  do  to  us.  But  now  their  bodies  are 
become  big  as  the  elk,  and  strong  as  the  buffalo  ,  they  have  also  got 
great  and  sharp  claws.  They  have  driven  us  out  of  our  country 
by  taking  part  in  your  quarrel.  We  expect  the  great  King  will 
give  us  another  country,  that  our  children  may  live  after  us,  and  be 
his  friends  and  children  as  we  are. — Say  this  for  us  to  the  great 
King.  To  enforce  it,  we  give  this  belt.  A  great  white  belt  with 
blue  tassels. 

“  Father  ! — We  have  only  to  say  further,  that  your  traders  exact 
more  that  ever  for  their  goods ;  and  our  hunting  is  lessened  by  the 
war,  so  that  we  have  fewer  skins  to  give  for  them.  This  ruins  us. 
Think  of  some  remedy.  We  are  poor,  and  you  have  plenty  of  every 
thing.  We  know  you  will  send  us  powder  and  guns,  and  knives, 
and  hatchets  ;  but  we  also  want  shirts  and  blankets.  A  little  white 
belt.” 

I  do  not  doubt  but  that  your  Excellency  will  think  it  proper  to 
give  some  further  encouragement  to  those  honest  people.  The 
high  prices  they  complain  of,  are  the  necessary  effect  of  the  war. 
Whatever  presents  may  be  sent  for  them  through  my  hands  shall  be 
distributed  with  prudence  and  fidelity.  I  have  the  honour  of  be¬ 
ing 

Your  Excellency’s  most  obedient, 

And  most  humble  servant, 

JAMES  CRAUFURD. 


59 


iv 


APPENDIX. 


No.  II. 


[Reference  from  Page  104.] 

Account  of  the  treaty  held  at  Albany,  in  August  1775,  with  the 
Six  Nations,  by  the  Commissioners  of  the  Twelve  United  Colonies, 
met  at  General  Congress  at  Philadelphia. 

The  Commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  Colonies,  were  Major  Ge¬ 
neral  Philip  Schuyler,  Major  Joseph  Hawley,  Mr.  Turbot  Francis, 
Mr.  Oliver  Wolcott,  and  Mr.  Yolkert  P.  Douw.  After  the  ad¬ 
journment  from  German  Flatts,  and  the  arrival  of  the  Indians  at 
Albany,  as  stated  in  the  text,  the  following  proceedings  were  had. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Commissioners  for  transacting  Indian  affairs 
in  the  northern  department,  held  at  Albany  on  Wednesday,  the  23d 
August,  1775.  Present, 

Gen.  Schuyler,  Col.  Francis,  Mr.  Douw. 

Resolved,  unanimously,  that  the  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations  be 
invited  to  receive  our  congratulations  on  their  safe  arrival  here  ; 
that  it  be  at  five  o’clock  this  afternoon  ;  that  the  committee  of  the 
city  of  Albany  and  the  principal  gentlemen  of  the  place  be  requested 
to  accompany  the  Commissioners ;  and  that  the  following  letters  be 
wrote  for  that  purpose  to  the  chairman  of  the  committee. 

Albany,  23 d  August,  1775. 

Gentlemen. — Your  generous  exertions  to  support  the  American 
cause  against  the  nefarious  schemes  of  a  wicked  and  profligate  mi¬ 
nistry,  the  propriety  with  which  you  have  conducted  those  Indian 
affairs  that  have  become  the  subject  of  your  consideration,  a  con¬ 
sciousness  that  without  your  aid,  and  that  of  gentlemen  of  the  town 
conversant  in  those  matters,  the  important  business  of  the  ensuing 
conference  cannot  be  so  properly  conducted  as  our  zeal  for  the  ser¬ 
vice  makes  us  wish,  are  so  many  motives  which  point  out  to  us  the 
necessity  of  calling  on  you  and  those  gentlemen  for  your  aid  and 
advice ;  which  we  entreat  you  will  give  us  without  reserve ;  and 
be  assured  that  it  will  be  attended  to  with  all  that  deference  that  is 
due  to  your  respectable  body  and  to  their  good  judgment.  We 
propose  to  pay  a  visit  this  afternoon  at  five  o’clock  to  the  Indians. 
We  beg  the  favor  of  the  committee  to  honor  us  with  their  com¬ 
pany,  as  so  respectable  a  body  will  greatly  add  to  the  complimentary 
visit  we  mean  to  pay  them.  We  shall  go  from  Cartwright’s,  and 


APPENDIX. 


T 


shall  take  it  as  a  favor  if  the  gentlemen  of  the  town,  who  are  not 
of  the  committee,  would  be  pleased  to  go  with  us. 

We  are,  gentlemen,  with  great  respect, 

Your  most  humble  servants, 

P.  Schuyler, 

VOLKERT  P.  DOUW, 
Turbot  Francis. 

To  which  the  committee  returned  the  following  answer : — 

Gentlemen, — Your  polite  invitation  for  us  to  join  in  paying  a 
complimentary  visit  to  the  Indians  this  afternoon  at  five  o’clock,  we 
accept  of,  and  shall  for  that  purpose  attend  at  Cartwright’s  at  the 
hour  appointed. 

We  are,  gentlemen,  your  most  humble  servants. 

By  order  of  the  committee, 

Abraham  Yates,  Jr.  Chairman. 

t 

The  sachems  and  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations  being  assembled, 
the  Commissioners,  attended  by  the  committee  and  principal  gen- 
tlemen  of  the  city  of  Albany,  met  them,  and  addressed  them  as  fol¬ 
lows  : — 

Brethren  of  the  Six  Nations, — We,  the  deputies  appointed 
by  the  Twelve  United  Colonies,  the  decendants  of  Quedar,  *  and  the 
gentlemen  of  the  city  of  Albany,  congratulate  you  on  your  arrival 
here.  They  are  glad  to  see  you  well,  and  thank  the  great  God  that 
he  suffers  us  to  meet. 


At  a  meeting  of  the  Commissioners  for  transacting  Indian  affairs 
for  the  northern  department  held  at  the  city  of  Albany,  on  Tuesday, 
25th  of  August,  1775.  Present, 

Gen.  Schuyler,  C'ol.  Wolcott,  Col.  Francis,  Mr.  Douw. 

The  following  message  was  sent  to  the  committee  of  the  cit  of 
Albany : — 

Albany,  25 th  August,  1775. 

Gentlemen, — The  Commissioners  of  Indian  affairs  are  to  open 
the  treaty  with  the  Six  Nations  this  morning,  about  eleven,  at  the 
Dutch  church.  They  request  the  favor  of  your  attendance,  and 
that  of  the  principal  gentlemen  of  the  town,  and  would  wish,  previ- 

•  I 

*  “  Quedar,”  the  name  which  the  Indians  had  given  Governor  Stuyvesant — being, 
probably,  the  result  of  their  effort  to  pronounce  the  name  “  Peter.” 


VI 


APPENDIX. 


ous  to  the  meeting,  to  be  honored  with  your  company  at  Cart- 
Wright’s. 

To  Abraham  Yates,  Jr.  Esq.  Chairman  of  the  committee  of 
Albany. 

The  chairman  and  committee  attended  agreeable  to  invitation. 

In  the  course  of  their  interview  with  the  Commissioners  this  day, 
the  Indians  stated  that  they  had  some  business  to  transact  with  the 
people  of  Albany,  with  whom  they  were  desirous  of  having  an  inter¬ 
view  before  proceeding  with  the  main  object  for  which  the  Council 
had  been  convened.  They  therefore  requested  a  day  for  that  pur¬ 
pose.  The  request  was  granted — a  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Al¬ 
bany  was  held  immediately,  at  which  Walter  Livingston,  Jere¬ 
miah  Van  Renselaer,  and  Dr.  Samuel  Stringer  were  appointed 
a  committee  to  hold  the  preliminary  council  with  the  Indians. 
The  interview  took  place  on  the  same  evening,  when  Seaghnagerat, 
an  Oneida  sachem,  opened  the  proceedings  by  the  following 
speech  : — 

“  Brothers  of  Albany  : — We  beg  you  will  acquaint  us  when 
your  body  is  complete. 

“  Broteiirs  of  Albany  : — The  day  is  now  come  that  we  have 
arrived  in  consequence  of  your  invitation.  When  you  saw  four  of 
the  Oneida  Nations,  you  said  you  was  glad  to  see  them  at  your 
Council  Chamber.  We  are  now  here  in  consequence  thereof. 
You  told  us  you  would  be  glad  to  see  us  again — that  you  rejoiced 
to  see  them,  and  that  you  would  open  the  ashes,  and  rekindle  the 
old  council-fire  at  Albany.  We  are  glad  to  see  that  some  of  the 
sparks  of  that  old  council-fire  yet  remain.  We  rejoice,  e  ven  to 
excess,  to  find  it  so. 

“  Brothers  attend  ! — I  have  one  addition  to  make  to  what 
passed  between  four  of  the  Oneida  Nation  and  you,  when  last  at 
your  Council  Chamber.  When  you  found  from  our  conference 
with  your  brothers  at  the  German  Flatts,  that  our  sentiments  of 
public  affairs  so  much  coincided  with  yours,  you  farther  told  us  that 
all  the  governments  of  America  on  the  sea-coasts  were  anxious  to 
know  whether  we  were  disposed  to  peace,  and  that  you,  the  Twelve 
United  Colonies,  were  resolved  to  support  your  civil  constitution 
and  liberties,  and  you  rejoiced  to  find  that  we  all  so  firmly  re¬ 
solved  to  maintain  peace. 

“  Brothers  of  Albany  You  farther  observed,  in  the  intercourse 
you  had  with  four  of  the  Oneida  Nation,  that  you  greatly  rejoiced 
at  the  conference  you  had  at  the  German  Flatts.  You  farther  said 
ithat  you  was  surprised  about  a  letter  Guy  Johnson  had  received 


APPENDIX. 


vii 


from  the  chief  warrior,  General  Gage,  about  removing  the  mi- 
nistcrs  from  among  us.  That  you  rejoiced  that  the  Indians  were  in¬ 
structed  in  the  Christian  religion,  and  that  the  ministers  that  were 
among  us  might  continue. 

“  Brothers  of  Albany,  attend  ! — We  have  something  further 
yet  to  relate  of  your  speech.  You  desired,  at  the  intercourse  you 
had  with  the  four  messengers,  that  we  should  acquaint  the  Six  Na¬ 
tions  with  your  speech,  and  that  thereafter  three  or  four  of  each 
Nation  should  come  down.  You  farther  said  that  you  would  have 
been  glad  to  have  attended  at  the  council-fire  at  Guy  Johnson’s  to 
hear  what  he  should  say  to  the  Indians,  and  see  if  his  sentiments 
and  yours  should  coincide.  But  you  then  soon  heard  that  he  had 
removed  from  there  to  Fort  Stanwix,  from  there  to  Oswego  ;  that 
you  despaired  of  hearing  any  thing  from  him,  and  therefore  desired 
us  that  we  would  let  you  know  what  was  done  at  that  fire. 

“  Brothers,  attend  ! — You  made  another  proposal  at  the  inter¬ 
course  you  had  with  four  of  our  Nation,  which  was  this  : — that  you  - 
had  heard  that  there  was  to  be  a  council  of  the  whole  of  our  Nation 
at  the  German  Flatts,  you  desired  our  people  that  they  would  let 
you  know  what  passed  between  us  and  them.  Our  delegates,  in 
our  names,  then  told  you  that  it  would  be  more  agreeable  that  two 
or  more  of  your  members  should  attend,  and  hear  themselves  what 
passed  there.  This,  brethren,  is  the  substance  of  what  passed  be¬ 
tween  you  and  the  four  of  the  Oneida  Nation. 

“  Brothers  of  Albany,  attend  ! — We  now,  upon  this  day,  go¬ 
ing  through  with  what  passed  between  some  of  your  members  and 
us,  when  the  conference  ended  at  German  Flatts.  You  said — Bro¬ 
thers,  let  us  both  endeavor  to  keep  peace,  that  we  may  continue  to 
enjoy  its  blessings.  We  desire  not  that  you  should  trouble  your¬ 
selves  in  the  least  with  these  disputes  between  us  and  those  over  the 
great  waters ;  only  exert  yourselves  in  maintaining  the  covenant 
that  was  made  between  your  and  our  forefathers,  at  this  place  of 
our  council-fire.  Your  delegates  told  us  at  the  German  Flatts,  that, 
although  you  should  be  drove  back  from  the  sea-coast  by  your 
enemies,  yet  you  would  not  ask  our  aid. 

“  Brothers  of  Albany,  farther  attend  ! — Two  things  more 
you  delivered  at  the  German  Flatts.  The  first  was  this  ; — That  we, 
the  Oneida  Nation,  should  give  a  kind  ear  to  your  speech ;  you 
then  produced  two  ancient  belts  of  wampum, — one  of  twenty  rows, 
which  was  the  old  covenant  between  the  whole  Oneida  Nation  and 
Quedar-Gorah ;  another  that  was  given  by  the  Six  Nations,  by  the 
Indian  called  Kayinguaraghtoh ,  of  the  Seneca  Nation ;  you  also 


Vlll 


APPENDIX. 


said  that  these  belts  should  again  be  produced  for  the  inspection  of 
the  whole  Six  Nations  at  the  intended  council-fire  to  be  re-kindled 
at  Albany. 

“  Brothers  of  Albany  : — We  have  now  finished  the  principal 
subjects  that  passed  between  you  and  us,  the  Oneida  Nation ;  and 
we,  all  of  us,  the  Six  Nations,  are  here  now  present,  to  hear  what 
has  passed,  and  to  prevent  any  false  reports  that  may  be  propa¬ 
gated  by  news  carriers. 

*  “Brothers  of  Albany,  now  attend  ! — You,  also,  the  commis¬ 
sioners  who  are  here  present,  lend  your  ears  and  hear  our  voice. 
You,  our  brothers  of  Albany,  have  desired  the  sentiments  of  the  Six 
Nations.  We,  the  Six  Nations  and  our  allies,  which  extend  to  Detroit, 
Ohio,  and  Caughnawaga,  upon  our  first  hearing  the  bad  news  that 
circulated  along  the  eastern  shore  of  this  island,  assembled  and  resolv- 
ed  upon  a  union  amongst  us,  Indians,  and  to  maintain  peace  ;  and  we 
rejoice  that  nothing  more  has  been  asked  of  us.  There  is  nothing  dif¬ 
ferent  in  our  minds  than  what  we  have  now  told.  We  shall  not  take 
notice  of  any  hostile  propositions  that  may  be  made  to  us,  for  we 
bear  an  equal  proportion  of  love  to  you  and  the  others  over  the 
great  waters  in  the  present  dispute  ;  and  we  shall  remain  at  peace 
and  smoke  our  pipes ;  and  the  Six  Nations  will  always  keep  the 
path  open,  and  we  call  God  to  witness  to  the  truth  of  what  we  now 
say,  and  it  proceeds  from  our  hearts.  [A  belt  of  eight  rows.] 

“  Brothers  of  Albany,  now  attend,  and  incline  your  ears  to 
what  we  have  now  to  say : — 

“  We,  the  Six  Nations,  have  heard  the  voice  of  a  bird  called 
Tskleleli,  a  news  carrier,  that  came  among  us.  It  has  told  us  that 
the  path  at  the  western  communication,  by  Fort  Stanwix,  would 
be  shut  up,  either  by  the  one  party  or  the  other.  Brothers,  letjt 
not  be  ;  and  let  the  communication  be  open  for  passing  and  re¬ 
passing,  and  let  not  our  country  be  stained  with  blood,  and  be  al¬ 
ways  compassionate  to  the  old  women,  and  let  the  young  ones  grow 
up  and  enjoy  the  blessings  of  peace.  Brothers,  let  not  that  passage 
be  shut  up  by  you,  but  confine  yourselves  to  the  dispute  to  the  east¬ 
ward  ;  for  this  western  communication  lays  near  our  council-fire, 
and  the  consequence  might  be  fatal.  Indeed,  Brothers,  your  lan¬ 
guage  and  Col.  Guy  Johnson’s  coincides,  in  some  things,  with  one 
another  ;  and  the  party  that  applies  to  us  to  shut  up  that  passage 
we  will  look  upon  as  deceivers  and  transgressors  ;  and  we  despise 
a  double-dealer  from  our  hearts,  and  whom  we  look  upon  God  Al¬ 
mighty  will  hereafter  punish  as  such.  And  we  hope  that  when  you 


APPENDIX. 


ix 


give  your  answer,  you  will  speak  from  the  integrity  of  your  hearts, 
as  we  now  have  done.  [A  belt  of  fifteen  rows.] 

“  Brothers  of  Albany,  attend  ! — The  Five  Nations  just  now 
said  they  would  open  their  minds  in  full  to  you, — they  would  tell 
you  every  thing  they  brought  with  them.  This  Belt  respects  the 
letter  Guy  Johnson  received  from  General  Gage,  concerning  the 
removal  of  the  ministers  from  among  us.  Our  father,  the  minister 
who  stands  here,  we  love,*  we  love  him  exceedingly.  Perhaps,  in  a 
little  time,  he  may  be  wrested  from  us,  carried  off  like  a  prisoner. 
Our  hearts  tremble  for  him — we  tremble  greatly.  He  has  been 
threatened  ;  and  should  he  be  taken,  it  might  overthrow  the  whole 
Five  Nations.  Our  brothers,  the  white  people,  would,  perhaps,  say 
that  the  Oneida  Nation  had  delivered  up  their  minister,  and  that 
the  Six  Nations  did  not  regard  their  missionaries.  But,  truly,  we 
regard  our  father,  the  minister,  and  missionaries  ;  therefore,  we 
propose  to  your  consideration,  whether  it  be  not  wise  that  the  mis¬ 
sionaries  retire  for  a  little  while  ;  particularly  our  father,  the  mi¬ 
nister,  Mr.  Kirkland,  should  reside  a  short  space  with  his  family,  as 
we  hope  this  quarrel  cannot  subsist  long,  because  you  are  brothers, 
both  of  one  nation  and  blood,  and  we  hope  it  will  soon  be  settled  ; 
and  when  a  reconciliation  takes  place,  let  our  missionaries  imme¬ 
diately  return  to  us  ;  this,  however,  we  refer  to  your  consideration, 
and  leave  at  your  pleasure.  Now,  Brethren,  we  have  unburthened 
our  minds,  and  opened  our  bosoms,  and  delivered  what  we  had  to  say.” 
To  which  the  Albanian  Committee  made  the  following  reply : — 

“  Brothers  of  the  Six  Nations  ! — We  thank  you  for  your 
speech.  The  Commissioners  appointed  by  the  Twelve  United  Colo¬ 
nies,  and  with  our  consent,  will  first  transact  business  with  you  ; 
after  they  have  done,  we  will  answer  your  speech.” 

At  a  treaty  began  and  held  with  the  Indians  of  the  Six  United 
Nations  at  the  city  of  Albany,  on  Friday,  the  25th  of  August, 
1775— Present- 

Gen.  Schuyler,  Col.  Oliver  Wolcott,  Col.  Turbot  Francis,  Volkert 
P.  Douw,  Commissoners ;  the  Chairman  and  Committee,  and  prin¬ 
cipal  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  Albany.  The  proceedings  were  open¬ 
ed  by  the  Oneida  sachem,  Seaghnagerat,  by  the  following  speech  : — 
“  Brothers  : — We  acquainted  you  yesterday  evening,  that  we 
should  first  speak  to  our  brethren,  the  Committee  of  Albany.  We 
have  done  so,  and  have  opened  our  whole  minds  to  them. 

“  Brothers  : — When  we  met  two  of  your  body  at  the  German 
Flatts,  they  presented  these  strings  to  us,  and  invited  us  to  come 

*  Rev.  Mr.  Kirkland. 


X 


APPENDIX. 


down  to  Albany,  and  kindle  up  a  great  council-fire  of  peace,  un¬ 
der  the  auspices  of  the  Twelve  United  Colonies.  Now,  as  these 
strings  have  never  been  changed,  we  return  them  to  you  again,  and 
desire  that  the  great  council-fire  of  peace  may  be  kindled  up. 

“  Brothers  : — You  desired  us  to  shut  our  ears,  and  fortify  our 
minds  against  any  evil  reports  that  we  might  hear  on  our  way  down, 
and  to  pay  no  regard  to  what  any  liars  and  ill-disposed  persons 
might  say  to  us,  as  they  would  only  mean  to  sow  dissention  between 
us  and  our  brothers  of  the  Twelve  United  Colonies. 

“  Brothers  : — Our  minds  are  proof  against  the  attempts  of  such 
wicked  persons.  Now,  Brothers,  let  us  give  you  a  little  advice  on 
our  parts.  There  are  liars  and  mischief-makers  among  the  Indians, 
as  well  as  amongst  the  white  people.  Therefore  pay  no  regard  to 
this  or  that  that  any  single  Indian  may  say,  but  attend  to  what 
you  may  hear  from  the  mouth  of  our  great  council ;  for  that  will  be 
the  truth,  and  the  sense  of  all  the  Six  United  Nations.” 

The  Commissioners  then  replied  in  the  following  words  : — 

“  Brothers,  Sachems, and  Warriors  of  the  Six  Nations! — 
We  return  thanks  to  the  Great  God  that  has  suffered  us  to  meet 
together  this  day,  in  love,  peace,  and  friendship.  In  token  of 
which  we  will  now  sit  down  and  smoke  the  pipe  of  peace  together.” 

[Here  the  great  calumet  was  lighted  up,  and  went  round  ;  after 
which  the  Commissioners  proceeded  : — ] 

“  Brothers  : — We,  the  deputies  appointed  by  and  in  the  name  of 
the  Twelve  United  Colonies,  assisted  by  the  descendants  of  your 
ancient  friend  Quedar,  and  your  Albany  brethren,  embrace  this 
opportunity  to  rekindle  the  ancient  council-fire,  which  formerly 
burnt  as  bright  as  the  sun  in  this  place,  and  to  heap  on  it  so  much 
fuel  that  it  may  never  be  extinguished ;  and  also  to  renew  the  an¬ 
cient  covenant  chain  with  you,  which  you  know  has  always  been 
kept  bright  and  clean,  without  any  stain  or  rust;  and  which  by  this 
belt  we  now  strengthen,  that  for  ever  hereafter  you  and  we  may 
have  but  one  heart,  one  head,  one  eye,  and  one  hand.  [A  belt.'] 

“  Brethren  :-Our  business  with  you,  besides  kindling  the  ancient 
council-fire,  and  renewing  the  covenant  and  brightening  up  every 
link  of  the  chain,  is,  in  the  first  place,  to  inform  you  of  the  advice 
that  was  given,  about  thirty  years  ago,  by  your  wise  forefathers,  in 
a  great  council  which  they  held  at  Lancaster  in  Pennsylvania, 
when  Cannassateego  spoke  to  us  in  these  very  words.*  ‘  Brethren, 

*  See  Colden’s  History  of  the  Five  Nations,  and  Massachusetts  Historical  Col¬ 
lection,  for  an  account  of  the  treaty  referred  to — 1744. 


APPENDIX. 


xi 

*  we,  the  Six  Nations,  heartily  recommend  unison  and  a  good  agree- 
‘  ment  between  you,  our  brethren.  Never  disagree,  but  preserve  a 
‘strict  friendship  for  one  another  ;  and  thereby  you,  as  well  as  we, 
‘will  become  the  stronger.  Our  wise  forefathers  established  unison 
‘  and  amity  between  the  Five  Nations.  This  has  made  us  formid- 
‘  able :  this  has  given  us  great  weight  and  authority  with  our 
‘neighboring  nations.  We  are  a  powerful  confederacy;  and  if 
‘  you  observe  the  same  methods  our  wise  forefathers  have  taken,  you 
‘  will  acquire  fresh  strength  and  power.  Therefore,  whatever  be- 
‘  falls  you,  never  fall  out  with  one  another.’  These  were  the  words 
of  Cannassateego. 

“  Brothers  : — Our  forefathers  rejoiced  to  hear  Cannassateego 
speak  these  words.  They  sunk  deep  into  their  hearts.  The  ad¬ 
vice  was  good.  It  was  kind.  They  said  to  one  another,  ‘  The 
‘  Six  nations  are  a  wise  people.  Let  us  hearken  to  them,  and  take 
‘  their  counsel,  and  teach  our  children  to  follow  it.  Our  old  men 
‘  have  done  so.’  They  have  frequently  taken  a  single  arrow,  and  said 
— ‘  Children,  see  how  easy  it  is  broken.’  Then  they  have  taken  and 
tied  twelve  arrows  together  with  a  strong  string,  and  our  strongest 
men  could  not  break  them.  ‘  See,’  said  they,  ‘  this  is  what  the  Six 
‘Nations  mean.  Divided,  a  single  man  may  destroy  you.  United, 
‘you  are  a  match  for  the  whole  world.’  We  thank  the  Great  God 
that  we  are  all  united  :  that  we  have  a  strong  confederacy,  com¬ 
posed  of  twelve  provinces.*  These  provinces  have  lighted  a  great 
council-fire  at  Philadelphia,  and  have  sent  sixty-five  counsellors  to 
speak  and  act  in  the  name  of  the  whole,  and  consult  for  the  com¬ 
mon  good  of  the  people,  and  of  you,  our  brethren  of  the  Six  Na¬ 
tions,  and  your  allies  :  the  talk  of  this  great  council  we  shall  de¬ 
liver  to  you  to-morrow.” 

The  Council  having  resumed  business  on  the  26th,  the  proceed¬ 
ings  were  opened  by  the  Commissioners  in  the  following  manner  : — • 
“Brothers,  Sachems,  and  Warriors! — Let  this  string  open 
your  ears  to  hear,  and  incline  your  hearts  to  accept,  the  talk  of  the 
Twelve  United  Colonies,  which  they  have  sent  to  you  by  their 
deputies.  They  speak  as  follows  : — 

“  ‘  Brothers  Sachems,  and  Warriors  : — We,  the  delegates  from 
the  Twelve  United  Provinces,  viz.,  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts 
Ba3r,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  the 
three  lower  counties  of  Newcastle,  Kent,  and  Sussex,  on  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina  and  South  Carolina,  now  sit¬ 
ting  in  general  congress  at  Philadelphia,  send  this  talk  to  you,  our 

*  Which  were  enumerated. 

60 


xii 


APPENDIX. 


brothers.  We  are  sixty-five  in  number,  chosen  and  appointed  by 
the  people  throughout  all  these  provinces  and  colonies,  to  meet  and 
eit  together  in  one  great  council,  to  consult  together  for  the  com¬ 
mon  good  of  the  land,  and  speak  and  act  for  them. 

“  ‘  Brotrers  : — In  our  consultation  we  have  judged  it  proper  and 
necessary  to  send  you  this  talk,  as  we  are  upon  the  same  island, 
that  you  may  be  informed  of  the  reasons  of  this  great  council,  the 
situation  of  our  civil  constitution,  and  our  disposition  toward  you, 
our  Indian  brothers  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  their  allies.  [  Three 
strings ,  or  a  small  belt.'] 

“‘Brothers  and  Friends,  now  attend! — When  our  fathers 
crossed  the  great  waters  and  came  over  to  this  land,  the  King  of 
England  gave  them  a  talk ;  assuring  them  that  they  and  their  chil¬ 
dren  should  be  his  children,  and  that  if  they  would  leave  their  na¬ 
tive  country  and  make  settlements,  and  live  here,  and  buy  and  sell, 
and  trade  with  their  brethren  beyond  the  water,  they  should  still 
keep  hold  of  the  same  covenant  chain  and  enjoy  peace.  And  it 
was  covenanted  that  the  fields,  houses,  goods,  and  possessions,  which 
our  fathers  should  acquire,  should  remain  to  them  as  their  own,  and 
be  their  children’s  for  ever,  and  at  their  sole  disposal. 

“  ‘  Trusting  that  this  covenant  should  never  be  broken,  our  fa¬ 
thers  came  a  great  distance  beyond  the  water,  laid  out  their  money 
here,  built  houses,  cleared  fields,  raised  crops,  and  through  their  own 
labor  and  industry  grew  tall  and  strong. 

“  ‘  They  have  bought,  sold,  and  traded  with  England,  according  to 
agreement ;  sending  to  them  such  things  as  they  wanted,  and  taking 
in  exchange  such  things  as  are  wanted  here.  The  King  of  Eng 
land  and  his  people  kept  the  way  open  for  more  than  one  hundred 
years,  and  by  our  trade  became  richer,  and  by  a  union  with  us, 
greater  and  stronger  than  the  other  kings  and  people  who  live  be¬ 
yond  the  water. 

“  ‘  All  this  time  they  lived  in  great  friendship  with  us,  and  we 
with  them  ;  for  we  are  brothers — one  blood. 

“  ‘  Whenever  they  were  struck,  we  instantly  felt  as  though  the 
blow  had  been  given  to  us — their  enemies  were  our  enemies. 

“  ‘  Whenever  they  went  to  war,  we  sent  our  men  to  stand  by 
their  side  and  fight  for  them,  and  our  money  to  help  them  and  make 
them  strong.  That  we  have  done  this,  Brothers,  you  have  been  all 
witnesses  to  in  the  last  war.  You  know  we  assisted  them  in  taking 
Niagara,  Cataroqui,  Ticonderoga,  Crown  Point,  and  Canada ;  and 
lastly,  when  they  had  no  more  enemies  upon  this  island,  we  went 
to  fight,  and  helped  them  to  take  many  large  islands  that  lay  in 


APPENDIX. 


XU1 


the  hot  countries,  where  they  got  more  than  thirty  cart-loads  of 
silver.  They  thanked  us  for  our  love,  and  sent  us  good  tokens,  and 
renewed  their  promise  to  be  our  people  for  ever ;  and  when  the 
war  was  over,  they  said,  children,  we  thank  you  that  you  have 
helped  to  make  us  great.  We  know  that  it  has  cost  you  a  great 
deal  of  money  ;  and  therefore,  children,  we  give  you  a  present,  that 
you  may  maintain  your  warriors. 

Brothers  and  Friends,  open  a  kind  ear. — We  will  now  tell 
you  of  the  quarrel  betwixt  the  counsellors  of  King  George  and  the 
habitants  and  colonies  of  America. 

“  ‘  Many  of  his  counsellors  are  proud  and  wicked  men.  They 
persuade  the  King  to  break  the  covenant  chain,  and  not  to  send  us 
any  more  good  talks.  A  considerable  number  have  prevailed  upon 
him  to  enter  into  a  new  covenant  against  us,  and  have  torn  asun¬ 
der  and  cast  behind  their  backs  the  good  old  covenant  which  their 
ancestors  and  ours  entered  into  and  took  strong  hold  of. 

“  ‘  They  now  tell  us,  they  will  slip  their  hands  into  our  pocket 
without  asking,  as  though  it  were  their  own  :  and  at  their  plea¬ 
sure  they  will  take  from  us  our  charters  or  written  civil  constitu¬ 
tion,  which  we  love  as  our  lives  ;  also  our  plantations,  our  houses, 
and  goods,  whenever  they  please,  without  asking  our  leave.  That 
our  vessels  may  go  to  this  island  in  the  sea,  but  to  this  or  that  par¬ 
ticular  island  we  shall  not  trade  any  more.  And,  in  case  of  our 
non-compliance  with  these  new  orders,  they  shut  up  our  har¬ 
bors. 

“  ‘  Brothers  : — This  is  our  present  situation — thus  have  many  of 
the  King’s  counsellors  and  servants  dealt  with  us.  If  we  submit, 
or  comply  with  their  demands,  you  can  easily  perceive  to  what 
a  state  we  will  be  reduced.  If  our  people  labor  on  the  field,  they 
will  not  know  who  shall  enjoy  the  crop  ;  if  they  hunt  in  the 
woods,  it  will  be  uncertain  who  shall  taste  of  the  meat  or  have 
the  skins ;  if  they  build  houses,  they  will  not  know  whether  they 
may  sit  round  the  fire  with  their  wives  and  children ;  they  can¬ 
not  be  sure  whether  they  shall  be  permitted  to  eat,  drink,  and  wear 
the  fruits  of  their  own  labor  and  industry. 

“  ‘  Brothers  and  Friends  of  the  Six  Nations,  attend  ! — We 
upon  this  island  have  often  spoke  and  intreated  the  King,  and  his  ser¬ 
vants  the  counsellors,  that  peace  and  harmony  might  still  continue 
between  us  ;  that  we  cannot  part  with,  or  lose  our  hold  of,  the  old 
covenant  chain,  which  united  our  fathers  and  theirs ;  that  we  want 
to  brighten  this  chain,  and  keep  the  way  open  as  our  fathers  did; 
that  we  want  to  live  with  them  as  brothers ;  labor,  trade,  travel 


XIV 


AFPEXDIX. 


abroad,  eat  and  drink  in  peace.  We  have  often  asked  them  to  love 
us,  and  live  in  such  friendship  with  us  as  their  fathers  did  with  ours. 

“  ‘  We  told  them  again,  that  we  judged  we  were  exceedingly  in- 
jured,  that  they  might  as  well  kill  us  as  take  away  our  property 
and  the  necessaries  of  life.  We  have  asked  why  they  treat  us 
thus  ?  What  has  become  of  our  repeated  addresses  and  supplica¬ 
tions  to  them  ?  Who  hath  shut  the  ears  of  the  King  to  the  cries  of 
his  children  in  America '?  No  soft  answer — no  pleasant  voice  from 
beyond  the  waters  has  yet  sounded  in  our  ears. 

“  ‘  Brothers, — Thus  stands  the  matter  betwixt  Old  England  and 
America.  You,  Indians,  know  how  things  are  proportioned  in  a 
family  between  the  father  and  the  son — England  we  regard  as 
the  father,  this  island  may  be  compared  as  the  son. 

The  father  has  a  numerous  family,  both  at  home  and  upon  this 
island ;  he  appoints  a  great  number  of  servants  to  assist  him  in  the 
government  of  his  family  ;  in  process  of  time,  some  of  his  servants 
grow  proud  and  ill-natured — they  were  displeased  to  see  the  boy  so 
alert,  and  walk  on  so  nimbly  with  his  pack ;  they  tell  the  father, 
and  advise  him  to  enlarge  this  child’s  pack — they  prevail ;  the  pack 
is  increased,  the  child  takes  it  up  again  ;  as  he  thought  it  might  be 
the  father’s  pleasure,  speaks  but  few  words,  those  very  small,  for  he 
was  loth  to  offend  the  father.  Those  proud  and  wicked  servants, 
finding  they  had  prevailed,  laughed  to  see  the  boy  sweat  and  stag¬ 
ger  under  his  inci’eased  load.  By  and  by  they  apply  to  the  father 
to  double  the  boy’s  pack,  because  they  heard  him  complain ;  and 
without  any  reason  said  they,  he  is  a  cross  child,  correct  him  if  he 
complains  any  more.  The  boy  intreats  the  father,  and  addresses 
the  great  servants  in  a  decent  manner  that  the  pack  might  be  light¬ 
ened  ;  he  could  not  go  any  farther;  humbly  asks  if  the  old  fathers, 
in  any  of  their  records,  had  described  such  a  pack  for  the  child  ; 
after  all  the  tears  and  intreaties  of  the  child,  the  pack  is  redoubled ; 
the  child  stands  a  little  while  staggering  under  the  weight,  ready  to 
fall  every  moment ;  however,  he  intreats  the  father  once  more, 
though  so  faint  he  could  only  lisp  out  his  last  humble  supplication- 
waits  awhile — no  voice  returns.  The  child  concludes  the  father 
could  not  hear — those  proud  servants  had  intercepted  his  supplica¬ 
tions  or  stopped  the  ears  of  the  father.  He  therefore  gives  one 
struggle  and  throws  off  the  pack,  and  says  he  cannot  take  it  up 
again,  such  a  weight  will  crush  him  down  and  kill  him,  and  he 
can  but  die  if  he  refuses. 

“  ‘  Upon  this,  those  servants  are  very  wroth,  and  tell  the  father 
many  false  things  respecting  the  child  ;  they  bring  a  great  cudgel 


APPENDIX. 


XV 


to  the  father,  asking  him  to  take  it  in  his  hand  and  strike  the 
•  child. 

“  ‘  This  may  serve  to  illustrate  the  present  condition  of  the  King’s 
American  subjects  or  children. 

“  ‘  Amidst  these  oppressions,  we  now  and  then  heard  a  mollifying 
and  reviving  voice  from  some  of  the  King’s  wise  counsellors,  who 
are  our  friends  and  feel  our  distresses  ;  when  they  heard  our  com¬ 
plaints  and  our  cries,  they  applied  to  the  King ;  they  also  told  those 
wicked  servants  that  this  child  in  America  was  not  a  cross  boy ;  it 
had  sufficient  reason  for  crying ;  and  if  the  cause  of  its  complaint 
was  neglected,  it  would  soon  assume  the  voice  of  a  man,  plead  for 
justice  like  a  man,  defend  its  rights,  and  support  the  old  covenant 
chain  of  their  fathers. 

“  ‘  Brothers,  listen  ! — Notwithstanding  all  our  intreaties,  we 
have  but  little  hope  the  King  will  send  us  any  more  good  talks  by 
reason  of  his  evil  counsellors  ;  they  have  persuaded  him  to  send  an 
army  of  soldiers,  and  many  ships  of  war,  to  rob  and  destroy  us. 
They  have  shut  up  many  of  our  harbors,  seized  and  taken  into  pos¬ 
session  many  of  our  vessels :  the  soldiers  have  struck  the  blow, 
killed  some  of  our  people ;  the  blood  now  runs  of  the  American 
children ;  they  have  also  burned  our  houses  and  towns,  and  taken 
much  of  our  goods.  [ A  black  belt.~\ 

“  ‘  Brothers  ! — We  are  now  necessitated  to  rise,  and  forced  to 
fight,  or  give  up  our  civil  constitution,  and  run  away  and  leave  our 
farms  and  houses  behind  us.  This  must  not  be.  Since  the  King’s 
wicked  counsellors  will  not  open  their  ears,  and  consider  our  just 
complaints  and  the  cause  of  our  weeping,  and  have  given  the  blow, 
we  are  determined  to  drive  away  the  King’s  soldiers,  and  to  kill 
and  destroy  all  those  wicked  men  we  find  in  arms  against  the  peace 
of  the  Twelve  United  Colonies  upon  this  island.  We  think  our 
cause  is  just ;  therefore  we  hope  God  will  be  on  our  side.  We  do  not 
take  up  the  hatchet  and  struggle  for  honor  and  conquest,  but  to  main¬ 
tain  our  civil  constitution  and  religious  privileges,  the  very  same 
for  which  our  forefathers  left  their  native  land  and  came  to  this 
country.  [A  black  belt.\ 

“  ‘  Brothers  and  Friends  ! — We  desire  you  will  hear  and  receive 
what  we  have  now  told  you,  and  that  you  will  open  a  good  ear  and 
listen  to  what  we  are  now  going  to  say.  This  is  a  family  quarrel 
between  us  and  Old  England.  You,  Indians,  are  not  concerned  in 
it.  We  don’t  wish  you  to  take  up  the  hatchet  against  the  King’s 
troops.  We  desire  you  to  remain  at  home,  and  not  join  either  side ; 
but  keep  the  hatchet  buried  deep.  In  the  name  and  behalf  of  all 


XVI 


ATPENDIX. 


our  people,  we  ask  and  desire  you  to  love  peace  and  maintain  it> 
and  love  and  sympathize  with  us  in  our  troubles ;  that  the  path  may 
be  kept  open  with  all  our  people  and  yours,  to  pass  and  re-pass  with¬ 
out  molestation. 

“  *  Brothers  ! — We  live  on  the  same  ground  with  you.  The 
same  island  is  our  common  birthplace.  We  desire  to  sit  down 
under  the  same  tree  of  peace  with  you ;  let  us  water  its  roots  and 
cherish  its  growth,  till  the  large  leaves  and  nourishing  branches 
shall  extend  to  the  setting  sun,  and  reach  the  skies. 

“  ‘  Brothers,  observe  well  ! — What  is  it  we  have  asked  of  you  ? 
Nothing  but  peace,  notwithstanding  our  present  disturbed  situation  ; 
and  if  application  should  be  made  to  you  by  any  of  the  King’s 
unwise  and  wicked  ministers  to  join  on  their  side,  we  only  advise 
you  to  deliberate  with  great  caution,  and  in  your  wisdom  look  for¬ 
ward  to  the  consequences  of  a  compliance.  For  if  the  King’s 
troops  take  away  our  property,  and  destroy  us  who  are  of  the  same 
blood  with  themselves,  what  can  you,  who  are  Indians,  expect  from 
them  afterwards  ?  [ A  white  belt.] 

“  *  Brothers  of  the  Six  Nations  ! — When  we  perceived  this 
island  began  to  shake  and  tremble  along  the  Eastern  shore,  and  the 
sun  darkened  by  a  black  cloud  which  arose  from  beyond  the  great 
water,  we  kindled  up  a  great  council-fire  at  Philadelphia ;  and  we 
sat  around  it  until  it  burnt  clear,  and  so  high  that  it  illuminated 
this  whole  island.  We  renewed  our  hold  upon  the  old  covenant 
chain,  which  united  and  strengthened  our  ancestors,  and  which 
was  near  slipping  out  of  our  hands  before  we  had  kindled  this 
great  council-fire  at  Philadelphia.  We  have  now  taken  fast  hold, 
nor  will  we  let  it  go  without  a  mighty  struggle,  even  unto  death. 

Brothers  : — We  are  now  Twelve  Colonies,  united  as  one 
man.  We  have  but  one  heart  and  one  hand.  Brothers,  this  is  our 
Union  Belt.  By  this  belt,  we,  the  Twelve  United  Colonies,  renew 
the  old  covenant  chain  by  which  our  forefathers,  in  their  great  wis¬ 
dom,  thought  proper  to  bind  us  and  you,  our  brothers  of  the  Six 
Nations,  together,  when  they  first  landed  at  this  place  ;  and  if  any 
of  the  links  of  this  great  chain  should  have  received  any  rust,  we 
now  brighten  it,  and  make  it  shine  like  silver.  As  God  has  put  it 
into  our  hearts  to  love  the  Six  Nations  and  their  allies,  we  now 
make  the  chain  of  friendship  so  strong,  that  nothing  but  an  evil 
spirit  can  or  will  attempt  to  break  it.  But  we  hope,  through  the  favor 
and  mercy  of  the  Good  Spirit,  that  it  will  remain  strong  and  bright 
while  the  sun  shines  and  the  water  runs.  [Delivered  the  Union  belt.] 

“  ‘  Brothers  : — It  is  necessary,  in  order  for  the  preservation  of 


APPENDIX. 


XVU 


friendship  between  us  and  our  brothers  of  the  Six  Nations,  and 
their  allies,  that  a  free  and  mutual  intercourse  be  kept  up  betwixt 
us.  Therefore  the  Twelve  United  Colonies,  by  this  belt,  remove 
every  difficulty  that  may  lie  in  the  great  road  that  runs  through 
the  middle  of  our  country  ;  and  we  will  also  clear  up  and  open  all 
the  small  roads  that  lead  into  the  great  one.  We  will  take  out 
every  thorn,  briar,  and  stone,  so  that  when  any  of  our  brothers  of 
the  Six  Nations,  or  their  allies,  have  an  inclination  to  see  and  talk 
with  any  of  their  brethren  of  the  Twelve  United  Colonies,  they 
may  pass  safely  without  being  scratched  or  bruised.  Brothers,  the 
road  is  now  open  for  our  brethren  of  the  Six  Nations  and  their 
allies,  and  they  may  now  pass  and  repass  as  safely  and  freely  as  the 
Twelve  United  Colonies  themselves  ;  and  we  are  further  determined, 
by  the  assistance  of  God,  to  keep  our  roads  open  and  free  for  the 
Six  Nations  and  their  allies,  as  long  as  this  earth  remains.  [ Path 
belt .] 

“  ‘  Brothers  ! — We  have  said  we  wish  you  Indians  may  continue 
in  peace  with  one  another,  and  with  us  the  white  people.  Let  us 
be  cautious  in  our  behavior  toward  each  other  at  this  critical  state 
of  affairs.  This  island  now'  trembles,  the  wind  whistles  from  almost 
every  quarter  ;  let  us  fortify  our  minds,  and  shut  our  ears  against 
false  rumors ;  let  us  be  cautious  what  we  receive  for  truth,  unless 
spoken  by  wise  and  good  men.  If  any  thing  disagreeable  should 
ever  fall  out  between  us  the  Twelve  United  Colonies,  and  you  the 
Six  Nations,  to  wound  our  peace,  let  us  immediately  seek  measures 
for  healing  the  breach.  From  the  present  situation  of  our  affairs, 
we  judge  it  wise  and  expedient  to  kindle  up  a  small  council-fire  at 
Albany,  where  we  may  hear  each  other’s  voice,  and  disclose  our 
minds  more  fully  to  one  another.”  [A  small  belt.] 

“  *  Therefore  we  say,  Brothers,  take  care — hold  fast  to  your  cove¬ 
nant  chain.  You  know  our  disposition  towards  you,  the  Six  Na¬ 
tions  of  Indians,  and  your  allies.  Let  this  our  good  talk  remain  at 
Onondaga,  your  central  council-house.  We  depend  upon  you  to 
send  and  acquaint  your  allies  to  the  northward,  the  seven  tribes  on 
the  river  St.  Lawrence,  that  you  have  this  talk  of  ours  at  the  great 
council-fire  of  the  Six  Nations.  And  when  you  return,  we  invite 
your  great  men  to  come  and  converse  farther  with  us  at  Albany, 
where  we  intend  to  re-kindle  the  council-fire,  which  your  and  our 
ancestors  sat  around  in  great  friendship.  Brothers  and  friends  ! 

“  ‘  We  greet  you  all, 

“‘FAREWELL.’” 

[ The  large  belt  of  intelligence  and  declaration.'] 


xviii 


APPENDIX. 


Such  was  the  talk  transmitted  to  the  Six  Nations  by  the  Commis¬ 
sioners  from  Congress.  The  process  of  communication  to  the  In¬ 
dians,  through  interpreters,  is  very  slow.  Every  thing  must  be  per¬ 
formed  with  great  deliberation,  and  the  Indian  language  is  composed 
of  such  lengthened  compounds,  that  the  labor  of  delivering  and 
translating  a  speech  is  exceedingly  tedious.  The  delivery  of  this  talk 
from  Congress  occupied  the  business  hours  of  two  days.  At  the 
close,  Kanaghquaesa,  one  of  the  Chiefs,  replied  : — 

“  Brothers, — We  have  sat  round,  and  smoked  our  pipes  at  this 
our  ancient  place  of  kindling  up  our  council-fires.  We  have  heard 
all  you  have  said,  and  have  heard  nothing  but  what  is  pleasant 
and  good.  As  you  have  communicated  matters  of  great  impor¬ 
tance  to  us,  we  will  sit  down  to-morrow  and  deliberate  coolly  upon 
them  ;  and  the  day  following  will  give  you  answers  to  every  thing 
you  have  laid  before  us.” 

Having  convened  again  on  the  31st  of  August,  Little  Abraham, 
the  Mohawk  Sachem,  spoke,  in  answer  to  the  Commissioners,  as 
follows : — 

“Brothers,  Great  Men  deputed  by  the  Twelve  United  Co¬ 
lonies,  attend  ! — We  are  this  day  called  to  meet  you  in  council, 
in  order  to  reply  to  what  you  said  to  us.  We  hope  we  need  not 
recapitulate  the  whole  of  your  discourse.  We  shall  only  touch 
upon  each  head.  At  our  last  conference  in  this  house,  we  promis¬ 
ed  to  return  you  our  answer  the  day  but  one  following.  We  did 
not  do  it,  and  we  mean  to  make  you  an  apology.  We  hope  you 
have  taken  no  offence.  We  were  not  prepared  by  that  time,  and 
that  was  our  reason.  Brothers,  you  informed  us  that  there  was  a 
great  council  of  sixty-five  members  convened  at  Philadelphia,  and 
that  you  were  appointed  by  them  to  deliver  a  talk  to  the  Six  Na- 
tions.  It  seems  you,  our  brothers,  having  a  desire  to  rekindle  a 
council-fire,  took  to  your  assistance  the  descendants  of  Quedar, 
and  have  kindled  up  a  council-fire  that  shall  never  be  extinguished. 
To  which  the  Six  Nations  reply :  This  you  have  done  by  order  of 
the  great  Council  at  Philadelphia.  We  are  glad  to  hear  the  news. 
It  rejoices  our  hearts,  and  it  gives  exceeding  joy  through  all  the 
Six  Nations. 

“  Brothers, — As  you  desired  your  belts  might  not  be  returned, 
but  be  deposited  at  our  central  Council  House,  we  shall  only  make 
use  of  them  to  refresh  our  memories,  and  speak  upon  them  as  we  go 
on  with  our  answers.  Brothers,  we  shall  not  recite  every  particular, 
as  we  before  mentioned.  You  observed,  when  these  commotions 
first  began,  a  council  of  sixty-five  members  convened  together  at 


APPENDIX. 


XlX 


Philadelphia ;  and  you  put  us  in  mind  of  what  Cannassateego  for¬ 
merly  said  at  Lancaster  respecting  the  necessity  of  a  union  among 
you.  An  old  sachem,  a  brother  of  Cannassateego,  is  here  present, 
and  remembers  the  words  of  his  brother.  You  illustrated  the  neces¬ 
sity  and  use  of  a  union  by  one  and  twelve  arrows.  You  said  your 
grandfathers  had  inculcated  this  doctrine  into  their  children.  You 
said,  that  as  the  tree  of  peace  was  formerly  planted  at  this  place, 
you  desired  that  the  Six  Nations  might  come  down,  and  sit  under 
it,  and  water  its  roots,  till  the  branches  should  flourish  and  reach 
to  heaven.  This  the  Six  Nations  say  shall  be  done.  Brothers, 
we  need  only  remind  you  of  a  few  of  the  things  you  said  to  us,  as 
you  have  them  all  written  down.  You  informed  qs,  that  by  an  an¬ 
cient  covenant  with  the  King  of  England,  you  were  to  enjoy  the 
same  privileges  with  the  people  on  the  other  side  of  the  great  wa¬ 
ters,  that  for  a  long  time  you  did  enjoy  the  same  privileges,  by 
which  means  you  and  your  brethren  over  the  water  both  became  a 
great  people ;  that  lately,  by  advice  of  evil  counsellors,  you  are 
much  oppressed,  and  had  heavier  packs  put  upon  you  than  you  could 
bear ;  that  you  have  frequently  applied  to  be  eased  of  your  burthen, 
but  could  obtain  no  redress ;  that  finding  this  the  case,  you  had 
thrown  off  the  packs.  The  Six  Nations  thank  you  for  acquainting 
them  with  your  grievances,  and  the  methods  taken  to  obtain  redress. 
You  likewise  informed  them  of  what  resolutions  you  had  formed  in 
consequence  of  these  matters. 

“  Brothers, — After  stating  your  grievances,  and  telling  us  you 
had  not  been  able  to  obtain  redress,  you  desired  us  to  take  no  part, 
but  bury  the  hatchet.  You  told  us  it  was  a  family  quarrel ;  and 
therefore  said,  ‘  You  Indians,  sit  still,  and  mind  nothing  but  peace.’ 
Our  great  man,  Col.  Johnson,  did  the  same  thing  at  Oswego  :  he 
desired  us  to  sit  still  likewise.  You  likewise  desired  us,  that  if  ap¬ 
plication  should  be  made  to  us  by  any  of  the  King’s  officers,  we 
would  not  join  them.  Now,  therefore  attend,  and  apply  your  ears 
closely.  We  have  fully  considered  this  matter.  The  resolutions 
of  the  Six  Nations  are  not  to  be  broken  or  altered.  When  they 
resolve,  the  matter  is  fixed.  This,  then,  is  the  determination  of  the 
Six  Nations,  not  to  take  any  part ;  but  as  it  is  a  family  affair,  to  sit 
still  and  see  you  fight  it  out.  We  beg  you  will  receive  this  as  infal¬ 
lible,  it  being  our  full  resolution ;  for  we  bear  as  much  affection 
for  the  King  of  England’s  subjects  on  the  other  side  the  water,  as 
we  do  for  you,  born  upon  this  island.  One  thing  more  we  request, 
which  is,  that  you  represent  this  in  a  true  light  to  the  delegates 
from  all  the  Colonies,  and  not  varv ;  and  that  you  observe  the  same 

61 


XX 


APPENDIX. 


regard  for  truth  when  you  write  to  the  King  about  these  matters 
for  we  have  ears,  and  shall  hear,  if  you  represent  any  thing  in  a 
wrong  point  of  light.  We  likewise  desire  you  would  inform  our 
brothers  at  Boston  of  our  determination. 

“  Brothers, — It  is  a  long  time  since  we  came  to  this  resolution. 
It  is  the  result  of  mature  deliberation.  It  was  our  declaration  to 
Col.  Johnson.  We  told  him  we  should  take  no  part  in  the  quarrel, 
and  hoped  neither  side  would  desire  it.  Whoever  applies  first,  we 
shall  think  in  the  wrong.  The  resolutions  of  the  Six  Nations  are 
not  to  be  broken.  Of  the  truth  of  this  you  have  a  late  instance. 
You  know  what  the  Shawanese  have  lately  been  engaged  in.  They 
applied  to  us  for  assistance,  but  we  refused  them.*  Our  love  for 
you  has  induced  us  not  to  meddle.  If  we  loved  you  less,  we  should 
have  been  less  resolute. 

“  Brothers, — You  likewise  informed  us,  that  when  you  perceived 
this  island  began  to  tremble,  and  black  clouds  to  arise  beyond  the 
great  water,  you  kindled  up  a  great  fire  at  Philadelphia,  a  fire  which 
shone  bright  and  clear  to  your  utmost  settlements  ;  that  you  sat 
round  that  fire,  deliberating  what  measures  to  pursue  for  the  common 
good  ;  that  while  sitting  round  it  you  recollected  an  ancient  cove¬ 
nant  made  between  your  fathers  and  ours  when  they  first  crossed 
the  great  water  and  settled  here,  which  covenant  they  first  likened 
to  a  chain  of  iron.  But  when  they  considered  that  iron  would 
rust,  they  made  a  silver  chain,  which  they  were  always  to  rub  and 
keep  bright,  and  clear  of  spots.  This  they  made  so  strong,  that  an 
evil  spirit  could  not  break  it.  This  friendship-chain  you  have  now 
renewed.  This  covenant  is  to  continue  to  future  generations.  We 
are  glad  you  have  thought  proper  to  renew  this  covenant,  and  the 
whole  Six  Nations  now  thank  you.  This  covenant-belt  you  desire 
us  to  deposit  at  our  central  council-house,  that  future  generations 
may  call  to  mind  the  covenant  now  made  between  us.  You  may 
depend  we  shall  send  and  inform  all  our  neighboring  council-fires 
of  the  matters  now  transacted.  We  close,  with  the  whole  Six  Na¬ 
tions  repeating  their  thanks  that  you  have  renewed  the  covenant 
made  between  their  forefathers  and  yours. 

“  Brothers,  attend  ! — As  you  had  renewed  the  ancient  cove¬ 
nant,  you  thought  proper  to  open  the  path,  and  have  a  free  com¬ 
munication  with  this  place.  As  the  fire  had  for  some  time  been 
put  out,  the  path  had  got  stopped  up.  You  removed  all  obstruc- 

*  In  the  affair  of  Col.  Cresap  and  Logan,  and  the  Indian  war  that  followed,  tho 
Mohawks  were  not  engaged.  The  Cayugas  and  Senecas  were. 


APPENDIX. 


XXI 


tions  out  of  the  great  roads  and  paths,  all  stones  and  briars ;  so  that 
if  any  of  us  chose  to  travel  the  road,  we  should  neither  meet  with 
any  obstruction,  or  hurt  ourselves.  Brothers,  we  thank  you  for 
opening  the  road.  You  likewise  informed  us  you  were  determined 
to  drive  away,  destroy,  and  kill  all  who  appeared  in  arms  against 
the  peace  of  the  Twelve  United  Colonies.  Brothers,  attend.  We 
beg  of  you  to  take  care  of  what  you  do.  You  have  just  now 
made  a  good  path  ;  do  not  so  soon  defile  it  with  blood.  There  are 
many  round  us.  Caghnawagas,  who  are  friends  to  the  king.  Our 
path  of  peace  reaches  quite  there.  We  beg  all  that  distance  may 
not  be  defiled  with  blood.  As  for  your  quarrels  to  the  Eastward, 
along  the  sea-coasts,  do  as  you  please.  But  it  would  hurt  us  to  see 
those  brought  up  in  our  own  bosoms  ill-used.  In  particular,  we 
would  mention  the  son  of  Sir  William  Johnson.  He  is  born  amonff 
us,  and  is  of  Dutch  extraction  by  his  mother.  He  minds  his  own 
affairs,  and  does  not  intermeddle  in  public  disputes.  We  would 
likewise  mention  our  father,  the  minister,  who  resides  among  the 
Mohawks,  and  was  sent  them  by  the  King.  He  does  not  meddle  in 
civil  affairs,  but  instructs  them  in  the  way  to  heaven.  He  abso¬ 
lutely  refuses  to  attend  to  any  political  matters,  and  says  they  do 
not  belong  to  him.  They  beg  he  may  continue  in  peace  among 
them.  The  Mohawks  are  frequently  alarmed  with  reports  that 
their  minister  is  to  be  torn  away  from  them.  It  would  occasion 
great  disturbance  was  he  to  be  taken  away.  The  King  sent  him 
to  them,  and  they  would  look  upon  it  as  taking  away  one  of  their 
own  body.  Therefore  they  again  request  that  he  may  continue  to 
live  in  peace  among  them.* 

“  Brothers, — After  having  informed  us  of  the  situation  of  affairs, 
and  having  finished  your  business,  you  advised  us  to  shut  our  ears 
against  false  reports,  and  that  we  should  not  attend  to  flying 
stories,  but  to  what  wise  and  good  men  should  say ;  for  which  rea¬ 
son  you  had  kindled  up  a  council-fire  at  this  place,  that  we  might 
always  converse  together,  and  know  the  truth  of  things.  Your  bro¬ 
thers  of  the  Six  Nations  say,  ‘  Let  it  be  so  ;  it  shall  be  as  you  desire.’ 
They  thank  you  for  this  advice,  and  desire  you  would  use  the  same 
precautions  ;  that  you  would  shut  your  ears  to  flying  stories,  but 
keep  your  eye  upon  the  chief  council,  such  as  you  see  now  con¬ 
vened.  The  Six  Nations  desire  you  would  always  inform  them 
fully  of  what  respects  them.  We  have,  for  this  purpose,  opened  our 

*  This  Missionary  was  the  Rev.  Mr.  Stewart,  who  afterward  removed  to  Upper 
Canada. 


xxii 


APPENDIX. 


ears  and  purified  our  minds,  that  we  may  always  hear  and  receive 
what  you  have  to  say  with  good  and  clean  minds ;  and  whenever 
we  receive  any  important  intelligence,  we  shall  always  bring  it  to 
this  council-fire. 

“  Brothers  : — You  delivered  us  this  pipe  ;  on  one  side  the  tree  of 
peace,  on  the  other  a  council-fire ;  we  Indians  sitting  on  one  side 
of  the  fire,  and  the  representatives  of  the  twelve  United  Colonies 
upon  the  other.  You  have  desired  that  this  pipe  may  be  left  at 
our  central  council-house,  and  that  the  tree  of  peace  may  be  planted, 
and  that  the  branches  may  be  so  high  as  to  be  visible  to  all  our 
allies.  Brothers,  we  thank  you,  and  shall  take  care  to  deposit  this 
where  you  desire,  and  when  we  meet  to  deliberate  upon  business, 
shall  always  use  this  as  our  council-pipe. 

“  Brothers,  attend  ! — In  the  course  of  your  speech  you  ob¬ 
served,  we  of  the  Six  Nations  were  a  wise  people,  and  saw  a  great 
way  before  us :  and  you  asked  us,  if  you  upon  this  island  were  con¬ 
quered,  what  would  become  of  the  Indians  ?  You  say  you  are  un¬ 
certain  of  holding  your  possessions,  and  that  you  do  not  know  who 
may  enjoy  the  product  of  your  labor.  Now,  therefore,  Brothers, 
attend  ;  you  particularly,  our  Brothers  of  Albany  ;  we  address  our¬ 
selves  particularly  to  you.  Our  Brothers  of  Albany  have  taken  two 
pieces  of  land  from  us  without  any  reward,  not  so  much  as  a  single 
pipe.  W e  therefore  desire  you  will  restore  them,  and  put  us  into 
peaceable  possession  again.  If  you  refuse  to  do  this,  we  shall  look 
upon  the  prospect  as  bad  ;  for  if  you  conquer,  you  will  take  us  by 
the  arm,  and  pull  us  all  off.  Now,  therefore,  as  the  twelve  United 
Colonies  have  renewed  this  covenant  of  peace,  we  beg  that  there 
may  be  no  obstruction  upon  your  part,  but  that  you  would  restore 
our  lands  to  us ;  for  which,  as  we  said  before,  you  never  paid  us 
even  a  single  pipe. 

“  Brothers  : — You  have  now  finished  your  business,  and  we 
have  made  short  replies.  You  have  kindled  up  a  council-fire  of 
peace,  and  have  planted  a  tree  of  peace,  according  to  ancient  cus¬ 
tom.  We  find  that  you  have  omitted  one  thing,  which  is  this  : — Ac¬ 
cording  to  our  ancient  custom,  whenever  a  council-fire  was  kindled 
up,  and  a  tree  of  peaee  planted,  there  was  some  person  appointed  to 
watch  it.  Now,  as  there  is  no  person  appointed  to  watch  this  tree, 
we  of  tne  Six  Nations  take  it  upon  us  to  appoint  one.  Let  it  be 
the  descendant  of  our  ancient  friend,  Quedar.  He  has  to  consider 
whether  he  will  take  the  charge  of  it,  and  communicate  to  us  what¬ 
ever  may  respect  it.  He  that  watches  this  council-fire  is  to  be 
provided  with  a  wing,  that  he  may  brush  off  all  insects  that  come 


APPENDIX. 


xxiii 

near  it,  and  keep  it  dear.  That  is  the  custom  at  our  central  coun¬ 
cil-house.  We  have  one  appointed  for  that  purpose. 

“  Brothers  : — As  you  have  this  day  renewed  the  ancient  cove¬ 
nant  of  friendship,  and  have  again  brightened  the  ancient  chain, 
renew  likewise  another  ancient  custom  respecting  the  regulation  of 
trade.  Let  us  have  a  trade  at  this  place,  and  likewise  at  Schenec¬ 
tady,  as  it  was  in  former  times  when  we  had  hold  of  the  old  covenant. 
For  then,  Brothers,  if  our  people  came  down  with  only  a  few 
musquash  skins,  we  went  home  with  glad  hearts.  Brothers,  let  it 
be  so  again.  Let  the  twelve  United  Colonies  take  this  into  consi¬ 
deration.”  [A  belt  of  ten  rows  of  wampum .] 

Abraham,  the  Mohawk,  having  concluded,  Tiahogwando,  an  Onei¬ 
da  sachem,  succeeded  him  as  follows  : — 

“  Brothers  : — This  is  all  the  Six  Nations  have  to  say  at  present. 
They  would  just  mention  one  thing  more  before  they  break  up.  The 
Six  Nations  look  upon  this  as  a  very  good  time  to  speak  their  minds, 
as  here  are  the  representatives  of  the  twelve  United  Colonies.  The 
dispute  between  the  people  of  New-England  and  Penn  seems  to  us  to 
become  a  serious  affair,  and  therefore  the  Six  Nations  take  upon 
them  to  speak  their  minds  freely,  as  they  address  the  inhabitants  ot 
the  whole  continent.*  Many  years  ago,  at  a  council  held  in  Penn¬ 
sylvania,  when  Cannassateego,  that  has  been  before  mentioned,  was 
present,  Penn  desired  the  Six  Nations  would  sell  him  that  piece  ot 
land  known  by  the  name  of  Scanandanani,  or  Susquehannah.  The 
Indians  of  the  Six  Nations  refused  to  sell  it,  saying,  the  great  God 
would  not  permit  them.  Therefore  they  made  him  a  present  ot 
that  land,  known  by  the  name  of  Scanandanani.  Penn  received  it, 
and  made  them  valuable  presents.  After  this,  Colonel  Lydius,  a 
gentleman  employed  by  the  people  of  Boston,  treated  with  some  ot 
the  Indians  to  get  that  land  from  them.  But  he  never  kindled  up  a 
council-fire  upon  the  occasion.  He  spoke  to  them  whenever  ho 
met  them;  never  with  more  than  ten.  From  these  he  pretended  to 
make  a  purchase  of  that  tract.  Gov.  Penn,  also,  at  the  great  treaty 
at  Fort  Stanwix,  in  the  year  1768,  desired  that  the  land  might  be 
his,  and  distributed  among  the  Six  Nations,  Shawanese  and  Caugh- 
nawagas,  ten  thousand  dollars,  for  which  they  gave  him  a  writing. 
This  is  an  affair  with  which  all  the  Six  Nations  are  acquainted,  and 
any  one  would  lie  who  said  they  knew  nothing  about  it.  We  have 
taken  an  opportunity  to  speak  of  this  matter  now,  as  the  mind  of 
the  whole  continent  is  now  here.”  ***** 

*  Referring  to  the  long  and  bitter  controversy  between  Connecticut  and  Penn¬ 
sylvania  respecting  the  territory  of  Wyoming,  of  which  more  hereafter. 


XXIV 


APPENDIX. 


At  this  point  the  proceedings  were  adjourned  over  to  the  next 
day,  being  the  1st  of  September,  when  the  Commissioners  made  the 
following  reply  : — 

“  Brothers  of  the  Six  Nations,  attend  ! — We  yesterday 
heard  with  pleasure  your  answer  to  the  twelve  United  Colonies,  and 
we  return  thanks  to  the  great  Governor  of  the  universe  that  he  has 
inclined  your  hearts  to  approve  and  accept  the  brotherly  love  offered 
to  you  by  the  twelve  United  Colonies.  It  makes  us  happ)’’  to  hear 
so  wise  and  brave  a  people  as  our  brothers  of  the  Six  Nations  are, 
publicly  declare  their  unalterable  resolution  to  maintain  and  support 
peace  and  friendship  with  the  twelve  United  Colonies.  This,  Bro¬ 
thers,  you  have  said,  and  we  sincerely  believe  you.  Brothers,  we 
requested  of  you  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations  not  to  interfere  in  our 
quarrels.  We  are  not  in  the  least  doubtful  of  success,  as  our 
cause  is  just.  We  will  live  or  die  like  men.  We  can  raise  an 
army  of  three  hundred  thousand  fighting  men,  who  are  brave,  and 
are  determined  not  to  part  with  their  civil  and  religious  privileges. 
Therefore  we  now  repeat  to  you,  Brothers  of  the  Six  Nations,  take 
great  care  of  the  strong  friendship  you  have  now  made  with  the 
twelve  United  Colonies.  Let  that  be  vour  care,  and  that  onlv. 
Peace  is  what  we  wish  to  establish. 

“  Brothers  of  the  Six  Nations  : — You  yesterday  told  us,  that 
as  the  roads  in  your  country  were  opened  for  you  and  your  brothers 
of  the  twelve  United  Colonies  to  pass  and  repass,  you  desired  at  the 
same  time  that  we  would  not  stain  the  road  with  blood.  Brothers, 
be  assured  we  have  no  intention  at  present  to  spill  blood  in  your 
country,  and  we  hope  it  never  may  happen  ;  and  it  never  can,  pro¬ 
vided  those  w  icked  men,  who  are  come  so  far  from  home  in  order  to 
disturb  the  peace  of  the  twelve  United  Colonies,  do  not  appear  in 
your  country.  But  as  we  are  determined  to  be  free  or  die,  we  must 
pursue  them  until  we  drive  them  from  off  this  island,  or  until  they 
confirm  our  ancient  privileges.  Therefore,  Brothers,  rest  assured, 
whatever  may  happen  between  us  and  our  enemies,  we  never  will 
injure  or  disturb  the  peace  of  the  Six  Nations,  but  preserve  invaria¬ 
ble  the  friendship  that  is  now  established,  even  unto  death. 

“  Brothers  : — You  also  desired  yesterday  that  some  of  your 
friends  of  our  blood  should  remain  in  peace,  and  particularly  the 
missionary  at  Fort  Hunter,  who  did  not  concern  himself  with  the 
affairs  of  this  world,  but  was  earnestly  engaged  in  conducting  you 
to  happiness,  and  instructing  you  in  the  reverence  due  to  the  great 
God  who  governs  the  universe.  Brothers,  such  a  man  we  love,  and 
we  are  desirous  of  his  remaining  quiet  and  happy  with  you.  We 


ATFENDIX. 


XXV 


are  also  desirous  that  all  the  other  missionaries,  that  have  been  en¬ 
gaged  in  the  same  good  cause,  may  safely  continue  among  you,  and 
instruct  you  in  the  Gospel,  which  will  be  the  means  of  your  happi¬ 
ness  in  this  world  and  the  one  to  come. 

“  Brothers  : — As  we  always  looked  upon  you,  Brothers  of  the 
Six  Nations,  to  be  a  wise  and  capable  people  in  conducting  business 
of  every  kind,  we  were  a  little  surprised  to  hear  you  say  that  no  one 
was  appointed  by  the  twelve  United  Colonies  to  attend  and  watch 
the  fire  that  they  have  kindled  up  at  this  place ;  when  we  have  re¬ 
peatedly  told  you  that  they  had  appointed  five  persons,  whose  busi¬ 
ness  it  was  to  attend  and  preserve  it  bright  and  clear,  and  that  two 
of  those  five  live  in  this  town,  who  would  take  particular  care,  and 
who  had  full  authority  from  the  twelve  United  Colonies,  to  keep  the 
flame  bright  and  clear.  Brothers,  for  fear  you  should  not  have  un¬ 
derstood  us  fully,  we  again  acquaint  you  that  the  twelve  United 
Colonies  have  authorized  General  Schuyler  and  Mr.  Douw,  both  of 
this  town,  to  keep  the  fire  burning,  that  it  may  illuminate  the  whole 
country  of  the  Six  Nations,  who  may  always  see  the  way  down  to 
it,  and  sit  in  peace  around  it. 

“  Brothers  : — You  yesterday  desired  that  the  trade  may  be 
opened  at  this  place  and  at  Schenectady.  We  also  wish  it,  and  it 
will  be  done ;  so  that  you  may  trade  as  you  formerly  did,  and  be 
able  to  return  home  with  your  goods  to  your  entire  satisfaction. 

“  Brothers  : — You  yesterday  mentioned  some  matters  concern¬ 
ing  land  claimed  by  the  people  of  Albany,  and  also  the  land  in  dis¬ 
pute  between  Connecticut  and  Gov.  Penn.  We  now  inform  you 
that  we  are  not  authorized  to  transact  any  business  of  that  kind  at 
present,  but  will  represent  the  matter  at  the  Grand  Congress  at 
Philadelphia. 

“  Brothers  : — We  have  now  finished,  and  let  you  know  the 
present  that  we  have  from  the  twelve  United  Colonies  is  preparing 
for  you,  and  when  it  is  ready  we  will  acquaint  you.  Wagons  shall 
be  provided  for  you  whenever  you  are  ready  to  set  off  for  Sche¬ 
nectady.” 

Thus  ended  the  business  of  the  Commissioners  with  the  Indians, 
more  amicably,  to  all  appearance,  than  could  reasonably  have  been 
anticipated,  when  all  the  circumstances  preceding  and  attending  the 
negotiations  are  taken  into  consideration.  There  was,  however, 
the  “  unfinished  business  ”  between  the  Indians  and  the  municipality 
of  Albany  yet  to  be  completed.  For  this  purpose  a  council  was 
arranged  for  the  day  following,  September  2d,  and  the  Commission- 
cjs,  on  the  part  of  the  United  Colonies,  were  again  invited  to  attend. 


XXVI 


APPENDIX. 


The  council  was  held  in  the  Presbyterian  meeting-house.  The  pre¬ 
liminaries  of  form  having  been  adjusted,  the  Committee  of  the 
Common  Council  and  citizens  of  Albany,  delivered  the  following 
reply  to  the  speech  of  the  Oneida  sachem,  on  the  25th  of  August  : — 

“  Brothers  of  the  Six  Nations  : — We  suppose  it  will  not  be 
insisted  upon  to  repeat  the  whole  of  your  speech,  as  we  conceive  it 
unnecessary,  and  therefore  shall  only  take  notice  of  the  material 
parts. 

“  Brothers  : — You  said  that  you  was  glad  to  see  us  at  this  place 
on  the  25th  August,  in  consequence  of  our  invitation  ;  and  that  you 
was  glad  to  see  that  some  sparks  of  the  old  council-fire  yet  remain, 
ed,  and  that  you  rejoiced,  even  to  excess,  to  find  it  so. 

“  Brothers  : — We  thank  you  for  your  kind  congratulations  and 
salutations  at  meeting  us  here,  and  rejoice  in  the  opportunity  you 
have  given  us  at  this  time,  of  meeting  one  another  in  friendship  and 
peace,  to  talk  of  old  times  and  renew  our  ancient  treaty. 

“  Brothers  : — We  are  happy  to  find  that  you  so  readily  accepted 
our  request  to  come  and  see  us,  and  that  you  have  had  so  much  pa 
tience,  and  behaved  so  orderly  during  your  short  stay  among  us. 

“  Brothers  : — At  the  conference  of  our  deputies  with  you  at  the 
German  Flatts,  they  showed  you  some  old  belts  of  wampum,  which 
you  expressed  a  desire  to  see.  Here  are  those  belts,  and  we  hope 
even  Time  will  not  wear  them  out.  This  is  the  Belt  given  by  the 
Oneida  Nation,  and  is  the  old  covenant  between  the  whole  Oneida 
Nation  and  Gorah  Quedar.  This  is  the  belt  that  was  given  by  the 
Indian  Kayinguaraghtoli  in  behalf  of  the  Six  Nations. 

“  Brothers  attend  : — In  your  speech,  you  farther  observed  that 
you  had  long  since  taken  a  resolution  to  take  no  active  part  in  the 
present  contest  for  liberty.  We  do  not  offer  to  censure  you  for 
3'our  conduct ;  but  admire  your  wisdom,  praise  your  pacific  disposi¬ 
tion,  and  hope  you  will  have  fortitude  to  maintain  and  persevere  in 
it.  \A  belt.] 

“  Brothers  : — You  further  said  that  the  road  to  the  westward, 
you  heard  by  the  bird,  was  to  be  stopped  up  ;  this  matter  is  beyond 
our  limits.  The  commissioners  of  the  twelve  United  Colonies  hav¬ 
ing  spoken  to  you  at  large  about  the  roads,  that  they  shall  be  left 
open,  we  entirely  agree  with  them  in  this  ;  and  therefore  shall  add 
nothing  on  this  point,  and  return  the  belt. 

“  Brothers  : — You  said  further,  and  delivered  us  this  belt ;  that 
you  was  anxious  about  and  concerned  for  your  minister,  Mr.  Kirk¬ 
land  ;  and  asked  our  advice  about  his  remaining  among  you,  who 
we  do  not  see  you  should  be  deprived  of  without  your  consent,  any 


APPENDIX. 


xxvu 


more  than  the  Mohawk  tribe  should  be  deprived  of  their  missionary. 
We  highly  approve  of  your  concern  for  the  ministers  of  the  Gospel, 
and  your  attachment  for  the  pure  precepts  and  doctrine  of  Christia¬ 
nity.  But  if  your  minister  is  removed,  we  should  fear  the  conse¬ 
quence.  It  would  certainly  give  occasion  of  jealousy  to  your 
Brethren,  the  white  people,  that  you  Indians  were  not  well  disposed. 
Therefore  it  is  our  ardent  wish  that  they  may  all  remain  among 
you,  as  your  teachers  and  instructors  in  virtue,  piety,  and  true  re¬ 
ligion  ;  and  we  hope  you  may  benefit  and  profit  by  their  instruc¬ 
tion.  [A  belt.] 

“  Brothers  : — Before  any  commissioners  were  appointed  by  the 
twelve  United  Colonies — from  the  disagreeable  condition  of  our 
country,  and  the  ancient  friendship  and  alliance  subsisting  between 
us,  commenced  in  the  days  of  your  ancestors  and  our  forefathers, 
we  took  upon  us,  as  the  representatives  of  the  people  of  the  city  and 
county  of  Albany,  to  give  you  an  invitation  to  pay  us  a  friendly 
visit,  that  we  might  have  an  opportunity  of  seeing  you  here,  at  the 
place  where  the  first  fire  was  kindled,  that  we  might  rake  up  the 
old  ashes,  and  not  suffer  it  to  be  extinguished,  but  renew  the  old  cove¬ 
nant  chain,  and  make  it  shine  with  brighter  lustre. 

“  Brothers  : — We  are  happy  to  find  from  your  speech,  that  you 
still  retain  that  affection  for  us  which  a  well-founded  friendship 
will  naturally  produce,  and  which  we  hope,  from  our  conduct  toward 
you,  is  not  unmerited  ;  and  we  rejoice  to  find  that  you  feel  for  our 
distresses,  and  lament  the  unnatural  quarrel  of  brethren,  which  you 
express  so  warmly  by  a  desire  of  an  amicable  settlement. 

“  Brothers  : — Time  will  not  permit  us,  at  present,  to  mention 
to  you,  how,  and  on  what  occasion,  the  first  covenant  was  made  be¬ 
tween  you  and  our  forefathers.  They  had  never  deserted  you, 
but  kept  their  covenants  and  agreements  with  you,  nor  do  we  mean 
to  act  otherwise  on  our  part. 

“  Brothers  : — This  covenant,  afterwards  improved  upon,  was 
confirmed  between  you  and  us  in  the  year  1665,  one  year  after  this 
country  went  over  to  the  crown  of  England.  Since  this,  you  have 
from  time  to  time  admitted  into  your  chain,  the  Tuscaroras,  and 
most,  if  not  all,  the  twelve  United  Colonies. 

“  Brothers  : — There  are  five  gentlemen  commissioners,  appointed 
by  the  twelve  United  Colonies,  at  the  grand  council  in  Philadelphia  ; 
and  the  management  of  public  affairs  in  the  Indian  department  now 
belongs  to  them.  These  gentlemen  have  informed  you  of  the  nature 
of  the  dispute  between  Great  Britain  and  this  country  ;  and  testi* 
fied  their  desire  of  keeping  up  the  council  fire  between  us. 

62 


xxviii 


APPENDIX. 


“Brothers: — We  know  it  is  customary,  at  the  renewal  of  any 
covenants  between  us,  that  a  present  should  follow  ;  we  now  make 
it  known  to  you,  that  the  goods  you  will  receive  of  the  commission¬ 
ers  of  the  twelve  United  Colonies  are  partly  ours  ;  we  pay  our  pro¬ 
portionable  part  toward  them,  so  that  what  you  receive  of  them  is 
from  us  also.  We  are  the  same.  There  is  no  distinction. 

“  Brothers  : — If  our  memory  do  not  fail  us,  we  think  that  when 
we  invited  two  or  three  of  each  of  our  brethren  of  the  Six  Nations 
to  come  down  here,  we  also  desired  that  you  would  acquaint  us  of 
what  had  passed  in  the  congress  held  at  Oswego  (which  as  yet  we 
know  nothing  of.)  You  say,  indeed,  you  are  glad  we  are  peaceably 
inclined  as  well  as  Col.  Johnson  ;  but  you  have  told  us  nothing  else 
of  what  had  passed  there,  which  we  had  expected,  and  do  wish  that 
our  brothers  conceal  nothing  from  us,  especially  as  you  called  God 
to  witness  for  the  truth  of  what  you  said. 

“  Brothers  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  you,  the  Mohawks  in 
particular  : — We  apprehend  the  bird  Tsklelele  has  been  busy 
again.  He  seems  to  be  a  mischievous  bird,  and  ought  not  to  be 
nourished  or  entertained.  In  your  answer  to  the  commissioners 
you  addressed  yourselves  to  the  inhabitants  of  Albany,  complaining 
that  they  had  taken  from  you  two  peices  of  land  without  giving  you 
the  value  of  a  pipe  of  tobacco  for  them  ;  and  that  you  desired  they 
would  restore  you  to  the  peaceable  possession  of  them,  and  that  the 
commissioners  would  look  into  this  matter  and  afford  you  relief. 
The  land  you  speak  of  we  suppose  to  be  Ticonderoga. 

“  Brothers  : — This  is  a  matter  foreign  to  the  business  we  met 
upon,  (and  we  are  not  authorised  nor  qualified  to  enter  upon  the 
subject,  it  is  a  business  that  belongs  to  the  corporation  of  Albany) 
yet  as  we  may  be  considered  the  representatives  of  the  people  at 
large,  our  entire  silence  may  be  construed  into  guilt  of  the  heavy 
charge  fixed  upon  us.  For  your  satisfaction  as  well  as  of  the  au¬ 
dience,  we  will  endeavor  to  show  by  a  few  remarks  that  the  accu¬ 
sation  is  groundless.  The  lands  alluded  to  are  granted  by  the  char¬ 
ter  of  Albany.  We  never  heard  that  any  of  your  nation  have  been 
dispossessed  or  driven  off  those  lands ;  but  you  hitherto  have  and 
still  enjoy  those  lands  without  the  least  intert'uption. 

“  Brothers  : — As  we  observed  before,  the  matter  cannot  pro¬ 
perly  come  before  us,  but  belongs  to  another  body ;  and  therefore 
the  application  to  us  is  improper.  However,  give  us  leave  to  say, 
that,  instead  of  complaining,  we  think  the  Mohawks,  if  they  con¬ 
sidered  their  own  interest  and  that  of  their  posterity,  and  would  be 
candid,  must  acknowledge  the  truth  of  the  fact,  and  rejoice  at  this 


APPENDIX. 


xxix 


day,  that  they  have  had  such  faithful  guardians  and  trustees,  for  if 
it  had  not  been  so,  who  would  have  enjoyed  those  lands  now  1  There 
have  been  complaints  concerning  this  matter  before,  and  inquiries 
into  it  before  proper  tribunals  ;  and  for  your  information,  and  that 
of  the  curious,  we  refer  to  the  proceedings  of  the  House  of  Assembly 
of  this  Colony,  and  also  to  the  minutes  taken  on  a  conference  be¬ 
tween  the  corporation  of  this  city  and  yourselves,  at  which  Sir 
William  Johnson  was  present,  and  therefore  return  you  the  belt. 

After  consultation,  the  Indians  returned  the  following  answer  by 
Abraham,  chief  of  the  Mohawks  : — 

“  Brothers  of  Albany  : — We  return  you  thanks  for  your 
speech,  and  that  you  have  informed  us  that  the  twelve  United  Co¬ 
lonies  by  their  commissioners,  have  opened  all  the  roads ;  and  we 
now  take  it  for  granted  that  the  communications  at  Fort  Stanwix  are 
not  to  be  shut  up,  and  that  the  New  England  people  never  will  do 
it.  This,  Brethren,  has  been  the  occasion  of  some  anxiety  in  the 
minds  of  the  Six  Nations. 

“  Brothers  of  the  Six  Nations,  attend  ;  You  also  the  people 
of  Albany,  and  you  the  twelve  United  Colonies  by  your  commission¬ 
ers  : — Last  spring  Col.  Johnson  informed  us  that  the  New  Eng¬ 
land  people  were  near  him  to  take  him  prisoner.  Upon  which  we, 
like  people  intoxicated,  took  up  our  guns  and  ran  to  assist  him,  as 
he  was  our  superintendent.  But,  Brethren,  as  it  happened  in  the 
manner  before  mentioned,  we  hope  you  will  look  upon  it  in  that 
light.  We,  the  Six  Nations,  have  now  made  and  renewed  our  an- 
cient  covenants.  The  proceedings  just  now  mentioned  have 
brought  me  down.  I  have  made  a  proper  acknowledgment  to  the 
Six  Nations,  and  now  do  the  same  to  you,  and  I  hope  you  will  raise 
me  up  again.  The  news  I  was  just  speaking  of,  came  not  from  a 
bird,  but  from  your  own  people. 

“  Brothers  of  Albany,  farther  attend  : — I  shall  only  make 
a  short  reply  to  your  speech  relating  to  the  lands.  Many  agreeable 
things  are  therein.  You  farther  say,  that  you  never  heard  that  any 
of  us  were  driven  from  those  lands.  There  is  one  thing  which  is  not 
so  agreeable.  It  is  the  Tskleleli.  You,  Brothers,  know  how  that 
matter  is,  and  in  case  I  was  to  answer  that  part  of  your  speech,  it 
might  perhaps  draw  us  into  an  argument ; — and  as  you  are  not,  as 
you  say,  the  proper  body  to  which  we  ought  to  have  applied,  and  as 
you  have  referred  us  to  former  proceedings,  we  shall  close. 

Brothers  of  Albany  : — We  the  Six  Nations  now  tell  you,  that 
it  is  at  your  pleasure  to  call  on  us,  and  we  will  inform  you  of  what 
passed  in  the  congress  at  Oswego. 


XXX 


APPENDIX. 


Taking  the  hint  that  the  Indians  would  say  nothing  except  in 
due  form,  the  chairman  of  the  committee  immediately  said  : — 

“  Brothers  of  the  Six  Nations  : — We  are  now  ready  to  hear 
it,  and  should  be  glad  you  would  inform  us.” 

The  Mohawk  chief  then  proceeded  : — 

“  Brothers  of  Albany  : — You  sent  for  us  to  inform  you  of 
what  passed  at  Oswego  ; — -but  you  have  not,  since  we  have  been 
down,  desired  it.  We  have  been  always  ready ;  and  as  you  have 
now  asked  us,  we  will  now  tell  you,  and  think  it  our  duty,  as  we 
look  upon  it  that  God  will  punish  us  should  we  conceal  any  thing 
from  you. 

u  Brothers  : — The  transactions  of  that  treaty  were  very  public. 
The  Shawanese  were  there,  and  some  from  Detroit.  Mr.  Jonnson 
told  us,  that  the  fire  kindled  there  was  a  fire  of  peace,  that  all  the 
white  people  were  the  king’s  subjects,  and  that  it  seemed  they  were 
intoxicated.  Mr.  Johnson  also  told  us,  that  the  white  people  were 
all  got  drunk,  and  that  God’s  judgment  hung  over  them,  but  did  not 
know  on  which  side  it  would  fall.  Mr.  Johnson  farther  told  us, 
that  the  council-fire  was  kindled  on  account  of  the  present  dispute, 
and  desired  us  not  to  interfere,  as  they  were  Brothers,  and  begged  us 
to  sit  still  and  maintain  peace.  This  is  what  Colonel  Johnson  told 
us  at  that  council-fire.  He  also  said  he  had  his  eye  on  Mr. 
Kirkland  ;  that  he  was  gone  to  Philadelphia  and  along  the  sea- 
coast  ;  that  he  was  become  a  great  soldier  and  a  leader.  Is  this 
your  minister?  says  he.  Do  you  think  your  minister  minds  your 
souls  ?  No,  by  the  time  he  comes  to  Philadelphia,  he  will  be  a 
great  warrior,  and  when  he  returns  he  will  be  the  chief  of  all  the 
Five  Nations. 

“  Brothers  : — There  were  present  five  people  of  Detroit,  five 
from  Caughnawaga,  and  two  of  the  Shawanese.  Col.  Johnson 
told  them,  that  by  the  time  he  returned  from  Canada,  they  should 
have  all  their  men  there,  and  he  would  then  kindle  a  council-fire  ; 
and  he  would  also  desire  them  not  to  take  any  part  in  this  dispute, 
as  it  was  a  quarrel  between  brothers.  Mr.  Johnson  also  told  them 
that  this  council-fire  was  kindled  upon  peace,  and  that  it  seemed, 
by  reason  of  the  white  people’s  intoxication,  that  God’s  judgment 
hung  over  them.  He  also  told  us  that  he  was  going  to  the  Go. 
vernor  of  Canada,  who  was  of  a  different  opinion  from  him,  but 
would  talk  with  him ;  and  he  farther  said  that  he  would  tell  the 
Caughnawaga  Indians  the  same  he  told  us,  and  for  that  purpose  de¬ 
sired  that  two  of  each  nation  might  go  along,  and  hear  it.  He 
likewise  desired  us  to  consider  which  way  we  would  have  our  trade, 


APPENDIX. 


XXXI 


whether  up  this  river,  or  from  Canada.  He  at  the  same  time  as- 
sured  11s,  that  we  should  not  suffer  for  want  of  goods,  as  we  were 
not  concerned,  nor  had  any  hand  in  the  present  dispute.  He  also 
mentioned  something  about  the  council-fires.  He  said  there  are 
two  fires  which  you  shall  keep  your  eyes  upon,  and  if  they  call  you 
down  to  Albany,  do  not  you  go,  for  they  will  deceive  you,  and  tell  you 
a  great  many  fine  stories.  We  are  very  glad  that  your  language 
and  Col.  Johnson’s  so  well  agrees.” 

Thus  ended  this  grand  council  with  the  Six  Nations,  and  the 
last  council  ever  held  at  Albany,  with  the  great  aboriginal  confe¬ 
deracy  which  has  been  denominated  the  Roman  Republic  of  the 
Indian  world. 


No.  III. 

[Reference  from  Page  231.] 

By  Barry  St.  Leger,  Esq,., 

Commander-in-chief  of  a  chosen  body  of  troops  from  the  grand 
army,  as  well  as  an  extensive  corps  of  Indian  allies  from  all  the  na¬ 
tions,  &c.  &c. 

The  forces  entrusted  to  my  command  are  designed  to  act  in 
concert,  and  upon  a  common  principle,  with  the  numerous  armies 
and  fleets  which  already  display,  in  every  quarter  of  America,  the 
power,  justice,  and,  when  properly  sought,  the  mercy  of  the  King. 

The  cause  in  which  the  British  arms  are  thus  exerted,  applies  to 
the  most  affecting  interest  of  the  human  heart,  and  the  military  ser¬ 
vants  of  the  Crown,  at  first  called  forth  for  the  sole  purpose  of  re¬ 
storing  the  rights  of  the  constitution,  now  combine  with  love  of 
their  country  and  duty  to  their  sovereign,  the  other  extensive  in¬ 
citements  which  spring  from  a  due  sense  of  the  general  privileges 
of  mankind.  To  the  eyes  and  ears  of  the  temperate  part  of  the 
public,  and  to  the  breast  of  suffering  thousands  in  the  provinces,  be 
the  melancholy  appeal,  whether  the  present  unnatural  rebellion  has 
not  been  made  a  foundation  for  the  completest  system  of  tyranny 
that  ever  God  in  his  displeasure  suffered  for  a  time  to  be  exercised 
over  a  froward  and  stubborn  generation.  Arbitrary  imprisonment, 
confiscation  of  property,  persecution  and  torture  unprecedented  in 
the  inquisitions  of  the  Romish  Church,  are  among  the  palpable 
enormities  that  verify  the  affirmative.  These  are  inflicted  by  As- 


xxxii 


APPENDIX. 


semblies  and  Committees,  who  dare  to  profess  themselves  friends 
to  liberty,  upon  the  most  quiet  subjects,  without  distinction  of  age 
or  sex,  for  the  sole  crime,  often  for  the  sole  suspicion,  of  having  ad- 
hered  in  principle  to  the  government  under  which  they  were  born, 
and  to  which  by  every  tie,  divine  and  human,  they  owe  allegiance. 
To  consummate  these  shocking  proceedings,  the  profanation  of  re¬ 
ligion  is  added  to  the  most  profligate  prostitution  of  common  rea¬ 
son  ;  the  consciences  of  men  are  set  at  nought ;  and  multitudes  are 
compelled,  not  only  to  bear  arms,  but  also  to  swear  subjection  to  an 
usurpation  they  abhor. 

Animated  by  these  considerations  ;  at  the  head  of  troops  in  the 
full  powers  of  health,  discipline  and  valor,  determined  to  strike 
when  necessary,  and  anxious  to  spare  when  possible  ;  I  by  these  pre¬ 
sents  invite  and  exhort  all  persons,  in  all  places  where  the  progress 
of  this  army  may  point,  and  by  the  blessing  of  God  I  will  extend  it 
far,  to  maintain  such  a  conduct  as  may  justify  me  in  protecting 
their  lands,  habitations,  and  families.  The  intention  of  this  ad¬ 
dress  is  to  hold  forth  security,  not  depredation,  to  the  country. 

To  those  whom  spirit  and  principle  may  induce  to  partake  the 
glorious  task  of  redeeming  their  countrymen  from  dungeons,  and  re¬ 
establishing  the  blessings  of  legal  government,  I  offer  encourage¬ 
ment  and  employment ;  and  upon  the  first  intelligence  of  their  asso¬ 
ciations,  I  will  find  means  to  assist  their  undertakings.  The  domes¬ 
tic,  the  industrious,  the  infirm,  and  even  the  timid  inhabitants,  I  am 
desirous  to  protect,  provided  they  remain  quietly  at  their  houses ; 
that  they  do  not  suffer  their  cattle  to  be  removed,  nor  their  corn  or 
forage  to  be  secreted  or  destroyed  ;  that  they  do  not  break  up  their 
bridges  or  roads ;  nor  by  any  other  acts,  directly  or  indirectly,  en¬ 
deavor  to  obstruct  the  operations  of  the  king’s  troops,  or  supply  or 
assist  those  of  the  enemy. 

Every  species  of  provision  brought  to  my  camp  will  be  paid  for 
at  an  equitable  rate  and  in  solid  coin.  If,  notwithstanding  these 
endeavors  and  sincere  inclinations  to  effect  them,  the  frenzy  of 
hostility  should  remain,  I  trust  I  shall  stand  acquitted  in  the  eyes 
of  God  and  man,  in  denouncing  and  executing  the  vengeance  of  the 
State  against  the  wilful  outcasts.  The  messengers  of  justice  and  of 
wrath  await  them  in  the  field,  and  devastation,  famine,  and  every 
concomitant  horror  that  a  reluctant  but  indispensable  prosecution 
of  military  duty  must  occasion,  will  bar  the  way  to  their  return. 

Barry  St.  Leger. 

By  order  of  the  Commander-in-chief, 

Will.  Osb.  Hamilton,  Secretary. 


APPENDIX. 


XXXIII 


No.  IV. 

[Reference  from  Page  241.] 

The  fury  and  cruelty  of  the  Indians  and  Tories  at  and  imme¬ 
diately  after  the  battle  of  Oriskany,  is  strongly  set  forth  in  the  fol¬ 
lowing  affidavit,  the  original  of  which  is  now  in  the  office  of  the 
Secretary  of  State,  Albany.  Dr.  Younglove  died  about  fifteen 
years  since  in  the  city  of  Hudson.  He  was  known  to  the  author 
as  a  respectable  man,  though  of  strong  feelings  and  prejudices. 
Any  statement  of  this  kind,  from  a  man  of  his  temperament,  would 
be  likely  to  receive  a  strong  coloring,  without,  however,  any  de¬ 
signed  misstatement  of  facts. 

“  Moses  Younglove,  Surgeon  of  General  Herkimer’s  brigade  of  mi¬ 
litia,  deposeth  and  saith,  that  being  in  the  battle  of  said  militia 
above  Oriskany  on  the  6th  of  August  last,  toward  the  close  of  said 
battle  he  surrendered  himself  a  prisoner  to  a  savage,  who  imme¬ 
diately  gave  him  up  to  a  sergeant  of  Sir  John  Johnson’s  regiment ; 
soon  after  which,  a  Lieutenant  in  the  Indian  department  came  up 
in  company  with  several  other  tories,  when  said  Mr.  Grinnis  by 
name,  drew  his  tomahawk  at  this  deponent,  and  with  a  deal  of  per¬ 
suasion  was  hardly  prevailed  on  to  spare  his  life.  He  then  plun¬ 
dered  him  of  his  watch,  buckles,  spurs,  &c.  ;  and  other  tories  fol¬ 
lowing  his  example,  stripped  him  almost  naked  with  a  great  many 
threats,  while  they  were  stripping  and  massacreing  prisoners  on 
every  side.  That  this  deponent,  on  being  brought  before  Mr.  But¬ 
ler,  Sen.  who  demanded  of  him  what  he  was  fighting  for  ;  to  which 
this  deponent  answered,  “  he  fought  for  the  liberty  that  God  and 
Nature  gave  him,  and  to  defend  himself  and  dearest  connexions 
from  the  massacre  of  savages.”  To  which  Butler  replied,  “  you 
are  a  damned  impudent  rebel and  so  saying,  immediately  turned 
to  the  savages,  encouraging  them  to  kill  him,  and  if  they  did  not, 
the  deponent  and  the  other  prisoners  should  be  hanged  on  a  gal¬ 
lows  then  preparing.  That  several  prisoners  were  then  taken  for¬ 
ward  toward  the  enemy’s  head-quarters  with  frequent  scenes  of 
horror  and  massacre,  in  which  tories  were  active  as  well  as  sa¬ 
vages  ;  and  in  particular  one  Davis,  formerly  known  in  Tryon 
County  on  the  Mohawk  river.  That  Lieut.  Singleton,  of  Sir  John 
Johnson’s  regiment,  being  wounded,  entreated  the  savages  to  kill 


XXXIV 


APPENDIX. 


the  prisoners,  which  they  accordingly  did,  as  nigh  as  this  deponent 
can  judge,  about  six  or  seven. 

,  “  That  Isaac  Paris,  Esq.,  was  also  taken  the  same  road,  without 
receiving  from  them  any  remarkable  insult  except  stripping,  until 
some  tories  came  up,  who  kicked  and  abused  him  ;  after  which  the 
savages,  thinking  him  a  notable  offender,  murdered  him  barbarous, 
ly.  That  those  of  the  prisoners  who  were  delivered  up  to  the  pro. 
vost  guards,  were  kept  without  victuals  for  many  days,  and  had 
neither  clothes,  blankets,  shelter,  nor  fire  ;  while  the  guards  were 
ordered  not  to  use  any  violence  in  protecting  the  prisoners  from 
the  savages,  who  came  every  day  in  large  companies  with  knives, 
feeling  of  the  prisoners,  to  know  who  were  fattest.  That  they 
dragged  one  of  the  prisoners  out  of  the  guard  w’ith  the  most  lament¬ 
able  cries  ;  tortured  him  for  along  time  ;  and  this  deponent  was  in. 
formed,  by  both  tories  and  Indians,  that  they  ate  him,  as  appears 
they  did  another  on  an  island  in  Lake  Ontario,  by  bones  found 
there  nearly  picked,  just  after  they  had  crossed  the  lake  with  the 
prisoners.  That  the  prisoners  who  were  not  delivered  up,  were 
murdered  in  considerable  numbers  from  day  to  day  round  the  camp, 
some  of  them  so  nigh  that  their  shrieks  were  heard.  That  Capt. 
Martin,  of  the  batteaux-men,  was  delivered  to  the  Indians  at  Oswe¬ 
go,  on  pretence  of  his  having  kept  back  some  useful  intelligence. 
That  this  deponent  during  his  imprisonment,  and  his  fellows,  were 
kept  almost  starved  for  provisions  ;  and  what  they  drew,  were  of  the 
worst  kind,  such  as  spoiled  flour,  biscuit  full  of  maggots,  and  mouldy, 
and  no  soap  allowed,  or  other  method  of  keeping  clean ;  and  were 
insulted,  struck,  &c.  without  mercy  by  the  guards,  without  any 
provocation  given.  That  this  deponent  Mas  informed  by  several 
sergeants  orderly  on  Gen.  St.  Leger,  that  twenty  dollars  were  of¬ 
fered  in  general  orders  for  every  American  scalp. 

MOSES  YOUNGLOVE. 

JOHN  BARCLAY, 

Chairman  of  Albany  Committee .” 


No.  V. 

[Reference  froji  Page  249.] 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  letter  addressed  to  Colonel  Ganse- 
voort,  while  under  duress  in  the  camp  of  General  St.  Leger,  by 
Colonel  Bellinger  and  Major  Frey  : — « 


APPENDIX. 


XXXV 


“  9  o'clock  P.  M. — Camp  before  Fort  Stanmix,  i 

6th  August ,  1777.  \ 

“  Sir, 

“  It  is  with  concern  we  are  to  acquaint  you  that  this  was  the 
fatal  day  in  which  the  succors,  which  were  intended  for  your 
relief,  have  been  attacked  and  defeated,  with  great  loss  of  numbers 
killed,  wounded,  and  taken  prisoners.  Our  regard  for  your  safety 
and  lives,  and  our  sincere  advice  to  you  is,  if  you  will  avoid  inevi¬ 
table  ruin  and  destruction,  to  surrender  the  fort  you  pretend  to  de¬ 
fend  against  a  formidable  body  of  troops  and  a  good  train  of  artil¬ 
lery,  which  we  are  witnesses  of :  when,  at  the  same  time,  you  have 
no  farther  support  or  relief  to  expect.  We  are  sorry  to  inform  you 
that  most  of  the  principal  officers  are  killed  ;  to  wit — Gen.  Herki¬ 
mer,  Colonels  Cox,  Seeber,  Isaac  Paris,  Captain  Graves,  and  many 
others  too  tedious  to  mention.  The  British  army  from  Canada 
being  now  perhaps  before  Albany,  the  possession  of  which  place  of 
course  includes  the  conquest  of  the  Mohawk  river  and  this  fort.” 

The  following  endorsement  is  on  the  back  of  this  letter.  “  Gen. 
St.  Leger,  on  the  day  of  the  date  of  this  letter,  made  a  verbal  sum¬ 
mons  of  the  fort  by  his  Adjutant  General  and  Colonel  Butler,  and 
who  then  handed  this  letter  ;  when  Colonel  Gansevoort  refused  any 
answer  to  a  verbal  summons,  unless  made  by  General  St.  Legei? 
himself,  but  at  the  mouth  of  his  cannon.” 

[In  repaid  to  the  battle  of  Oriskanv,  to  which  the  preceding  note  refers,  the  author 
has  received  an  interesting  anecdote  from  Mr.  John  S.  Gfuackenboss,  of  Montgomery 
county,  which  would  have  formed  a  page  in  the  chapter  containing  an  account  of 
that  battle  had  it  come  to  hand  in  season.  The  father  of  the  author’s  correspondent, 
Abraham  D.  Gfuackenboss,  resided  in  the  Mohawk  country  on  the  south  side  of  the' 
river,  at  the  breaking  out  of  the  war.  Living  as  it  were  among  the  Indians,  he  spoke 
their  language  as  well  as  he  did  his  own.  Among  them  he  had  a  friend,  named 
Bronkahorse — who,  though  an  Indian,  had  been  his  playmate,  and  they  had  served 
in  the  French  war  together  under  Sir  William  Johnson.  When  the  revolutionary 
troubles  came  on,  Bronkahorse  called  upon  Gfuackenboss,  and  endeavored  to  per¬ 
suade  him  to  espouse  the  cause  of  the  King — assuring  him  that  their  Great  Father 
could  never  be  conquered.  Gfuackenboss  refused,  and  they  parted — the  Indian, 
however,  assuring  him  that  they  were  parting  as  friends,  although,  since  they  had 
fought  in  one  war  together,  he  had  hoped  they  might  do  so  in  the  other.  Mr.  Gf .  saw 
no  more  of  his  friend  until  the  battle  of  Oriskany.  During  the  thickest  of  the  fight, 
he  heard  his  name  called,  in  the  well-known  voice  of  Bronkahorse,  from  behind  a 
large  tree  near  by.  He  was  himself  sheltered  by  a  tree  ;  but  in  looking  out  for  the1 
warrior,  he  saw  bis  Indian  friend.  The  latter  now  importuned  Gfuackenboss  to  sur¬ 
render,  assuring  him  of  kind  treatment  and  protection,  but  also  assuring  him  that 
unless  he  did  so,  he  would  inevitably  be  killed.  Gfuackenboss  refused,  and  the  In¬ 
dian  thereupon  attempted  to  kill  him.  For  a  moment  they  watched  each  other,  each 
endeavoring  to  obtain  the  first  and  best  chance  of  a  shot.  The  Indian  at  length  fired, 
and  his  ball  struck  the  tree,  but  had  nearly  been  fatal.  Springing  from  his  covert 
upon  the  Indian,  Gfuackenboss  then  fired,  and  his  friend  Bronkahorse  fell  dead  on 
the  spot.  It  was  the  belief  of  Mr.  Gfuackenboss  that  the  loss  of  the  enemy  during 
that  battle  equalled  that  of  Herkimer’s  command.  The  latter  suffered  the  most  se¬ 
verely  in  the  early  part  of  the  engagement — the  enemy  in  the  latter  part.] 


xxxvi 


APPENDIX. 


No.  VI. 

[Reference  from  Page  252.] 

“  Camp  before  Fort  Siamcix,  August  9,  1777 

“  Sir, 

“  Agreeable  to  your  wishes,  I  have  the  honor  to  give  you  on  pa¬ 
per,  the  message  of  yesterday,  though  I  cannot  conceive,  explicit 
and  humane  as  it  was,  how  it  could  admit  of  more  than  one  con- 
struction.  After  the  defeat  of  the  reinforcement  and  the  fate  of 
all  your  principal  leaders,  in  which,  naturally,  you  built  your 
hopes ;  and  having  the  strongest  reason  from  verbal  intelligence, 
and  the  matter  contained  in  the  letters  which  fell  into  my  hands, 
and  knowing  thoroughly  the  situation  of  General  Burgoyne’s  army, 
to  be  confident  you  are  without  resource — in  my  fears  and  tenderness 
for  your  personal  safety  from  the  hands  of  Indians  enraged  for  the 
loss  of  some  of  their  principal  and  most  favourite  leaders — I  called  to 
council  the  chiefs  of  all  the  nations ;  and  after  having  used  every 
method  that  humanity  could  suggest  to  soften  their  minds,  and  lead 
them  patiently  to  bear  their  own  losses  by  reflecting  on  the  irre¬ 
trievable  misfortune  of  their  enemies,  I  at  last  labored  the  point 
my  humanity  wished  for  ;  which  the  chiefs  assured  me  of  the  next 
morning,  after  a  consultation  with  each  nation,  that  evening,  at 
their  fire-places.  Their  answer,  in  its  fullest  extent,  they  insisted 
should  be  carried  by  Col.  Butler,  which  he  has  given  in  the  most 
categorical  manner.  You  are  well  acquainted  that  Indians  never 
send  messages  without  accompanying  them  with  menaces  on  non- 
compliance,  that  a  civilized  enemy  would  never  think  of  doing ; 
you  may  rest  assured,  therefore,  that  no  insult  was  meant  to  be  of¬ 
fered  to  your  situation,  by  the  king’s  servants,  in  the  message  they 
peremptorily  demanded  to  be  carried  by  Col.  Butler. 

“  I  am  now  to  repeat  what  has  been  told  you  by  my  Adjutant  Ge¬ 
neral ;  ‘That  provided  you  will  deliver  up  your  garrison,  with 
every  thing  as  it  stood  at  the  moment  the  first  message  was  sent, 
your  people  shall  be  treated  with  every  attention  that  a  humane 
and  generous  enemy  can  give.’ 

“  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir, 

“  Your  most  obedient,  humble  Servant, 

“  Barry  St,  Leger, 

“  Brig.  Gen.  of  his  Majesty’s  forces.” 


APFENDIX. 


XXXVll 


“  P.  S. — I  expect  an  immediate  answer,  as  the  Indians  are  ex- 
tremely  impatient ;  and  if  this  proposal  is  rejected,  I  am  afraid  it 
will  be  attended  with  very  fatal  consequences,  not  only  to  you  and 
your  garrison,  but  the  whole  country  down  the  Mohawk  river — 
such  consequences  as  will  be  very  repugnant  to  my  sentiments  of 
humanity,  but  after  this  entirely  out  of  my  power  to  prevent. 

“  Barry  St.  Leger.” 

“  Coe.  Gansevoort,  commanding  Fort  Stanwix.” 


No.  VII. 

[Reference  from  Page  253.] 

“  Camp  before  Fort  Stanwix  J  August  13,  1777. 

“  To  the  Inhabitants  of  Tryon  County. 

“  Notwithstanding  the  many  and  great  injuries  we  have  re¬ 
ceived  in  person  and  property  at  your  hands,  and  being  at  the  head 
of  victorious  troops,  we  most  ardently  wish  to  have  peace  restored 
to  this  once  happy  country ;  to  obtain  which,  we  are  willing  and 
desirous,  upon  a  proper  submission  on  your  parts,  to  bury  in  obli¬ 
vion  all  that  is  past,  and  hope  that  you  are,  or  will  be,  convinced  in 
the  end  that  we  were  your  jlfcmds  and  good  advisers,  and  not  such 
wicked,  designing  men,  as  those  who  led  you  into  error,  and  almost 
total  ruin.  You  have,  no  doubt,  great  reason  to  dread  the  resent¬ 
ment  of  the  Indians,  on  account  of  the  loss  they  sustained  in  the 
late  action,  and  the  mulish  obstinacy  of  your  troops  in  this  gar¬ 
rison,  who  have  no  resource  but  in  themselves  ;  for  which  reasons 
the  Indians  declare,  that  if  they  do  not  surrender  the  garrison  with¬ 
out  further  opposition,  they  will  put  every  soul  to  death, — not  only 
the  garrison,  but  the  whole  country, — without  any  regard  to  age,  sex, 
or  friends ;  for  which  reason  it  is  become  your  indispensable  duty, 
as  you  must  answer  the  consequences,  to  send  a  deputation  of 
your  principal  people,  to  oblige  them  immediately  to  what,  in  a 
very  little  time,  they  must  be  forced, — the  surrender  of  the  garrison  ; 
in  which  case  we  will  engage,  on  the  faith  of  Christians,  to  protect 
you  from  the  violence  of  the  Indians. 

Surrounded  as  you  are  by  victorious  armies,  one  half  (if  not  the 
greater  part)  of  the  inhabitants  friends  to  government,  without  any 


XXXVlll 


APPENDIX. 


resource,  surely  you  cannot  hesitate  a  moment  to  accept  the  terms 
proposed  to  you  by  friends  and  well-wishers  to  the  country. 

«  John  Johnson,  \ 

D.  W.  Claus,  >  Superintendents. 

John  Butler,  ) 


No.  VIII. 

[Reference  from  Page  256.] 

'•  By  the  Hon.  Benedict  Arnold,  Esq.  Major-general  and  Com¬ 
mander-in-chief  of  the  army  of  the  United  States  of  America  on  the 

Mohawk  River. 

“  Whereas  a  certain  Barry  St.  Leger,  a  Brigadier-general  in 
the  service  of  George  of  Great  Britain,  at  the  head  of  a  ban. 
ditti  of  robbers,  murderers,  and  traitors,  composed  of  savages  of 
America,  and  more  savage  Britons,  (among  whom  is  the  noted  Sir 
John  Johnson,  John  Butler,  and  Daniel  Claus,)  have  lately  appeared 
in  the  frontiers  of  this  State,  and  have  threatened  ruin  and  destruc¬ 
tion  to  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States.  They  have  also, 
by  artifice  and  misrepresentation,  induced  many  of  the  ignorant  and 
unwary  subjects  of  these  States  to  forfeit  their  allegiance  to  the 
same,  and  join  with  them  in  their  atrocious  crimes,  and  parties  of 
treachery  and  parricide. 

“  Humanity  to  those  poor  deluded  wretches,  who  are  hastening 
blindfold  to  destruction,  induces  me  to  offer  them,  and  all  others 
concerned,  (whether  Savages,  Germans,  Americans,  or  Britons,) 
pardon,  provided  they  do,  within  ten  days  from  the  date  hereof, 
come  in  and  lay  down  their  arms,  sue  for  protection,  and  swear  al- 
legiance  to  the  United  States  of  America. 

“  But  if,  still  blind  to  their  own  interest  and  safety,  they  obsti. 
nately  persist  in  their  wicked  courses,  determined  to  draw  on  them¬ 
selves  the  just  vengeance  of  heaven  and  of  this  exasperated  coun¬ 
try,  they  must  expect  no  mercy  from  either. 

“  B.  Arnold,  M.  G. 

“  Given  under  my  hand ,  Head-quarters,  German  Flatts,  20th 
August,  1777.” 


APPENDIX. 


XXXIX 


No.  IX. 


[Reference  from  Page  274.] 

Extracts  from  Mad.  de  RiedeseVs  account  of  her  Residence  in  America. 

When  the  army  broke  up,  on  the  11th  of  September,  1777,  I  was 
at  first  told  that  I  must  remain  behind  ;  but  on  my  repeated  en¬ 
treaties,  and  as  other  ladies  had  been  permitted  to  follow  the  army, 
the  same  indulgence  was  extended  to  me.  We  advanced  by  short 
journeys,  and  went  through  many  toils ;  yet  I  would  have  pur¬ 
chased  at  any  price  the  privilege  thus  granted  to  me  of  seeing  daily 
my  husband.  I  had  sent  back  my  baggage,  and  only  kept  a  small 
bundle  of  summer  dresses.  In  the  beginning,  all  went  well ;  we 
thought  that  there  was  little  doubt  of  our  being  successful,  and  of 
reaching  “  the  promised  land  and  when,  on  the  passage  across  the 
Hudson,  general  Burgoyne  exclaimed,  “  Britons  never  retrograde,” 
our  spirits  rose  mightily.  I  observed,  however,  with  surprise,  that  the 
wives  of  the  officers  were  beforehand  informed  of  all  the  military 
plans ;  and  I  was  so  much  the  more  struck  with  it,  as  I  remembered 
with  how  much  secresy  all  dispositions  were  made  in  the  armies  of 
Duke  Ferdinand  during  the  seven-years’  war.*  Thus  the  Ameri¬ 
cans  anticipated  our  movements,  and  expected  us  wherever  we  ar¬ 
rived  :  and  this  of  course  injured  our  affairs.  On  the  19th  of 
September,  an  action  took  place,  which  ended  to  our  advantage  ; 
but  we  were,  in  consequence,  obliged  to  halt  at  a  place  called  Free¬ 
man’s  Farm.  I  witnessed  the  whole  action,  and  knowing  that  my 
husband  was  among  the  combatants,  I  was  full  of  anxiety  and  care, 
and  trembled  at  every  shot — and  nothing  escaped  my  ear.  I  saw 
a  great  number  of  wounded,  and,  what  was  still  worse,  three  of  them 
were  brought  into  the  house  where  I  was.  One  of  them  was  a  Ma¬ 
jor  Harnage,  whose  wife  was  with  us ;  the  second,  a  lieutenant, 

*  Lieutenant  Auburey  made  a  similar  remark  when  the  army  was  yet  in  Cana¬ 
da:  “  We  have  more  dangerous  enemies  at  home  than  any  we  have  to  encounter 
abroad ;  for  all  the  transactions  that  are  to  take  place,  are  publicly  known  long 
before  they  are  officially  given  out  in  orders ;  and  I  make  no  doubt  but  you  will  be 
as  much  surprised  as  the  General  (Burgoyne)  was,  when  I  tell  you  that  the  whole 
operations  of  the  ensuing  campaign  were  canvassed  for  several  days  before  he  ar¬ 
rived,  who,  no  doubt,  supposed,  that  in  giving  out  his  orders,  he  was  communicating 
an  entire  secret.” — [Montreal,  May  20th,  1777.  Vol.  1,  p.  203.] 

Great  secresy,  observes  the  same  writer,  was,  on  the  contrary,  observed  in  the 
American  army. 


xl 


APPENDIX. 


whose  wife  was  of  our  acquaintance ;  and  the  third,  a  young  Eng¬ 
lish  officer  called  Young.  The  Major  occupied,  with  his  wife,  a 
room  close  by  to  that  where  I  was.  He  had  received  a  shot  through 
his  body,  and  suffered  exquisite  pains.  A  few  days  after  our  ar¬ 
rival,  I  heard  groans  in  another  room,  and  was  told  that  the  young 
officer,  whom  I  have  just  mentioned,  was  lying  there,  and  that  his 
recovery  was  very  doubtful.  I  took  much  interest  in  him,  as  a  fa¬ 
mily  of  his  name  had  shown  me  great  kindness  during  my  stay  in 
England.  He  expressed  a  great  desire  to  see  his  benefactress,  for 
so  he  called  me.  1  went  into  his  room,  and  found  him  on  a  thin 
bed  of  straw,  for  he  had  lost  his  whole  baggage.  He  was  eighteen 
or  nineteen  years  old,  an  only  son,  and  the  nephew  of  the  same  Mr. 
Young  I  had  known  in  England.  He  lamented  for  his  parents’ 
sake,  but  said  nothing  of  his  sufferings.  He  had  lost  much  blood, 
and  the  surgeon  advised  him  to  submit  to  the  amputation  of  his 
wounded  leg ;  but  he  would  not  consent  to  it,  though  the  limb  had 
become  gangrenous.  I  sent  him  pillows  and  blankets,  and  my  maids 
gave  him  their  mattress.  I  took  more  and  more  care  of  him,  and 
visited  him  daily  ;  for  which  he  thanked  me  a  thousand  times.  At 
last  the  amputation  took  place ;  but  it  was  too  late,  and  he  died  a 
few  days  afterwards.  My  room  being  close  to  his,  and  the  walls 
Very  thin,  1  heard  his  last  moans. 

I  occupied  a  tolerably  good  house,  and  had  a  large  room.  The 
door  and  the  wainscot  were  of  cedar,  a  sort  of  wood  which  is  found 
in  abundance  here  :  insects  are  driven  away  by  the  smell  of  it 
when  it  is  burned,  and  it  is  often  used  for  that  purpose ;  but  some 
people  believe  that  the  smoke  of  it  is  injurious  to  the  nerves,  and 
principally  to  females  in  certain  situations. 

For  our  farther  march,  I  had  caused  a  calash  to  be  made  for  me, 
in  which  I  could  take,  not  only  my  children,  but  also  my  two  fe¬ 
male  attendants :  and  thus  I  followed  the  army  in  the  midst  of  the 
troops,  who  were  in  great  spirits,  and  sang  and  longed  for  victory. 
We  marched  through  endless  forests,  and  a  beautiful  district, 
though  deserted  by  the  inhabitants,  who  ran  away  at  our  approach 
to  reinforce  General  Gates’s  army.  They  are  naturally  soldiers  and 
excellent  marksmen,  and  the  idea  of  fighting  for  their  country  and 
their  liberty  increased  their  innate  courage.  My  husband  was  en¬ 
camped  with  the  rest  of  the  army  :  being  myself  an  hour’s  ride  be¬ 
hind  the  army,  I  went  every  morning  to  pay  him  a  visit  in  the 
camp,  and  sometimes  I  dined  there  with  him,  but  generally  he  took 
his  dinner  in  my  quarters.  There  were  daily  skirmishes  with  the 
enemy,  generally  of  little  importance.  But  my  husband  could  never 


APPENDIX. 


xli 


sleep  without  his  clothes.  The  weather  having  already  grown  rough¬ 
er,  Colonel  Williams  of  the  artillery  thought  our  mutual  visits  were 
rather  too  fatiguing  for  us,  and  proposed  to  have  a  house  built  for 
me  with  a  chimney,  which  should  not  cost  more  than  five  or  six 
guineas,  and  which  I  could  uninterruptedly  inhabit.  I  accepted  of 
his  offer  ;  and  the  building,  which  was  to  be  about  twenty  feet 
square,  was  begun.  Such  a  dwelling  is  called  a  block-house,  for 
which  logs  nearly  of  equal  diameter  are  put  together  ;  and  if  the 
interstices  are  filled  up  with  clay,  it  is  not  only  very  solid,  but  very 
warm.  I  was  to  take  possession  of  it  on  the  next  day :  and  I  re¬ 
joiced  in  it  the  more,  as  the  nights  were  damp  and  cold,  and  it  being 
close  to  the  camp,  my  husband  would  be  able  to  be  with  me.  But 
all  at  once,  on  the  7th  of  October,  he  marched  away  with  the 
whole  staff,  and  then  our  misfortunes  began.  While  breakfasting 
with  my  husband,  I  heard  that  something  was  under  contemplation. 
General  Fraser,  and,  I  believe,  Generals  Burgoyne  and  Philips,  were 
to  dine  with  me  on  that  day.  I  remarked  much  movement  in  the 
camp.  My  husband  told  me  that  it  was  a  mere  reconnoissance ; 
and  as  this  was  frequent,  I  was  not  much  alarmed  at  it.  On  my 
way  homeward  I  met  a  number  of  Indians,  armed  with  guns,  and 
clad  in  their  war  dresses.  Having  asked  them  where  they  were 
going,  they  replied,  “  War,  war  by  which  they  meant  that  they  were 
about  to  fight.  This  made  me  very  uneasy,  and  I  had  scarcely  got 
home  before  I  heard  reports  of  guns  ;  and  soon  the  fire  became 
brisker,  till  at  last  the  noise  grew  dreadful,  upon  which  I  was  more 
dead  than  alive.  About  3  o’clock  in  the  afternoon,  instead  of 
guests  whom  I  had  expected  to  dine  with  me,  I  saw  one  of  them, 
poor  General  Fraser,  brought  upon  a  hand-barrow,  mortally  wound¬ 
ed.  The  table,  which  was  already  prepared  for  dinner,  was  imme¬ 
diately  removed,  and  a  bed  placed  in  its  stead  for  the  General.  I 
sat,  terrified  and  trembling,  in  a  corner.  The  noise  grew  more 
alarming,  and  I  was  in  a  continual  tremor  while  thinking  that  my 
husband  might  soon  also  be  brought  in,  wounded  like  General 
Fraser.  That  poor  General  said  to  the  surgeon,  “  tell  me  the  truth  : 
is  there  no  hope  ?”  His  wound  was  exactly  like  that  of  Major 
Harnage ;  the  ball  had  passed  through  his  body,  but,  unhappily  for 
the  General,  he  had  that  morning  eaten  a  full  breakfast,  by  which 
the  stomach  was  distended,  and  the  ball,  as  the  surgeon  remarked, 
passed  directly  through  it.  I  heard  often,  amidst  his  groans,  such 
words  as  these,  “  O  bad  ambition  !  poor  General  Burgoyne  !  poor  Mis¬ 
tress  Fraser .”  Prayers  were  read,  after  which  he  desired  that  Ge¬ 
neral  Burgoyne  should  be  requested  to  have  him  buried  the  next 


xlii 


APPENDIX. 


day,  at  six  o’clock  in  the  evening,  on  a  hill  where  a  breast-work  had 
been  constructed.  I  knew  not  what  to  do  :  the  entrance  and  all 
the  rooms  were  full  of  sick,  in  consequence  of  the  dysentery  which 
prevailed  in  the  camp.  At  length,  toward  evening,  my  husband 
came ;  and  from  that  moment  my  affliction  was  much  soothed,  and 
I  breathed  thanks  to  God.  He  dined  with  me  and  the  aids-de-camp 
in  great  haste,  in  an  open  space  in  the  rear  of  the  house.  We  poor 
females  had  been  told  that  our  troops  had  been  victorious  ;  but  I 
well  saw,  by  the  melancholy  countenance  of  my  husband,  that  it 
was  quite  the  contrary.  On  going  away,  he  took  me  aside  to  tell 
me  every  thing  went  badly,  and  that  I  should  prepare  myself  to  de¬ 
part,  but  without  saying  any  thing  to  any  body.  Under  the  pre¬ 
tence  of  removing  the  next  day  to  my  new  lodgings,  I  ordered  the 
baggage  to  be  packed  up.  Lady  Ackland’s  tent  was  near  ours. 
She  slept  there,  and  spent  the  day  in  the  camp.  On  a  sudden  she 
received  news  that  her  husband  was  mortally  wounded  and  taken 
prisoner.  She  was  much  distressed ;  we  endeavored  to  persuade 
her  that  the  wound  was  not  so  dangerous,  but  advised  her  to  ask 
permission  to  join  her  husband,  to  take  care  of  him  in  his  sickness. 
She  was  much  attached  to  him,  though  he  was  rude  and  intempe¬ 
rate  ;  yet  he  was  a  good  officer.  She  was  a  lovely  woman.  I  di- 
vided  the  night  between  her  whom  I  wished  to  comfort,  and  my 
children  who  were  asleep,  but  who,  I  feared,  might  disturb  the  poor 
dying  General.  He  sent  me  several  messages  to  beg  my  pardon  for 
the  trouble  he  thought  he  gave  me.  About  3  o’clock  I  was  in¬ 
formed  that  he  could  not  live  much  longer,  and  as  I  did  not  wish  to 
be  present  at  his  last  struggle,  I  wrapped  my  children  in  blankets, 
and  retired  into  the  entrance  hall.  At  8  o’clock  in  the  morning  he 
expired. 

*  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  * 

Orders  had  already  been  issued  that  the  army  should  break  up 
immediately  after  the  funeral,  and  our  calashes  were  ready.  I  was 
unwilling  to  depart  sooner.  Major  Harnage,  though  hardly  able 
to  walk  a  step,  left  his  bed,  that  he  might  not  remain  in  the  hos¬ 
pital,  upon  which  a  flag  of  truce  Jiad  been  erected.  When  he  saw 
me  thus  in  the  midst  of  danger,  he  drove  my  children  and  female 
attendants  into  the  vehicle,  and  told  me  that  I  had  not  a  moment  to 
lose.  I  begged  to  be  permitted  to  remain  a  little  longer.  “  Do 
what  you  please,”  replied  he  ;  “  but  your  children  I  must  at  least 
save.”  This  touched  my  most  tender  feelings  :  I  sprang  into  the 
carriage,  and  at  8  o’clock  we  departed. 

Profound  silence  had  been  recommended  to  us ;  large  fires  were 


APPENDIX. 


xliii 


lighted,  and  many  tents  were  left  untouched,  to  conceal  our  move¬ 
ment  from  the  enemy.  We  proceeded  on  our  way  the  whole  night. 
Frederica  was  afraid,  and  began  to  cry  :  I  was  obliged  to  press  a 
handkerchief  to  her  mouth. 

We  were  halted  at  six  o’clock  in  the  morning,  to  our  general 
amazement.  General  Burgoyne  ordered  the  artillery  to  be  drawn  up 
in  a  line,  and  to  have  it  counted.  This  gave  much  dissatisfaction, 
as  a  few  marches  more  would  have  ensured  our  safety.  My  hus¬ 
band  was  exhausted  by  fatigue,  and  took  a  seat  in  the  calash,  where 
my  maids  made  room  for  him ;  and  he  slept  for  three  hours  upon 
my  shoulder.  In  the  mean  time  Captain  Willoe  brought  me  his 
pocket-book,  containing  bank  notes,  and  Captain  Geismar,  a  beauti¬ 
ful  watch,  a  ring,  and  a  well-provided  purse,  requesting  me  to  keep 
them,  which  I  promised  to  do  to  the  last.  At  length  we  recom¬ 
menced  our  march ;  but  scarcely  an  hour  had  elapsed  before  the 
army  was  again  halted,  because  the  enemy  was  in  sight.  They 
were  but  two  hundred  in  number,  who  came  to  reconnoitre,  and 
who  might  easily  have  been  taken  had  not  General  Burgoyne  lost 
all  his  presence  of  mind.  The  rain  fell  in  torrents.  Lady  Ack- 
land  had  caused  her  tent  to  be  fixed  up.  I  again  suggested  to  her 
the  propriety  of  rejoining  her  husband,  to  whom  she  might  be  of 
great  service  in  his  present  situation.  Yielding  to  my  advice,  she 
sent  a  message  to  General  Burgoyne,  through  his  aid-de-camp 
Lord  Petersham,  to  beg  his  permission  to  leave  the  army.  I  told 
her  that  she  need  only  insist  upon  it,  and  she  would  certainly  suc¬ 
ceed.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Brudenel  accompanied  her,  and  they  went 
together  in  a  boat,  with  a  flag  of  truce,  to  the  enemy.  There  is  a 
well-known  and  fine  engraving  of  that  event.  I  afterward  met 
with  lady  Ackland  at  Albany,  when  her  husband  was  almost 
entirely  recovered  ;  and  both  thanked  me  for  my  advice.  On  the 
9th,  it  rained  terribly  the  whole  day  ;  nevertheless  we  kept  our¬ 
selves  ready  to  march.  The  savages  had  lost  their  courage,  and 
they  walked  off  in  all  directions.  The  least  untoward  event  made 
them  dispirited,  especially  when  there  was  no  opportunity  for 
plunder. 

We  reached  Saratoga  about  dark,  which  was  but  half  an  hour’s 
march  from  the  place  where  we  had  spent  the  day.  I  was  quite 
wet,  and  was  obliged  to  remain  in  that  condition  for  want  of  a 
place  to  change  my  apparel.  I  seated  myself  near  the  fire,  and 
undressed  the  children,  and  we  then  laid  ourselves  upon  some  straw. 

I  asked  General  Phillips,  who  came  to  see  how  I  was,  why  we  did 

64 


xliv 


APPENDIX, 


not  continue  our  retreat,  my  husband  having  pledged  himself  to  co¬ 
ver  the  movement,  and  to  bring  off  the  army  in  safety.  “  My  poor 
lady,”  said  he,  “you  astonish  me.  Though  quite  wet,  you  have  so 
much  courage  as  to  wish  to  go  farther  in  this  weather.  What  a 
pity  it  is  that  you  are  not  our  commanding  general !  He  com¬ 
plains  of  fatigue,  and  has  determined  upon  spending  the  night  here, 
and  giving  us  a  supper.”  It  is  very  true  that  General  Burgoyne 
liked  to  make  himself  easy,  and  that  he  spent  half  his  nights  in 
singing  and  drinking,  and  diverting  himself  with  the  wife  of  a  com¬ 
missary,  who  was  his  mistress,  and  who  was  as  fond  of  Champaign 
as  himself.  I  refreshed  myself  at  7  o’clock  the  next  morning,  (the 
10th  of  October,)  with  a  cup  of  tea,  and  we  all  expected  that  we 
should  soon  continue  our  march.  General  Burgoyne  had  given 
orders  to  set  fire  to  General  Schuyler’s  fine  buildings  and  mills  at 
Saratoga,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  our  retreat.  An  English 
officer  brought  me  some  good  soup,  and  insisted  that  I  should  par¬ 
take  of  it.  After  this,  we  continued  our  march ;  but  only  for  a 
short  time.  There  was  much  misery  and  disorder  in  the  army. 
The  commissaries  had  forgotten  to  distribute  provisions,  though  we 
had  an  abundance  of  cattle.  I  saw  more  than  thirty  officers,  who 
complained  bitterly  of  hunger.  I  gave  them  coffee  and  tea,  and 
every  thing  eatable  that  I  had  in  my  calash. 

Our  calashes  remained  in  readiness  to  depart.  Every  body  ad¬ 
vised  a  retreat,  and  my  husband  pledged  himself  to  effect  that 
movement,  if  no  time  was  lost.  But  General  Burgoyne,  who  had 
been  promised  an  Order,  if  he  should  effect  his  junction  with  Ge¬ 
neral  Howe,  could  not  be  persuaded  to  it,  and  lost  every  thing  by 
his  dilatoriness.  About  2  o’clock  we  heard  again  a  report  of  mus¬ 
kets  and  cannon,  and  there  was  much  alarm  and  bustle  among  our 
troops.  My  husband  sent  me  word  that  I  should  immediately  re¬ 
tire  into  a  house  which  was  not  far  off.  I  got  into  my  calash  with 
my  children  ;  and  when  we  were  near  the  house,  I  saw,  on  the  oppo¬ 
site  bank  of  the  Hudson,  five  or  six  men,  who  aimed  at  us  with 
their  guns.  Without  knowing  what  I  did,  I  threw  my  children 
into  the  back  part  of  the  vehicle,  and  laid  myself  upon  them.  At 
the  same  moment  the  fellows  fired,  and  broke  the  arm  of  a  poor 
English  soldier,  who  stood  behind  us,  and  who,  being  already 
wounded,  sought  a  shelter.  Soon  after  our  arrival  a  terrible  can¬ 
nonade  began,  and  the  fire  was  principally  directed  against  the 
house,  where  we  had  hoped  to  find  a  refuge,  probably  because  the 
enemy  inferred,  from  the  great  number  of  people  who  went  towards  it, 


APPENDIX. 


xlv 


that  this  was  the  head-quarters  of  the  Generals,  while,  in  reality,  none 
were  there  except  women  and  crippled  soldiers.  We  were  at  last 
obliged  to  descend  into  the  cellar,  where  I  laid  myself  in  a  corner 
near  the  door.  My  children  put  their  heads  upon  my  knees.  An 
abominable  smell,  the  cries  of  the  children,  and  my  own  anguish  of 
mind,  did  not  permit  me  to  close  my  eyes  during  the  whole  night. 
On  the  next  morning  the  cannonade  begun  anew,  but  in  a  different 
direction.  I  advised  my  fellow-sufferers  to  withdraw,  for  a  while, 
from  the  cellar,  in  order  to  give  time  to  clean  it,  for  we  should 
otherwise  injure  our  health.  On  an  inspection  of  our  retreat,  I 
discovered  that  there  were  three  cellars,  spacious  and  well  vaulted. 
I  suggested  that  one  of  them  should  be  appropriated  to  the  use  of 
the  officers  who  were  most  severely  wounded,  the  next  to  the  fe¬ 
males,  and  the  third,  which  was  nearest  to  the  staircase,  to  all  the  rest 
of  the  company.  We  were  just  going  down,  when  a  new  thunder 
of  cannon  threw  us  again  into  alarm.  Many  persons,  who  had  no 
right  to  enter,  threw  themselves  against  the  door.  My  children 
were  already  at  the  bottom  of  the  staircase,  and  every  one  of  us 
would  probably  have  been  crushed  to  death,  had  I  not  put  myself 
before  the  entrance  and  resisted  the  intruders.  Eleven  cannon¬ 
balls  passed  through  the  house,  and  made  a  tremendous  noise.  A 
poor  soldier,  who  was  about  to  have  a  leg  amputated,  lost  the  other 
by  one  of  these  balls.  All  his  comrades  ran  away  at  that  moment, 
and  when  they  returned,  they  found  him  in  one  corner  of  the  room 
in  the  agonies  of  death.  I  was  myself  in  the  deepest  distress,  not 
so  much  on  account  of  my  own  dangers,  as  of  those  to  which  my 
husband  was  exposed,  who,  however,  frequently  sent  me  messages, 
inquiring  after  my  health.  Major  Harnage’s  wife,  a  Mrs.  Reynell, 
the  wife  of  the  good  lieutenant  who  had,  on  the  preceding  day, 
shared  his  soup  with  me,  the  wife  of  the  commissary,  and  myself, 
were  the  only  officers’  wives  at  present  with  the  army.  We  sat 
together,  deploring  our  situation,  when  somebody  having  entered, 
all  my  companions  exchanged  looks  of  deep  sorrow,  whispering  at 
the  same  time  to  one  another.  I  immediately  suspected  that  my 
husband  had  been  killed.  I  shrieked  aloud ;  but  was  immediately 
told  that  nothing  had  happened  to  my  husband,  and  was  given  to 
understand,  by  a  sidelong  glance,  that  the  Lieutenant  had  been 
killed.  His  wife  was  soon  called  out,  and  found  that  the  Lieu¬ 
tenant  was  yet  alive,  though  one  of  his  arms  had  been  shot  off, 
near  the  shoulder,  by  a  cannon-ball.  We  heard  his  groans  and  la- 
mentations  during  the  whole  night,  which  were  dreadfully  re-echoed 
through  the  vaulted  cellars ;  and  in  the  morning  he  expired.  My 


xlvi 


APPENDIX. 


husband  came  to  visit  me  during  the  night,  which  served  to  diminish 
my  sadness  and  dejection  in  some  degree.  On  the  next  morning 
we  thought  of  making  our  cellar  a  more  convenient  residence. 
Major  Harnage  and  his  wife,  and  Mrs.  Reynell,  took  possession  of 
one  corner,  and  transformed  it  into  a  kind  of  closet  by  means  of  a 
curtain.  I  was  also  to  have  a  similar  retreat  ;  but  I  preferred  to 
remain  near  the  door,  that  I  might  escape  more  easily  in  case  of 
fire.  I  had  straw  put  under  my  mattresses,  and  on  these  I  laid  myself 
with  my  children  ;  and  my  female  servants  slept  near  us.  Oppo¬ 
site  to  us  were  three  officers,  who,  though  wounded,  were  deter¬ 
mined  not  to  remain  behind  if  the  army  retreated.  One  of  them 
was  Captain  Green,  aid-de-camp  to  General  Phillips,  and  a  very 
amiable  and  worthy  gentleman.  All  three  swore  they  would  not 
depart  without  me  in  case  of  a  sudden  retreat,  and  that  each  of 
them  would  take  one  of  my  children  on  his  horse.  One  of  my  hus¬ 
band’s  horses  was  constantly  in  readiness  for  myself.  Mr.  de 
Riedesel  thought  often  of  sending  me  to  the  American  camp,  to 
save  me  from  danger ;  but  I  declared  that  nothing  would  be  more 
painful  to  me  than  to  live  on  good  terms  with  those  with  whom  he 
was  fighting ;  upon  which  he  consented  that  I  should  continue  to 
follow  the  army.  However,  the  apprehension  that  he  might  have 
marched  away  repeatedly  intruded  itself  into  my  mind;  and  I 
crept  up  the  staircase,  more  than  once,  to  confirm  or  dispel  my 
fears  ;  and  when  I  saw  our  soldiers  near  their  watch-fires,  I  became 
more  calm,  and  could  even  have  slept. 

********** 

The  want  of  water  continuing  to  distress  us,  we  could  not  but 
be  extremely  glad  to  find  a  soldier’s  wife  so  spirited  as  to  fetch 
some  from  the  river,  an  occupation  from  which  the  boldest  might 
have  shrunk,  as  the  Americans  shot  every  one  who  approached  it. 
They  told  us  afterwards  that  they  spared  her  on  account  of  her  sex. 

I  endeavored  to  dispel  my  melancholy,  by  continually  attending 
to  the  wounded.  I  made  them  tea  and  coffee,  for  which  I  received 
their  warmest  acknowledgments.  I  often  shared  my  dinner  with 
them.  One  day  a  Canadian  officer  came  creeping  into  our  cellar, 
and  was  hardly  able  to  say  that  he  was  dying  with  hunger.  I  felt 
happy  to  offer  him  my  dinner,  by  eating  which  he  recovered  his 
health  and  I  gained  his  friendship.  On  our  return  to  Canada  I 
became  acquainted  with  his  family. 

I  also  took  care  of  Major  Bloomfield,  who  was  wounded  by  a 
musket-ball,  which  passed  through  both  his  cheeks,  knocked  out  his 
ieeth  and  injured  his  tongue.  He  could  retain  nothing  in  his 


APPENDIX. 


xlvii 


mouth,  and  soup  and  liquids  were  his  only  nourishment.  Fortu¬ 
nately  we  had  some  Rhenish  wine,  and  in  the  hope  that  the  acidity 
would  contribute  to  heal  his  wound,  I  gave  him  a  bottle,  of  which 
he  took  a  little  now  and  then,  and  with  such  effect  that  he  was 
soon  cured.  I  thus  acquired  a  new  friend,  and  enjoyed  some  hap¬ 
piness  in  the  midst  of  cares  and  sufferings,  which  otherwise  would 
have  weighed  heavily  upon  my  spirits.  On  one  of  these  mournful 
days,  General  Phillips,  wishing  to  pay  me  a  visit,  accompanied  my 
husband,  who  came  once  or  twice  daily,  at  the  risk  of  his  life  ;  and 
seeing  our  situation,  and  observing  the  entreaties  I  made  to  my 
husband  not  to  be  left  behind,  in  case  the  army  should  suddenly 
break  up,  and  my  reluctance  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  tne  enemy, 
he  plead  my  cause,  and  said,  on  retiring  “  I  would  not,  for  ten 
thousand  guineas,  see  this  place  again.  I  am  heart-broken  with 
what  I  have  seen.” 

All  our  companions,  however,  did  not  deserve  so  much  commise¬ 
ration.  We  had  some  in  our  cellars  who  ought  not  to  have  been 
there,  and  who  afterwards,  when  we  were  prisoners,  were  in  per¬ 
fect  health,  and  walked  about  quite  erect,  and  strutted  as  much  as 
they  could.  We  remained  six  days  in  this  doleful  retreat.  At  last  a 
capitulation  was  talked  of,  in  consequence  of  having  lost,  by  useless 
delays,  the  opportunity  of  effecting  our  retreat.  A  cessation  of 
hostilities  took  place,  and  my  husband,  who  was  quite  exhausted  by 
fatigue,  could  now,  for  the  first  time,  sleep  quietly  in  a  little  cham¬ 
ber,  while  I  retired  with  my  children  and  the  maid-servants  into 
the  adjoining  room.  Towards  one  o’clock  a  person  came  and  asked 
to  speak  with  him.  I  was  very  reluctant  to  awaken  him  at  that 
hour  of  the  night ;  and  I  soon  observed  that  the  errand  did  not 
much  please  him,  for  he  immediately  sent  the  messenger  back  to 
the  head-quarters,  and  laid  himself  down  again,  out  of  humor. 
Soon  after  this  General  Burgoyne  sent  for  all  the  Generals  and 
field-officers  to  attend  a  council  of  war  early  next  morning,  when 
he  proposed  to  break  the  capitulation,  in  consequence  of  some 
groundless  information  he  had  received.  It  was,  however,  decided 
that  this  step  was  neither  advisable  nor  practicable ;  and  this  deter¬ 
mination  was  very  fortunate  for  us,  as  the  Americans  told  us  after¬ 
wards,  that,  had  we  broken  the  treaty,  we  should  all  have  been  cut 
to  pieces.  This  they  could  easily  have  done,  as  our  army  was  re¬ 
duced  to  four  or  five  thousand  men,  while  we  had  given  them  time 
to  raise  theirs  to  twenty  thousand.  On  the  morning  of  the  16th, 
however,  my  husband  was  obliged  to  repair  to  his  post,  and  I  to  my 
cellar. 


xlviii 


APPENDIX. 


On  the  17th  of  October  the  capitulation  was  carried  into  effect. 
The  Generals  waited  upon  the  American  General  Gates,  and  the 
troops  surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war,  and  laid  down  their 
arms.  The  time  had  now  come  for  the  good  woman,  who  had  risked 
her  life  to  supply  us  with  water,  to  receive  the  reward  of  her  ser¬ 
vices.  Each  of  us  threw  a  handful  of  money  into  her  apron  ;  and 
she  thus  received  more  than  twenty  guineas.  At  such  a  moment  at 

least,  if  at  no  other,  the  heart  easily  overflows  with  gratitude. 
********** 

When  I  drew  near  the  tents,  a  good-looking  man  advanced  to¬ 
wards  me,  and  helped  the  children  from  the  calash,  and  kissed  and 
caressed  them ;  he  then  offered  me  his  arm,  and  tears  trembled  in 
his  eyes.  “  You  tremble,”  said  he;  “do  not  be  alarmed,  I  pray 
you.”  “  Sir,”  cried  I,  “a  countenance  so  expressive  of  benevo¬ 
lence,  and  the  kindness  which  you  have  evinced  towards  my  chil¬ 
dren,  are  sufficient  to  dispel  all  apprehension.”  He  then  ushered 
me  into  the  tent  of  General  Gates,  whom  I  found  engaged  in  friend¬ 
ly  conversation  with  Generals  Burgoyne  and  Phillips.  General 
Burgoyne  said  to  me :  “  You  can  now  be  quiet,  and  free  from  all 
apprehension  of  danger.”  I  replied  that  I  should  indeed  be  repre¬ 
hensible  if  I  felt  any  anxiety  when  our  General  felt  none,  and  was 
on  such  friendly  terms  with  General  Gates. 

All  the  Generals  remained  to  dine  with  General  Gates.  The 
gentleman  who  had  received  me  with  so  much  kindness,  came  and 
said  to  me,  “  You  may  find  it  embarrassing  to  be  the  only  lady  in 
such  a  large  company  of  gentlemen  ;  will  you  come  with  your  chil¬ 
dren  to  my  tent,  and  partake  of  a  frugal  dinner,  offered  with  the 
best  will  ?”  “  By  the  kindness  you  show  to  me,”  returned  I,  “  you 

induce  me  to  believe  that  you  have  a  wife  and  children.”  He  in- 
formed  me  that  he  was  General  Schuyler.  He  regaled  me  with 
smoked  tongues,  which  were  excellent,  with  beefsteaks,  potatoes, 
fresh  butter,  and  bread.  Never  did  a  dinner  give  so  much  pleasure 
as  this.  I  was  easy,  after  many  months  of  anxiety  ;  and  I  read  the 
same  happy  change  in  those  around  me.  That  my  husband  was 
out  of  danger,  was  a  still  greater  cause  of  joy.  After  our  dinner, 
General  Schuyler  begged  me  to  pay  him  a  visit  at  his  house  near 
Albany,  where  he  expected  that  General  Burgoyne  would  also  be 
his  guest.  I  sent  to  ask  my  husband’s  directions,  who  advised  me 
to  accept  the  invitation.  As  we  were  two  days’  journey  from  Al¬ 
bany,  and  it  was  now  near  five  o’clock  in  the  afternoon,  he  wished 
me  to  endeavor  to  reach,  on  that  day,  a  place  distant  about  three 
hours  ride.  General  Schuyler  carried  his  civilities  so  far  as  to  so- 


APPENDIX. 


xlix 


licit  a  well-bred  French  officer  to  accompany  me  on  that  first  part 
of  my  journey. 

********** 

On  the  next  day,  we  reached  Albany,  where  we  had  so  often 
wished  ourselves ;  but  we  did  not  enter  that  city,  as  we  hoped 
we  should,  with  a  victorious  army.  The  reception,  however, 
which  we  met  with  from  General  Schuyler,  his  wife  and  daughters, 
was  not  like  the  reception  of  enemies,  but  of  the  most  intimate 
friends.  They  loaded  us  with  kindness  ;  and  they  behaved  in  the 
same  manner  towards  General  Burgoyne,  though  he  had  ordered 
their  splendid  establishment  to  be  burnt,  and  without  any  necessitjr 
as  it  was  said.  But  all  their  actions  proved,  that  at  the  sight  of 
the  misfortunes  of  others  they  quickly  forgot  their  own.  General 
Burgoyne  was  so  much  affected  by  this  generous  deportment,  that 
he  said  to  General  Schuyler,  “  You  are  too  kind  to  me,  who  have 
done  you  so  much  injury.”  “  Such  is  the  fate  of  war,”  replied  he  ; 
“let  us  not  dwell  on  this  subject.”  We  remained  three  days  with 
that  excellent  family,  and  they  seemed  to  regret  our  departure. 


The  following  account  of  a  visit  to  the  field  of  Saratoga,  on  the 
fiftieth  Anniversary  of  that  battle,  viz  :  October  17,  1827,  was 
written  immediately  afterward  for  the  use  of  the  author  of  the  pre¬ 
sent  work.  The  writer,  the  venerable  Samuel  Woodruff,  Esq.  of 
Windsor,  (Conn.)  it  need  not  be  added,  was  a  participator  in  the 
battle : — 


Windsor,  Conn.  Oct.  31,  1827. 

My  Dear  Sir, — 

You  may  remember  when  I  had  the  pleasure  to  dine  with  you 
at  New-York,  on  the  14th  inst.  I  had  set  out  on  a  tour  to  Saratoga, 
to  gratify  a  desire  I  felt,  and  which  had  long  been  increasing,  to 
view  the  battle-grounds  at  that  place,  and  the  spot  on  which  the 
royal  army  under  the  command  of  General  Burgoyne  surrender¬ 
ed  to  General  Gates  on  the  17th  of  October,  1777. 

I  thought  it  would  add  something  to  the  interest  of  that  view  to 
me,  to  be  there  on  the  17th,  exactly  half  a  century  after  that  me¬ 
morable  event  took  place.  You  will  excuse  me  for  entering  a  little 
into  the  feelings  of  Uncle  Toby  respecting  Dendermond,  in  the 
compressed  and  hastily  written  journal  I  kept  of  my  tour,  especially 
as  you  will  take  into  consideration  that  I  had  the  honor  to  serve 


I 


APPENDIX. 


as  a  volunteer  under  General  Gates  part  of  that  campaign,  and  was 
in  the  battle  of  the  7th  of  October. 

I  take  the  liberty  to  inclose  to  you  an  extract  of  that  part  of  my 
journal  which  embraces  the  principal  object  of  my  tour. 

Oct.  17th. — After  a  short  stop  in  Troy,  took  another  stage  for  Sa¬ 
ratoga  ; — at  Lansingburgh,  a  neat  and  handsome  village,  about  three 
miles  from  Troy,  crossed  the  Hudson  on  a  covered  bridge  of  ex¬ 
cellent  workmanship,  over  to  Waterford,  (Old  Half  Moon  Point,) 
another  rich  and  flourishing  village.  Arrived  at  Fish  creek  in  Sa¬ 
ratoga  at  half  past  2  P.  M.  through  a  beautiful,  well-cultivated  in¬ 
terval  of  alluvial  land  on  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson — every  thing 
from  Albany  to  this  place  wears  the  appearance  of  wealth  and 
comfort.  Put  up  at  Mr.  Barker’s  tavern.  After  dinner  viewed  the 
ruins  of  the  British  fortifications  and  head-quarters  ol  Gen.  Burgoyne. 
He  kept  his  quarters  for  several  days  at  a  house,  now  standing  and 
in  good  repair,  about  a  mile  north  of  Fish  creek,  on  the  west  side 
of  the  road,  owned  by  Mr.  Busher,  an  intelligent  farmer  about 
seventy-five  years  of  age.  While  Burgoyne  held  his  head-quarters 
at  this  house,  Baron  Reidesel,  of  the  royal  army,  obtained  leave  of 
the  Commander-in-chief  to  place  his  lady  the  Baroness  and  their 
three  small  children  under  the  same  protection ; — these  were  also 
accompanied  by  lady  Ackland  and  some  other  ladies,  wives  of 
British  officers.  At  that  time  some  of  the  American  troops  were 
stationed  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Hudson,  opposite  the  house, 
in  fair  view  of  it,  and  within  cannon-shot  distance.  Observ¬ 
ing  considerable  moving  of  persons  about  the  house,  the  Ameri¬ 
cans  supposed  it  the  rendezvous  of  the  British  officers,  and  com¬ 
menced  a  brisk  cannonade  upon  it.  Several  shot  struck  and  shat, 
tered  the  house.  The  Baroness  with  her  children  fled  into  the 
cellar  for  safety,  and  placed  herself  and  them  at  the  north-east 
corner,  where  they  were  well  protected  by  the  cellar  wall.  A  Bri¬ 
tish  surgeon  by  the  name  of  Jones,  having  his  leg  broken  by  a  can¬ 
non  ball,  was  at  this  time  brought  in,  and  laid  on  the  floor  of  the 
room  which  the  Baroness  and  the  other  ladies  had  just  left.  A 
cannon  ball  entered  the  house  near  the  north-east  corner  of  the 
room,  a  few  inches  above  the  floor,  and  passing  through,  broke  and 
mangled  the  other  leg  of  the  poor  surgeon.  Soon  after  this  he  ex¬ 
pired.  Mr.  Busher  very  civilly  conducted  me  into  the  room,  cellar, 
and  other  parts  of  the  house,  pointing  out  the  places  where  the  balls 
entered,  &c.  From  hence  I  proceeded  to,  and  viewed  with  very 
great  interest,  the  spot  where  Gen.  Burgoyne,  attended  by  his  staff, 
presented  his  sword  to  Gen.  Gates  ;  also,  the  ground  on  which  the 


APPENDIX. 


li 


arms,  &c.,  of  the  royal  army  were  stacked  and  piled.  This  memo¬ 
rable  place  is  situated  on  the  flat,  north  side  of  Fish  creek,  about 
forty  rods  west  of  its  entrance  into  the  Hudson,  and  through  which 
the  Champlain  canal  now  passes. 

Contiguous  to  this  spot  is  the  N.  W.  angle  of  old  Fort  Hardy,  a 
military  work  thrown  up  and  occupied  by  the  French,  under  Gen. 
Dieskau,  in  the  year  1755.  The  lines  of  intrenchment  embrace, 
as  I  should  judge,  about  fifteen  acres  of  ground.  The  outer  works 
yet  retain  the  appearance  of  a  strong  fortification,  bounded  south 
on  the  north  side  of  Fish  creek,  and  east  on  the  west  bank  of  the 
Hudson.  Human  bones,  fragments  of  fire-arms,  swords,  balls,  tools, 
implements,  broken  crockery,  &c.  &c.,  are  frequently  picked  up  on 
this  ground. 

In  excavating  the  earth  for  the  Champlain  canal,  which  passes  a 
few  rods  west  of  this  fort,  such  numbers  of  human  skeletons  were 
found  as  render  it  highly  probable  this  was  the  cemetery  of  the 
French  garrison. 

About  twenty  or  thirty  rods  west  of  the  aqueduct  for  the  canal 
over  Fish  creek,  stood  Gen.  Schuyler’s  mills,  which  were  burned  by 
order  of  Gen.  Burgoyne. 

Gen.  Schuyler’s  dwelling-house  also,  and  his  other  buildings, 
standing  on  a  beautiful  area  a  little  south-east  of  the  mills  on  the 
south  side  of  the  creek,  suffered  the  same  fate.  The  mills  have  been 
rebuilt  and  are  now  in  operation,  at  the  same  place  where  the 
former  stood.  The  grandson  of  Gen.  Schuyler  now  lives  in  a  house 
erected  on  the  scite  of  the  former  dwelling  of  his  father — a  covered 
bridge  across  the  creek  adjoining  the  mills. 

I  cannot,  in  this  place,  omit  some  short  notices  of  Gen.  P.  Schuy¬ 
ler.  It  seems  he  was  commander-in-chief  of  the  northern  army 
until  the  latter  part  of  August,  1777,  at  which  time  he  was  super¬ 
seded  by  Gen.  Gates. 

I  remember  at  that  time  there  was  some  excitement  in  the  public 
mind,  and  much  dissatisfaction  expressed  on  account  of  that  mea¬ 
sure  ;  and  with  my  limited  means  of  knowledge,  I  have  never  been 
able  to  learn  what  good  reason  induced  his  removal.  Few  men  in 
our  country  at  that  time  ranked  higher  than  Gen.  Schuyler  in  all  the 
essential  qualities  of  the  patriot,  the  gentleman,  the  soldier,  and  scho¬ 
lar.  True  to  the  cause  of  liberty,  he  made  sacrifices  which  few 
were  either  able  or  willing  to  bear.  The  nobility  of  soul  he  possess¬ 
ed,  distinguished  him  from  ordinary  men,  and  pointed  him  out  as 
■one  deserving  of  public  confidence. 

At  the  surrender  of  the  royal  army,  he  generously  invited  Gen. 

65 


lil 


APPENDIX. 


Burgoyne,  his  suite,  and  several  of  the  principal  officers,  with  their 
ladies,  to  his  house  at  Albany  ;  where,  at  his  own  expense,  he  fed 
and  lodged  them  for  two  or  three  weeks  with  the  kindest  hospitality. 

This  is  the  man,  who,  a  few  days  before,  had  suffered  immense 
loss  in  his  mills  and  other  buildings  at  Fish  creek,  burned  by  order 
of  the  same  Burgoyne  who  had  now  become  his  guest. 

Respecting  Gen.  Gates,  I  will  only  say ,  finis  coronet  opus. 

Oct.  18th. — At  7  A.  M.  started  on  foot  to  view  some  other  and 
equally  interesting  places  connected  with  the  campaign  of  1777. 
Three  miles  and  a  half  south  of  Fish  creek,  called  at  the  house  of  a 
Mr.  Smith,  in  which  Gen.  Fraser  died  of  wounds  received  in  the 
battle  of  the  7th  October,  and  near  which  house,  in  one  of  the  Bri¬ 
tish  redoubts,  that  officer  was  buried.  This  house  then  stood  by 
the  road  on  the  west  margin  of  the  intervale,  at  the  foot  of  the 
rising  ground.  A  turnpike  road  having  since  been  constructed, 
running  twenty  or  thirty  rods  east  of  the  old  road,  the  latter  has 
been  discontinued,  and  Mr.  Smith  has  drawn  the  house  and  placed 
it  on  the  west  side  of  the  turnpike. 

Waiving,  for  the  present,  any  farther  notices  of  this  spot,  I  shall 
attempt  a  concise  narrative  of  the  two  hostile  armies  for  a  short 
period  anterior  to  the  great  battle  of  the  7th  of  October. 

The  object  of  the  British  General  was  to  penetrate  as  far  as  Al¬ 
bany,  at  which  place,  by  concert,  he  was  to  meet  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
then  with  a  fleet  and  army  lying  at  New-York.  In  the  early  part  of 
September,  Gen.  Burgoyne  had  advanced  with  his  army  from  Fort 
Edward,  and  crossed  the  Hudson  with  his  artillery,  baggage  wag¬ 
gons,  &c.,  on  a  bridge  of  boats,  and  intrenched  the  troops  on  the 
highlands  in  Saratoga.  On  the  19th  of  September  they  left  their 
intrenchments,  and  moved  south  by  a  slow  and  cautious  march  to¬ 
ward  the  American  camp,  which  was  secured  by  a  line  of  intrench¬ 
ments  and  redoubts  on  Behmus’s  heights,  running  from  west  to  east 
about  half  a  mile  in  length,  terminating  at  the  east  end  on  the  west 
side  of  the  intervale. 

Upon  the  approach  of  the  royal  army,  the  American  forces  sal¬ 
lied  forth  from  their  camp,  and  met  the  British  about  a  mile  north 
of  the  American  lines.  A  severe  conflict  ensued,  and  many  brave 
officers  and  men  fell  on  both  sides.  The  ground  on  which  this  bat¬ 
tle  was  fought  was  principally  covered  with  standing  wood.  This 
circumstance  somewhat  embarrassed  the  British  troops  in  the  use 
of  their  field  artillery,  and  afforded  some  advantage  to  the  Ameri¬ 
cans,  particularly  the  riflemen  under  the  command  of  the  brave  Col. 
Morgan,  who  did  great  execution.  Night,  which  has  so  often  and 


APPENDIX. 


liii 


so  kindly  interposed  to  stop  the  carnage  of  conflicting  hosts,  put  an 
end  to  the  battle.  Neither  party  claimed  a  victory.  The  royal 
army  withdrew  in  the  night,  leaving  the  field  and  their  slain,  with 
some  of  their  wounded,  in  possession  of  the  Americans.  The  loss 
of  killed  and  wounded,  as  near  as  could  be  ascertained,  was,  on  the 
part  of  the  British,  600 ;  and  on  that  of  the  Americans,  about  350. 
The  bravery  and  firmness  of  the  American  forces  displayed  this 
day,  convinced  the  British  officers  of  the  difficulty,  if  not  utter  im¬ 
possibility  of  continuing  their  march  to  Albany.  The  season  for 
closing  the  campaign  in  that  northern  region  was  advancing — the 
American  army  was  daily  augmenting  by  militia,  volunteers,  and 
the  “  two  months  men,”  as  they  were  then  called.  The  fear  that 
the  two  royal  armies  might  effect  their  junction  at  Albany,  aroused 
the  neighboring  states  of  New  England,  and  drew  from  New  Hamp¬ 
shire,  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and  Vermont,  a  large  body  of 
determined  soldiers.  Baum’s  defeat  at  Bennington  had  inspired 
them  with  new  hopes  and  invigorated  their  spirits. 

Under  these  circumstances,  inauspicious  to  the  hostile  army,  the 
British  commander-in-chief  summoned  a  council  of  war ;  the  re¬ 
sult  of  which  was  to  attempt  a  retreat  across  the  Hudson  to  Fort 
Edward.  Gen.  Gates,  apprehending  the  probability  of  this  mea¬ 
sure,  seasonably  detached  a  portion  of  his  force  to  intercept  and  cut 
off  the  retreat,  should  that  be  attempted. 

Many  new  and  unexpected  difficulties  now  presented  themselves. 
The  boats  which  had  served  the  British  army  for  a  bridge,  being 
considered  by  them  as  of  no  further  use,  had  been  cut  loose,  and 
most  of  them  floated  down  the  river.  The  construction  of  rafts 
sufficient  for  conveying  over  their  artillery  and  heavy  baggage, 
would  be  attended  with  great  danger  as  well  as  loss  of  time.  The 
bridges  over  the  creeks  had  been  destroyed ;  great  quantities  of 
trees  had  been  felled  across  the  roads  by  order  of  the  American 
General ;  and  another  thing,  not  of  the  most  trifling  nature,  Fort 
Edward  was  already  in  possession  of  the  Americans.  In  this  per¬ 
plexing  dilemma  the  royal  army  found  themselves  completely  check - 
mated.  A  retreat,  however,  was  attempted,  but  soon  abandoned. 
Situated  as  they  now  were,  between  two  fires,  every  motion  they 
made  was  fraught  with  danger  and  loss.  They  retired  to  their  old 
entrenched  camp. 

Several  days  elapsed  without  any  very  active  operations  on  either 
side.  This  interval  of  time  was,  however,  improved  by  the  royal 
army  in  preparations  to  make  one  desperate  effort  to  force  the  line 
of  the  American  camp,  and  cut  their  way  through  on  their  march 


liv 


APPENDIX. 


to  Albany.  The  American  army  improved  the  meantime  in 
strengthening  their  outer  works,  arranging  their  forces,  and  placing 
the  Continentals  on  the  north  side  of  the  intrenchments,  where  va¬ 
liant  men  were  expected ;  thus  preparing  to  defend  every  point  of 
attack  ;  Morgan,  with  his  riflemen,  to  form  the  left  flank  in  the 
woods. 

During  these  few  days  of  “  dreadful  preparation,”  information 
daily  arrived  in  our  camp,  by  deserters  and  otherwise,  that  an  at¬ 
tack  would  soon  be  made  upon  the  line  of  our  intrenchments  at 
Behmus’s  heights,  near  the  head-quarters  of  Gen.  Gates. 

The  expected  conflict  awakened  great  anxiety  among  the  Ame¬ 
rican  troops,  but  abated  nothing  of  that  sterling  intrepidity  and 
firmness  which  they  had  uniformly  displayed  in  the  hour  of  danger  ; 
all  considered  that  the  expected  conflict  would  be  decisive  of  the 
campaign  at  least,  if  not  of  the  war  in  which  we  had  been  so  long 
engaged.  Immense  interests  were  at  stake.  Should  Gen.  Bur- 
goyne  succeed  in  marching  his  army  to  Albany,  Gen.  Clinton,  without 
any  considerable  difficulty,  would  there  join  him  with  another  pow¬ 
erful  English  army,  and  a  fleet  sufficient  to  command  the  Hudson 
from  thence  to  New-York.  Should  this  junction  of  force  take 
place,  all  the  states  east  of  the  Hudson  would  be  cut  off  from  all 
efficient  communication  with  the  western  and  southern  states. 

In  addition  to  this  there  were  other  considerations  of  the  deepest 
concern.  The  war  had  already  been  protracted  to  a  greater  length 
of  time  than  was  expected  on  either  side  at  the  commencement.  The 
resources  of  the  country,  which  were  at  first  but  comparatively  small 
in  respect  to  those  things  necessary  for  war,  began  to  fail ;  the 
term  of  enlistment  of  many  of  the  soldiers  had  expired. 

We  had  no  public  money,  and  no  government  to  guarantee  the 
payment  of  wages  to  the  officers  and  soldiers,  nor  to  those  who 
furnished  supplies  for  the  troops.  Under  these  discouraging  circum¬ 
stances  it  became  extremely  difficult  to  raise  recruits  for  the  army. 
During  the  year  1776  and  the  fore  part  of  ’77,  the  Americans  suffer¬ 
ed  greatly  by  sickness,  and  were  unsuccessful  in  almost  every  ren¬ 
contre  with  the  enemy.  Men’s  hearts,  even  the  stoutest,  began  to 
fail.  This  was  indeed  the  most  gloomy  period  of  the  war  of  the 
revolution. 

On  the  7th  of  October,  about  10  o’clock,  A.  M.  the  royal  army 
commenced  their  march,  and  formed  their  line  of  battle  on  our 
left,  near  Behmus’s  heights,  with  Gen.  Fraser  at  their  head.  Our 
pickets  were  driven  in  about  one  o’clock  P.  M.  and  were  followed 
by  the  British  troops  on  a  quick  march  to  within  fair  musket  shot 


APPENDIX. 


lv 


distance  of  the  line  of  our  entrenchments.  At  this  moment  com- 
menced  a  tremendous  discharge  of  cannon  and  musketry,  which 
was  returned  with  equal  spirit  by  the  Americans. 

For  thirty  or  forty  minutes  the  struggle  at  the  breastworks  was 
maintained  with  great  obstinacy.  Several  charges  with  fixed  bayo¬ 
nets  were  made  by  the  English  grenadiers  with  but  little  effect. 
Great  numbers  fell  on  both  sides.  The  ardor  of  this  bloody  con¬ 
flict  continued  for  some  time  without  any  apparent  advantage 
gained  by  either  party.  At  length,  however,  the  assailants  began 
to  give  way,  preserving  good  order  in  a  regular  but  slow  retreat — 
loading,  wheeling,  and  firing,  with  considerable  effect.  The  Ame¬ 
ricans  followed  up  the  advantage  they  had  gained,  by  a  brisk  and 
well-directed  fire  of  field-pieces  and  musketry.  Col.  Morgan  with 
his  riflemen  hung  upon  the  left  wing  of  the  retreating  enemy,  and 
galled  them  by  a  most  destructive  fire.  The  line  of  battle  now  be¬ 
came  extensive,  and  most  of  the  troops  of  both  armies  were  brought 
into  action.  The  principal  part  of  the  ground  on  which  this  hard 
day’s  work  was  done,  is  known  by  the  name  of  “  Freeman’s  farms.” 
It  was  then  covered  by  a  thin  growth  of  pitch-pine  wood  without 
under  brush,  excepting  one  lot  of  about  six  or  eight  acres,  which 
had  been  cleared  and  fenced.  On  this  spot  the  British  grenadiers, 
under  the  command  of  the  brave  Major  Ackland,  made  a  stand,  and 
brought  together  some  of  their  field  artillery  ;  this  little  field  soon 
became  literally  “  the  field  of  blood.”  These  grenadiers,  the  flower 
of  the  royal  army,  unaccustomed  to  yield  to  any  opposing  force  in 
fair  field,  fought  with  that  obstinate  spirit  which  borders  on  madness. 
Ackland  received  a  ball  through  both  legs,  which  rendered  him  unable 
to  walk  or  stand.  This  occurrence  hastened  the  retreat  of  the  grena¬ 
diers,  leaving  the  ground  thickly  strewed  with  their  dead  and  wounded. 

The  battle  was  continued  by  a  brisk  running  fire  until  dark.  The 
victory  was  complete ;  leaving  the  Americans  masters  of  the  field. 
Thus  ended  a  battle  of  the  highest  importance  in  its  consequences, 
and  which  added  great  lustre  to  the  American  arms.  I  have  seen 
no  official  account  of  the  numbers  killed  and  wounded ;  but  the  loss 
on  the  part  of  the  British  must  have  been  great,  and  that  on  the  part 
of  the  Americans  not  inconsiderable.  The  loss  of  general  officers  suf¬ 
fered  by  the  royal  army  was  peculiarly  severe.  But  to  return  to 
the  Smith  house.  I  made  known  to  the  Smith  family  the  object  of 
my  calling  upon  them ;  found  them  polite  and  intelligent,  and 
learned  from  them  many  interesting  particulars  respecting  the  bat¬ 
tle  of  the  7th  of  October.  For  several  days  previous  to  that  time 
Gen.  Burgoyne  had  made  that  house  his  head-quarters,  accompa- 


lvi 


APPENDIX. 


nied  by  several  general  officers  and  their  ladies,  among  whom  were 
Gen.  Fraser,  the  Baron  and  Baroness  Reidesel,  and  their  children. 

The  circumstances  attending  the  fall  of  this  gallant  officer  have 
presented  a  question  about  which  military  men  are  divided  in  opi¬ 
nion.  The  facts  seem  to  be  agreed,  that  soon  after  the  commence¬ 
ment  of  the  action,  Gen.  Arnold,  knowing  the  military  character 
and  efficiency  of  Gen.  Fraser,  and  observing  his  motions  in  leading 
and  conducting  the  attack,  said  to  Col.  Morgan,  “  that  officer  upon 
a  grey  horse  is  of  himself  a  host,  and  must  be  disposed  of.  Direct 
the  attention  of  some  of  the  sharp-shooters  among  your  riflemen  to 
him.”  Morgan,  nodding  his  assent  to  Arnold,  repaired  to  his  rifle¬ 
men,  and  made  known  to  them  the  hint  given  by  Arnold.  Imme¬ 
diately  upon  this,  the  crupper  of  the  grey  horse  was  cut  off  by  a 
rifle  bullet,  and  within  the  next  minute  another  passed  through  the 
horse’s  mane,  a  little  back  of  his  ears.  An  aid  of  Fraser  noticing 
this,  observed  to  him,  “  Sir,  it  is  evident  that  you  are  marked  out 
for  particular  aim  ;  would  it  not  be  prudent  for  you  to  retire  from 
this  place?”  Fraser  replied,  “my  duty  forbids  me  to  fly  from  dan¬ 
ger  ;”  and  immediately  received  a  bullet  through  his  body.  A  few 
greriadiers  were  detached  to  carry  him  to  the  Smith  house. 

Having  introduced  the  name  of  Arnold,  it  may  be  proper  to  note 
here,  that  although  he  had  no  regular  command  that  day,  he  volun¬ 
teered  his  service,  was  early  on  the  ground,  and  in  the  hottest  part 
of  the  struggle  at  the  redoubts.  He  behaved,  (as  I  then  thought,) 
more  like  a  madman  than  a  cool  and  discreet  officer.  Mounted  on 
a  brown  horse,  he  moved  incessantly  at  a  full  gallop  back  and  forth, 
until  he  received  a  wound  in  his  leg,  and  his  horse  was  shot  under 
him.  I  happened  to  be  near  him  when  he  fell,  and  assisted  in  get¬ 
ting  him  into  a  litter  to  be  carried  to  head-quarters. 

Late  in  the  evening  Gen.  Burgoyne  came  in,  and  a  tender  scene 
took  place  between  him  and  Fraser.  Gen.  Fraser  was  the  idol  of 
the  British  army,  and  the  officer  on  whom,  of  all  others,  Burgoyne 
placed  the  greatest  reliance.  He  languished  through  the  night,  and 
expired  at  8  o’clock  the  next  morning.  While  on  his  death-bed  he 
advised  Burgoyne,  without  delay,  to  propose  to  Gen.  Gates  terms 
of  capitulation,  and  prevent  the  further  effusion  of  blood  ;  that  the 
situation  of  his  army  was  now  hopeless  ;  they  could  neither  advance 
nor  retreat.  He  also  requested  that  he  might  be  buried  in  th e  great 
redoubt — his  body  to  be  borne  thither  between  sunset  and  dark,  by 
a  body  of  the  grenadiers,  without  parade  or  ceremony.  This  re¬ 
quest  was  strictly  complied  with. 

After  viewing  the  house  to  my  satisfaction,  I  walked  up  to  the 


APPENDIX. 


Ivii 


place  of  interment.  It  is  situated  on  an  elevated  piece  of  ground, 
commanding  an  extensive  view  of  the  Hudson,  and  a  great  length 
of  the  beautiful  interval  on  each  side  of  it.  I  was  alone ;  the 
weather  was  calm  and  serene.  Reflections  were  awakened  in  my 
mind  which  I  am  wholly  unable  to  describe.  Instead  of  the  bustle 
and  hum  of  the  camp,  and  confused  noise  of  the  battle  of  the  war¬ 
rior,  and  the  shouts  of  victory  which  I  here  witnessed  fifty  years 
ago,  all  was  now  silent  as  the  abodes  of  the  dead.  And  indeed  far, 
far  the  greatest  part  of  both  those  armies  who  were  then  in  active  life 
at  and  near  this  spot,  are  now  mouldering  in  their  graves,  like  that 
valiant  officer  whose  remains  are  under  my  feet, — “  their  memories 
and  their  names  lost,” — while  God,  in  his  merciful  Providence,  has 
preserved  my  life,  and  after  the  lapse  of  half  a  century  has  afforded 
me  an  opportunity  of  once  more  viewing  those  places  which  force 
upon  my  mind  many  interesting  recollections  of  my  youthful  days. 

Oct.  19th. — On  my  return  down  the  river  from  Albany  to  New- 
York,  in  the  steamboat  “North  America,”  I  had  leisure  and  oppor¬ 
tunity  for  reflecting  upon  the  immense  wealth  and  resources  of  the 
state  of  New-York — greater  I  believe,  at  this  time  than  that  of  any 
other  two  states  in  the  Union.  It  would  be  hazarding  nothing  to 
say,  that  this  single  state  possesses  more  physical  power,  and  more 
of  the  “  sinews  of  war,”  than  were  employed  by  the  whole  thirteen 
states  through  the  war  of  the  revolution.  This,  among  other  con¬ 
siderations,  led  me  to  the  reflection  how  honorable  it  would  be  to 
the  state,  and  how  deserving  of  the  occasion,  that  a  monument  be 
erected  at  or  near  the  place  where  the  royal  army  surrendered  by 
capitulation  on  the  17th  of  October,  1777,  in  commemoration  of  an 
event  so  important  in  our  national  history.  The  battle  of  the  7th 
of  October  may  be  considered,  in  its  effects  and  consequences,  as  the 
termination  of  the  war,  with  as  much  propriety  as  that  of  Bunker’s 
Hill  was  the  commencement  of  it. 

I  am,  Sir, 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

SAMUEL  WOODRUFF. 

William  L.  Stone,  Esq. 


end  OF  VOL.  i. 


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